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University  of  California. 


FROM  THE  LIBRARY   OF 

DR.    FRANCIS     LIEB.ER, 
Professor  of  History  and  Law  in  Columbia  College,  Now  York. 

THE  GIKT  OF 

MICHAEL    REESE,, 

Of  San  Francisco. 
1873. 


fcl/UI/IjKH.rUBLlSHKK 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE  ADMINISTRATION 


OP 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN: 

INCLUDING  HIS 

SPEECHES,  LETTERS,    ADDRESSES,    PROCLAMATIONS, 
AND  MESSAGES. 

WITH  A  PRELIMINARY  SKETCH  OF  HIS  LIFE. 
BY 

HENRY  J.  RAYMOND. 


NEW  YORK: 

J.   C.    DEEBY  &  N.   C.  MILLER, 

NO.   5  SPRUCE  STREET. 

1864. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1864, 
BY  DERBY  &  MILLER, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  tne 
Southern  District  of  New  York. 


O.  A.  ALVORD,  STEKEOTVrKB  AND  PKtKlEB. 


PREFACE. 


Tins  volume  does  not  profess  to  "be,  in  any  exact 
and  important  sense,  a  History  of  the  Administra 
tion  of  President  LINCOLN.  Such  a  work  would 
require  access  to  sources  of  information  which 
cannot,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  "be  open  to  the 
public  for  many  years  to  come. 

Its  object  is  merely  to  collect  and  collate  the 
speeches,  messages,  proclamations,  and  other  doc 
uments  in  which  the  President  has  embodied,  from 
tune  to  time,  his  sentiments  on  the  affairs  of  the 
Country,  and  set  forth  the  motiyes  which  have 
prompted  the  successive  acts  of  his  Administration. 
In  the  narrative  which  accompanies  these  papers 
the  writer  has  sought  only  to  record  the  circum 
stances  essential  to  an  appreciation  of  the  papers 
themselves,  and  not  by  any  means  to  give  a  com 
plete  history  of  the  events  by  which  this  momen 
tous  period  in  the  career  of  our  country  has  been 
i  narked. 


PEEFACE. 


If  the  public  shall  find  in  this  work  any  import 
ant  aid  in  forming  a  judgment  of  the  policy  "by 
which  President  LINCOLN  is  seeking  to  carry  the 
Nation  through  the  crisis  of  a  civil  war,  its  pur 
pose  will  have  "been  accomplished. 

H.  J.  B. 

NEW  YQBK,  May  5,  1864. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

SKETCH  OF  THE  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 13 

CpAPTER  I. 

From  the  Election,  November  6,  1860,  to  the  Inauguration,  March 

4,  1S61 53 

CHAPTER  II. 
From  Springfield  to  Washington 78 

CHAPTER  III. 
From  the  Inauguration  to  the  Meeting  of  Congress Ill 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Extra  Session  of  Congress,  and  the  Military  Events  of  the 

Summer  of  1861 138 

CHAPTER  Y. 

The  Regular  Session  of  Congress,  December.  1861. — The  Message. 

— Debates,  etc 165 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Military  Administration  of  1862. — The  President  and  General 

McClellan 220 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Congressional  Session  of  1862-63. — Message  of  the  President, 

;;nd  General  Action  of  the  Session . :••:•••   308 


6  CONTENTS. 

PAOB 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Arbitrary  Arrests. — The  Suspension  of  the  Writ  of  Habeas  Cor 
pus  339 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Military  Events  of  1863. — The  Rebel  Defeat  at  Gettysburg. — Fall 

of  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson 376 

CHAPTER  X. 
Political  Movements  in  Missouri. — The  State  Elections  of  1863 392 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Congress  of  1863-'64. — Message  of 'the  President. — Action  of 

the  Session .416 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Movements  towards  Reconstruction. — The  Rebellion  and  Labor. — 
The  President  on  Benevolent  Associations. — Advancing  Ac 
tion  concerning  the  Negro  Race .  449 

APPENDIX. 

General  Scott  and  General  McClellan 487 

A  Draft  urged  by  General  McClellan 490 

The  President's  Suggestion  for  an  Advance,  in  December,  1861 491 

The  Position  of  Kentucky 492 

The  President  to  General  McClellan 494 

INDEX  . .  495 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  was  born  on  the  12th  of  Feb 
ruary,  1809,  in  Hardin  county,  Kentucky.  His  early 
life,  like  that  of  most  of  the  great  men  whom  our 
country  has  produced,  was  spent  in  poverty  and  in 
toil.  At  seven  years  of  age  he  was  sent  to  school  to 
a  Mr.  Hazel,  carrying  with  him  an  old  copy  of  Dil- 
worth's  Spelling  Book,  one  of  the  three  books  that 
formed  the  family  library.  His  father  keenly  felt  the 
disadvantages  arising  from  his  own  lack  of  education, 
and  determined,  in  spite  of  difficulties  almost  incon 
ceivable,  to  give  his  son  better  facilities  for  study  than 
he  had  himself  enjoyed.  His  mother  was  a  Christian 
woman,  and  desired  earnestly  that  he  should  learn  to 
read  the  Bible. 

Thomas  Lincoln,  his  father,  finding  a  life  in  a  Slave 
State  a  most  unsatisfactory  one  for  himself,  and  pre 
senting  only  the  prospect  of  a  hopeless  struggle  in  the 
future  for  his  children,  determined  upon  removal,  and 
when  Abraham  was  in  the  eighth  year  of  his  age,  the 
plan  was  carried  into  execution.  The  old  home  was 
sold,  their  small  stock  of  valuables  placed  upon  a  raft, 
and  the  little  family  took  its  way  to  a  new  home  in 
the  wilds  of  Indiana,  where  free  labor  would  have  no 
competition  with  slave  labor,  and  the  poor  white  man 


14  LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

might  hope  that  in  time  his  children  could  take  an 
honorable  position,  won  by  industry  and  careful  econo 
my.  The  place  of  their  destination  was  Spencer  county, 
Indiana.  For  the  last  few  miles  they  were  obliged  to 
cut  their  road  as  they  went  on.  "  With  the  resolution 
of  veteran  pioneers  they  toiled,  sometimes  being  able 
to  pick  their  way  for  a  long  distance  without  chopping, 
and  then  coming  to  a  standstill  in  consequence  of  dense 
forests.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  they  were  obliged  to  cut 
a  road  so  much  of  the  way  that  several  days  were  em 
ployed  in  going  eighteen  miles.  It  was  a  difficult, 
wearisome,  trying  journey,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  often  said, 
that  he  never  passed  through  a  harder  experience  than 
he  did  in  going  from  Thompson's  Ferry  to  Spencer 
county,  Indiana." 

Thus,  before  he  was  eight  years  old,  Abraham  Lin 
coln  began  the  serious  business  of  life. '  Their  cabin 
was  built  of  logs,  and  even  the  aid  of  such  a  mere 
child  was  of  account  in  the  wilderness  where  they  now 
found  themselves,  after  seven  days  of  weary  travel. 
Their  neighbors,  none  of  whom  lived  nearer  than  two 
or  three  miles,  welcomed  the  strangers,  and  lent  a  hand 
towards  building  the  rude  dwelling  in  which  the  future 
President  lay  down,  after  fatiguing  but  healthful  toil, 
to  dream  the  dreams  of  childhood,  undisturbed  by 
thoughts  of  the  future. 

In  this  log-house,  consisting  of  a  room  below  and  a 
room  above,  furnished  by  Thomas  Lincoln  and  his 
son's  own  hands,  Abraham  passed  the  next  twelve 
years  of  his  life.  So  long  as  his  mother  lived,  she 
assisted  him  in  learning  to  read,  and  before  her  death, 
which  occurred  when  he  was  ten  years  of  age,  she  had 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  15 

the  satisfaction  of  seeing  him  read  that  Book  which  ho 
has  never  since  neglected. 

After  a  while  he  learned  to  write.  This  was  an 
accomplishment  which  some  of  the  friendly  neighbors 
thought  unnecessary,  but  his  father  quietly  persisted, 
and  the  boy  was  set  down  as  a  prodigy  when  he  wrote 
to  an  old  friend  of  his  mother's,  a  travelling  preacher, 
and  begged  him  to  come  and  preach  a  sermon  over  his 
mother's  grave.  Three  months  after,  Parson  Elkins 
came,  and  friends  assembled,  a  year  after  her  death,  to 
pay  a  last  tribute  of  respect  to  one  universally  beloved 
and  respected.  Her  son's  share  in  securing  the  pres 
ence  of  the  clergyman  was  not  unmentioned,  and  Abra 
ham  soon  found  himself  called  upon  to  write  letters  for 
his  neighbors. 

His  father  married  a  second  time  a  Mrs,  Sally  John 
ston,  who  proved  an  excellent  mother  to  her  step-son, 
and  who  now  survives  to  take  her  share  of  the  credit 
to  which  she  is  entitled  for  her  faithful  care.  In  the 
course  of  a  year  or  two  a  Mr.  Crawford,  one  of  the  set 
tlers,  opened  a  school  in  his  own  cabin,  and  Abraham's 
father  embraced  the  opportunity  to  send  him,  in  order 
that  he  might  add  some  knowledge  of  arithmetic  to 
his  reading  and  writing.  With  buckskin  clothes,  a 
raccoon  skin  cap,  and  an  old  arithmetic  which  had 
been  somewhere  found  for  him,  he  commenced  his 
studies  in  the  "higher  branches."  His  progress  was 
rapid,  and  his  perseverance  and  faithfulness  won  the 
interest  and  esteem  of  his  teacher. 

In  that  thinly  settled  country  a  book  was  a  great 
rarity,  but  whenever  Mr.  Lincoln  heard  of  one  he  en 
deavored  to  procure  it  for  Abraham's  perusal.  In  this 


16  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAJ1   LINCOLN. 

way  he  became  acquainted  with.  Banyan's  Pilgrim's 
Progress,  Esop's  Fables,  a  Life  of  Henry  Clay,  and 
Weems's  Life  of  Washington.  The  "  hatchet"  story  of 
Washington,  which  has  done  more  to  make  boys  truth 
ful  than  a  hundred  solemn  exhortations,  made  a  strong 
impression  upon  Abraham,  and  was  one  of  those  un 
seen,  gentle  influences,  which  helped  to  form  his  charac 
ter  for  integrity  and  honesty.  Its  effect  may  be  traced 
in  the  following  story,  which  bids  fair  to  become  as 
never-failing  an  accompaniment  to  a  Life  of  Lincoln  as 
the  hatchet  case  to  that  of  Washington. 

Mr.  Crawford  had  lent  him  a  copy  of  Ramsay's 
Life  of  Washington.  During  a  severe  storm  Abra 
ham  improved  his  leisure  by  reading  his  book.  One 
night  he  laid  it  down  carefully,  as  he  thought,  and  the 
next  morning  he  found  it  soaked  through  !  The  wind 
had  changed,  the  storm  had  beaten  in  through  a  crack 
in  the  logs,  and  the  appearance  of  the  book  was  ruined. 
How  could  he  face  the  owner  under  such  circumstan 
ces  ?  He  had  no  money  to  offer  as  a  return,  but  he 
took  the  book,  went  directly  to  Mr.  Crawford,  showed 
him  the  irreparable  injury,  and  frankly  and  honestly 
offered  to  work  for  him  until  he  should  be  satisfied. 
Mr.  Crawford  accepted  the  offer  and  gave  Abraham  the 
book  for  his  own,  in  return  for  three  days'  steady  la 
bor  in  "pulling  fod  ler."  His  manliness  and  straight 
forwardness  won  the  esteem  of  the  Crawfords,  and 
indeed  of  all  the  neighborhood. 

At  nineteen  years  of  age  he  made  a  trip  to  New- 
Orleans,  in  company  with  a  son  of  the  owner  of  a  flat- 
boat,  who  intrusted  a  valuable  cargo  to  their  care.  On 
the  way  they  were  attacked  by  seven  negroes,  and  their 


LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  17 

lives  and  property  were  in  great  danger,  but  owing  to 
their  good  use  of  the  muscular  force  they  had  acquired 
as  backwoodsmen,  they  succeeded  in  driving  off  the  in 
vaders,  and  pushing  their  boat  out  into  the  stream  in 
safety.  The  result  of  the  voyage  was  satisfactory 
to  the  owner,  and  Abraham  Lincoln  gained,  in  addition 
to  his  ten  dollars  a  month,  a  reputation  as  a  youth  of 
promising  business  talent. 

In  1830  Thomas  Lincoln  decided  to  make  another 
change,  and  the  log  cabin  which  had  been  so  long  their 
home  was  deserted  for  a  new  one  near  Decatur,  Illinois. 
This  time  the  journey  occupied  fifteen  days.  Abraham 
was  now  twenty-one,  but  he  did  not  begin  his  inde 
pendent  life  until  he  had  aided  his  father  in  settling 
his  family,  breaking  the  ground  for  corn,  and  making 
a  rail  fence  around  the  farm.  These  rails  have  passed 
into  song  and  story.  "  During  the  sitting  of  the  Ke- 
publican  State  Convention  at  Decatur,  a  banner,  at 
tached  to  two  of  these  rails,  and  bearing  an  appropriate 
inscription,  was  brought  into  the  assemblage,  and  form 
ally  presented  to  that  body,  amid  a  scene  of  unparal 
leled  enthusiasm.  After  that  they  were  in  demand  in 
every  State  of  the  Union  in  which  free  labor  is  honored, 
where  they  were  borne  in  processions  of  the  people,  and 
hailed  by  hundreds  of  thousands  of  freemen,  as  a  sym 
bol  of  triumph,  and  as  a  glorious  vindication  of  free 
dom  and  of  the  rights  and  dignity  of  free  labor.  These, 
however,  were  far  from  being  the  first  or  only  rails 
made  by  Lincoln.  He  was  a  practised  hand  at  the 
business.  Mr.  Lincoln  has  now  a  cane  made  from  one 
of  the  rails  split  by  his  own  hands  in  boyhood." 
After  the  first  winter  in  Illinois,  which  was  one  of  un- 


18  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

common  severity,  and  required  more  than  his  father's 
care  to  keep  the  family  in  food,  which  was  mostly  ob 
tained  by  hunting,  Abraham  Lincoln  began  life  for 
himself.  Sometimes  he  hired  himself  out  as  a  farm 
hand,  sometimes  his  learning  procured  him  a  situation 
as  clerk  in  a  store.  When  the  Black  Hawk  war  broke 
out  in  1832,  he  joined  a  volunteer  company,  and  was 
made  captain.  "He  was  an  efficient,  faithful  officer, 
watchful  of  his  men,  and  prompt  in  the  discharge  of 
duty,  and  his  courage  and  patriotism  shrank  from  no 
dangers  or  hardships."  Thus  the  Commander-in-Chief 
of  our  armies  has  not  been  without  a  bit  of  military 
experience — much  more,  in  fact,  than  the  most  of  our 
Brigadier-Grenerals  had  had  before  the  commencement 
of  the  war. 

After  his  military  life  was  over  he  looked  about  for 
something  to  do.  He  ran  for  the  Legislature,  but  was 
beaten,  though  his  own  precinct  gave  him  277  votes 
out  of  284  This  was  the  only  time  he  was  ever 
beaten  before  the  people.  He  bought  a  store  and 
stock  of  goods  on  credit,  and  was  appointed  Post 
master.  The  store  proved  unprofitable,  and  he  sold 
out.  All  this  time  he  pursued  his  studies.  He  had 
already  learned  grammar,  and  he  had  now  opportunities 
for  more  extensive  reading.  He  wrote  out  a  synopsis 
of  every  book  he  read,  and  thus  fixed  it  in  his  memory. 

About  this  time  he  met  John  Calhoun,  since  Presi 
dent  of  the  Lecompton  (Kansas)  Constitutional  Con 
vention.  He  proposed  to  Lincoln  to  take  up  survey 
ing,  and  himself  aided  in  his  studies.  He  had  plenty 
of  employment  as  a  surveyor,  and  won  a  good  reputa 
tion  in  this  new  line  of  business. 


LIFE    OP   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  19 

In  1834  lie  was  sent  to  the  Legislature,  and  the  po 
litical  life  commenced  which  his  countrymen's  votes 
have  since  shown  they  fully  appreciated.  When  the 
session  of  the  Legislature  was  over,  he  set  himself  to  the 
study  of  law  in  good  earnest.  In  1836  he  obtained  a 
law  license,  and  in  April,  1837,  he  removed  to  Spring 
field  and  commenced  the  practice  of  the  law  in  partner 
ship  with  his  friend  and  former  colleague  in  the  Legis 
lature,  Hon.  John  T.  Stuart. 

One  incident  of  his  law  practice  we  cannot  refrain 
from  narrating.  When  Lincoln  first  went  out  into  the 
world  to  earn  a  living  for  himself,  he  worked  for  a  Mr. 
Armstrong,  of  Petersburg,  Menard  Co.,  who,  with  his 
wife,  took  a  great  interest  in  him,  lent  him  books  to 
read,  and,  after  the  season  for  work  was  over,  en 
couraged  him  to  remain  with  them  until  he  should 
find  something  to  "turn  his  hand  to."  They  also 
hoped  much  from  his  influence  over  their  son,  an  over 
indulged  and  somewhat  unruly  boy.  We  cannot  do 
better  than  to  transcribe  the  remarks  of  the  Cleveland 
Leader  upon  this  interesting  and  touching  incident. 

"  Some  few  years  since,  the  eldest  son  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  old  friend, 
Armstrong,  the  chief  supporter  of  his  widowed  mother — the  good  old 
man  having  some  time  previously  passed  from  earth, — was  arrested  on 
the  charge  of  murder.  A  young  man  had  been  killed  during  a  riotous 
melee,  in  the  night  time  at  a  camp-meeting,  and  one  of  his  associates 
stated  that  the  death-wound  was  inflicted  by  young  Armstrong.  A  pre 
liminary  examination  was  gone  into,  at  which  the  accuser  testified  so 
positively,  that  there  seemed  no  doubt  of  the  guilt  of  the  prisoner,  and 
therefore  he  was  held  for  trial.  As  is  too  often  the  case,  the  bloody 
act  caused  an  undue  degree  of  excitement  in  the  public  mind.  Every 
improper  incident  in  the  life  of  the  prisoner — each  act  which  bore  the 
least  semblance  of  rowdyism — each  schoolboy  quarrel, — was  suddenly 
remembered  and  magnified,  until  they  pictured  him  as  a  fiend  of  the 


20  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

most  horrible  hue.  As  these  rumors  spread  abroad  they  were  received 
as  gospel  truth,  and  a  feverish  desire  for  vengeance  seized  upon  the  in 
fatuated  populace,  whilst  only  prison  bars  prevented  a  horrible  death 
at  the  hands  of  a  mob.  The  events  were  heralded  in  the  county 
papers,  painted  in  highest  colors,  accompanied  by  rejoicing  over  the 
certainty  of  punishment  being  meted  out  to  the  guilty  party.  The 
prisoner,  overwhelmed  by  the  circumstances  under  which  he  found 
himself  placed,  fell  into  a  melancholy  condition  bordering  on  despair, 
and  the  widowed  mother,  looking  through  her  tears,  saw  no  cause  for 
hope  from  earthly  aid. 

"  At  this  juncture,  the  widow  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Lincoln,  vol 
unteering  his  services  in  an  effort  to  save  the  youth  from  the  impending 
stroke.  Gladly  was  his  aid  accepted,  although  it  seemed  impossible  for 
even  his  sagacity  to  prevail  in  such  a  desperate  case ;  but  the  heart 
of  the  attorney  was  in  his  work,  and  he  set  about  it  with  a  will  that 
knew  no  such  word  as  fail.  Feeling  that  the  poisoned  condition  of  the 
public  mind  was  such  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  impanelling  an 
impartial  jury  in  the  court  having  jurisdiction,  he  procured  a  change  of 
venue  and  a  postponement  of  the  trial.  He  then  went  studiously  to 
work  unravelling  the  history  of  the  case,  and  satisfied  himself  that  his 
client  was  the  victim  of  malice,  and  that  the  statements  of  the  accuser 
were  a  tissue  of  falsehoods. 

"  When  the  trial  was  called  on,  the  prisoner,  pale  and  emaciated,  with 
hopelessness  written  on  every  feature,  and  accompanied  by  his  half- 
hoping,  half-despairing  mother — whose  only  hope  was  in  a  mother's 
belief  of  her  son's  innocence,  in  the  justice  of  the  God  she  worshipped, 
and  in  the  noble  counsel,  who,  without  hope  of  fee  or  reward  upon 
earth,  had  undertaken  the  cause — took  his  seat  in  the  prisoners'  box, 
and  with  a  '  atony  firmness1  listened  to  the  reading  of  the  indictment. 
Lincoln  sat  quietly  by,  whilst  the  large  auditory  looked  on  him  na 
though  wondering  what  he  could  say  in  defence  of  one  whose  guilt 
they  regarded  as  certain.  The  examination  of  the  witnesses  for  tho 
State  was  begun,  and  a  well-arranged  mass  of  evidence,  circumstantial 
and  positive,  was  introduced,  which  seemed  to  impale  the  prisoner  be 
yond  the  possibility  of  extrication.  The  counsel  for  the  defence  pro 
pounded  but  few  questions,  and  those  of  a  character  which  excited  no 
uneasiness  on  the  part  of  the  prosecutor — merely,  in  most  cases,  requi 
ring  the  main  witnesses  to  be  definite  as  to  the  tune  and  place.  When 
the  evidence  of  the  prosecution  was  ended,  Lincoln  introduced  a  few 
witnesses  to  remove  some  erroneous  impressions  in  regard  to  the  previ- 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  21 

cms  character  of  his  client,  who,  though  somewhat  rowdyish,  had 
never  been  known  to  commit  a  vicious  act ;  and  to  show  that  a  greater 
degree  of  ill-feeling  existed  between  the  accuser  and  the  accused,  than 
the  accused  and  the  deceased. 

"  The  prosecutor  felt  that  the  case  was  a  clear  one,  and  his  opening 
speech  was  brief  and  formal.  Lincoln  arose,  while  a  deathly  silence 
pervaded  the  vast  audience,  and  in  a  clear  and  moderate  tone  began 
his  argument.  Slowly  and  carefully  he  reviewed  the  testimony,  point 
ing  out  the  hitherto  unobserved  discrepancies  in  the  statements  of  the 
principal  witness.  That  which  had  seemed  plain  and  plausible  ho 
made  to  appear  crooked  as  a  serpent's  path.  The  witness  had  stated 
that  the  affair  took  place  at  a  certain  hour  in  the  evening,  and  that, 
by  the  aid  of  the  brightly  shining  moon,  he  saw  the  prisoner  inflict  the 
death-blow  with  a  slung-shot.  Mr.  Lincoln  showed  that  at  the  hour 
referred  to  the  moon  had  not  yet  appeared  above  the  horizon,  and 
consequently  the  whole  tale  was  a  fabrication. 

"  An  almost  instantaneous  change  seemed  to  have  been  wrought  in  the 
minds  of  his  auditors,  and  the  verdict  of  '  not  guilty'  was  at  the  end 
of  every  tongue.  But  the  advocate  was  not  content  with  this  intel 
lectual  achievement.  His  whole  being  had  for  months  been  bound  up 
in  this  work  of  gratitude  and  mercy,  and  as  the  lava  of  the  over 
charged  crater  bursts  from  its  imprisonment,  so  great  thoughts  and 
burning  words  leaped  forth  from  the  soul  of  the  eloquent  Lincoln.  He 
drew  a  picture  of  the  perjurer  so  horrid  and  ghastly,  that  the  accuser 
could  sit  under  it  no  longer,  but  reeled  and  staggered  from  the  court 
room,  whilst  the  audience  fancied  they  could  see  the  brand  upon  his 
brow.  Then  in  words  of  thrilling  pathos  Lincoln  appealed  to  the  jurors 
as  fathers  of  some  who  might  become  fatherless,  and  as  husbands  of 
wives  who  might  be  widowed,  to  yield  to  no  previous  impressions,  no 
ill-founded  prejudice,  but  to  do  his  client  justice ;  and  as  he  alluded  to 
the  debt  of  gratitude  which  he  owed  the  boy's  sire,  tears  were  seen  to 
fall  from  many  eyes  unused  to  weep. 

"  It  was  near  night  when  he  concluded,  by  saying  that  if  justice  was 
done — as  he  believed  it  would  be — before  the  sun  should  set,  it  would 
shine  upon  his  client  a  free  man.  The  jury  retired,  and  the  court  ad 
journed  for  the  day.  Half  an  hour  had  not  elapsed,  when,  as  the  offi 
cers  of  the  court  and  the  volunteer  attorney  sat  at  the  tea-table  of  their 
hotel,  a  messenger  announced  that  the  jury  had  returned  to  their  seats. 
All  repaired  immediately  to  the  court-house,  and  whilst  the  prisoner 
was  being  brought  from  the  jail,  the  court-room  was  filled  to  overflow- 


22  LIFE    OF    ABE  AH  AM   LINCOLN. 

ing  with  citizens  from  the  town.  When  the  prisoner  and  his  mother 
entered,  silence  reigned  as  completely  as  though  the  house  were  empty. 
The  foreman  of  the  jury,  in  answer  to  the  usual  inquiry  from  the  court, 
delivered  the  verdict  of  '  Not  Guilty !'  The  widow  dropped  into  the 
arms  of  her  son,  who  lifted  her  up  and  told  her  to  look  upon  him  as 
before,  free  and  innocent.  Then,  with  the  words,  '  Where  is  Mr.  Lin 
coln  ?'  he  rushed  across  the  room  and  grasped  the  hand  of  his  deliverer, 
whilst  his  heart  was  too  full  for  utterance.  Lincoln  turned  his  eyes 
towards  the  West,  where  the  sun  still  lingered  in  view,  and  then,  turn 
ing  to  the  youth,  said,  'It  is  not  yet  sundown  and  you  are  free.'  I 
confess  that  my  cheeks  were  not  wholly  unwet  by  tears,  and  I  turned 
from  the  affecting  scene.  As  I  cast  a  glance  behind,  I  saw  Abraham 
Lincoln  obeying  the  Divine  injunction  by  comforting  the  widowed  and 
fatherless." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  three  times  elected  to  the  Legisla 
ture  ;  and  here  commenced  his  political  acquaintance 
with  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  He  then  remained  six  years 
in  private  life,  devoting  himself  to  the  practice  of  the 
law,  displaying  remarkable  ability,  and  gaining  an 
enviable  reputation.  His  interest  in  politics  never  sub 
sided,  and  in  1844  he  stumped  the  entire  State  of  Illi 
nois  during  the  Presidential  campaign.  We  have  before 
mentioned  that  one  of  his  earliest  books  was  the  "Life 
of  Henry  Clay,"  and  his  enthusiastic  admiration  for 
that  Statesman,  aroused  in  his  boyhood,  continued  in 
full  force  during  his  life.  In  1847  Mr.  Lincoln  took 
his  seat  in  Congress,  and  was  the  only  Whig  representa 
tive  from  Illinois,  which  had  then  seven  members  in 
Congress. 

The  Congress  of  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  member, 
had  before  it  questions  of  great  importance  and  interest 
to  the  country.  The  Mexican  War  was  then  in  pro 
gress,  and  Congress  had  to  deal  with  grave  questions 
arising  out  of  it,  besides  the  many  which  were  to  be 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  23 

passed  upon  as  to  the  means  by  wliicli  it  was  to  be  carried 
on.  The  irrepressible  Slavery  Question  was  there,  also, 
in  many  of  its  Protean  forms,  in  questions  on  the  right 
of  petition,  in  questions  as  to  the  District  of  Columbia, 
in  many  questions  as  to  the  Territories. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  charged  by  his  enemies  in  later  years, 
when  political  enmity  was  hunting  sharply  for  material 
out  of  which  to  make  political  capital  against  him,  with 
lack  of  patriotism,  in  that  he  voted  against  the  war. 
The  charge  was  sharply  and  clearly  made  by  Judge 
Douglas,  at  the  first  of  their  joint  discussions  in  the 
Sena-torial  contest  of  1858.  In  his  speech  at  Ottawa, 
he  says  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  that  "  while  in  Congress  he 
distinguished  himself  by  his  opposition  to  the  Mexican 
war,  taking  the  side  of  the  common  enemy  against  his 
own  country,  and  when  he  returned  home  he  found 
that  the  indignation  of  the  people  followed  him  every 
where." 

No  better  answer  can  be  given  to  this  slander  than 
that  which  Mr.  Lincoln  himself  made  in  his  reply  to 
this  speech.  lie  says  :  "  I  was  an  old  Whig,  and  when 
ever  the  Democratic  party  tried  to  get  me  to  vote  that 
the  war  had  been  righteously  begun  by  the  President, 
I  would  not  do  it.  But  whenever  they  asked  for  any 
money  or  land- warrants  or  any  thing  to  pay  the  soldiers 
there,  during  all  that  time  I  gave  the  same  vote  that 
Judge  Douglas  did.  You  can  think  as  you  please  as 
to  whether  that  was  consistent.  Such  is  the  truth,  and 
the  Judge  has  a  right  to  make  all  he  can  out  of  it.  But 
when  he,  by  a  general  charge  conveys  the  idea  that  I 
withheld  supplies  from  the  soldiers  who  were  fighting 
in  the  Mexican  war,  or  did  any  thing  else  to  hinder  the 


24  LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

soldiers,  he  is,  to  say  the  least,  grossly  and  altogether 
mistaken,  as  a  consultation  of  the  records  will  prove 
to  him." 

We  should  need  no  better  proof  of  the  falsity  of  this 
charge  than  this  explicit  denial.  And  it  is  a  noticeable 
fact,  that  during  all  the  remaining  joint  debates  between 
Lincoln  and  Douglas,  the  latter  never  repeated  the 
slander  until  the  last  half  hour  of  the  last  debate,  to 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  no  opportunity  of  replying. 
Douglas's  supporters,  however,  made  vigorous  use  of 
the  charge  everywhere.  The  whole  foundation  of  it, 
doubtless,  was  the  fact  which  Mr.  Lincoln  states,  that, 
whenever  the  Democrats  tried  to  get  him  "to  vote  that 
the  war  had  been  righteously  begun,"  he  would  not  do 
it.  He  might  have  said  more  than  this.  He  might 
have  said,  as  was  the  fact,  that  he  had  been  a  thorn  in 
their  sides  on  this  very  point ;  that  he  had  not  only  re 
fused  to  vote  that  the  war  was  "  righteously  begun," 
but  had  made  their  efforts  to  falsify  and  conceal  the 
facts,  and  deceive  the  people  into  the  belief  that  it  was 
"righteously  begun,"  far  more  difficult.  He  showed, 
in  fact,  on  this  point  the  same  clearness  and  directness, 
the  same  keen  eye  for  the  important  point  in  a  contro 
versy,  and  the  same  tenacity  in  holding  it  fast  and 
thwarting  his  opponent's  utmost  efforts  to  obscure  it 
and  cover  it  up,  to  draw  attention  to  other  points  and 
raise  false  issues,  which  were  the  marked  characteristics 
of  his  great  controversy  with  Judge  Douglas  at  a 
subsequent  period  of  their  political  history. 

He  saw  that  the  strength  of  the  position  of  the 
administration  before  the  people  in  reference  to  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  was  in  the  point,  which  they  lost 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  25 

no  opportunity  of  reiterating,  viz.,  that  Mexico  had 
shed  the  blood  of  our  citizens  on  our  own  soil.  This 
position  he  believed  to  be  false,  and  he  accordingly 
attacked  it  in  a  resolution  requesting  the  President  to 
give  the  House  information  on  that  point ;  which  Pres 
ident  Polk  would  have  found  as  difficult  to  dodge  as 
Douglas  found  it  to  dodge  the  questions  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  proposed  to  him. 

On  the  right  of  petition  Mr.  Lincoln,  of  course,  held 
the  right  side,  voting  repeatedly  against  laying  on  the 
table  without  consideration  petitions  in  favor  of  the 
abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
against  the  slave-trade. 

On  the  question  of  abolishing  Slavery  in  the  District, 
he  took  rather  a  prominent  part.  A  Mr.  Gott  had  in 
troduced  a  resolution  directing  the  committee  for  the 
District  to  introduce  a  bill  abolishing  the  slave-trade  in 
the  District.  To  this  Mr.  Lincoln  moved  an  amend 
ment  instructing  them  to  introduce  a  bill  for  the  aboli 
tion,  not  of  the  slave-trade,  but  of  Slavery  within  the 
District.  The  bill  which  he  proposed  prevented  any 
slave  from  ever  being  brought  into  the  District,  except 
in  the  case  of  officers  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  who  might  bring  the  necessary  servants  for 
themselves  and  their  families  while  in  the  District  on 
public  business.  It  prevented  any  one  then  resident 
within  the  District,  or  thereafter  born  within  it,  from 
being  held  in  Slavery  without  the  District  It  declared 
that  all  children  of  slave  mothers  born  in  the  District 
after  January  1,  1850,  should  be  free,  but  should  be 
reasonably  supported  and  educated  by  the  owners  of 
their  mothers,  and  that  any  owner  of  slaves  in  the  Dis- 


26  LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM   LIXCOEN. 

trict  might  be  paid  their  value  from  the  Treasury,  and 
the  slaves  should  thereupon  be  free ;  and  it  provided 
also  for  the  submission  of  the  act  to  the  people  of  the 
District  for  their  acceptance  or  rejection. 

A  bill  was  afterwards  reported  by  the  committee  for 
bidding  the  introduction  of  slaves  into  the  District  for 
sale  or  hire.  This  bill  also  Mr.  Lincoln  supported,  but 
in  vain.  The  time  for  the  success  of  such  measures, 
involving  to  an  extent  attacks  upon  Slavery,  had  not 
yet  come. 

The  question  of  the  Territories  came  up  in  many 
ways.  The  Wilmot  Proviso  had  made  its  first  appear 
ance  in  the  previous  session,  in  the  August  before,  but 
it  was  repeatedly  before  this  Congress  also,  when  efforts 
were  made  to  apply  it  to  the  territory  which  we  pro 
cured  from  Mexico,  and  to  Oregon.  On  all  occasions 
when  it  was  before  the  House  it  was  supported  by  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  he  stated  during  his  contest  with  Judge 
Douglas  that  he  had  voted  for  it,  "in  one  way  and 
another,  about  forty  times."  He  thus  showed  himself 
in  1847  the  same  friend  of  Freedom  for  the  Territories 
which  he  was  afterwards  during  the  heats  of  the  Kan 
sas  struggle. 

Another  instance  in  which  the  Slavery  Question  was 
before  the  House  was  in  the  famous  Pacheco  case. 
This  was  a  bill  to  reimburse  the  heirs  of  Antonio 
Pacheco  for  the  value  of  a  slave  who  was  hired  by  a 
United  States  officer  in  Florida,  but  ran  away  and 
joined  the  Seminoles,  and  being  taken  in  arms  with 
them,  was  sent  out  of  Florida  with  them  when  they 
were  transported  to  the  West.  The  bill  was  reported 
to  the  House  by  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 


LIFE    OP   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  27 

This  committee  was  composed  of  nine.  Five  of  these 
were  slaveholders,  and  these  made  the  majority  report. 
The  others,  not  being  slaveholders,  reported  against  the 
bill.  The  ground  taken  by  the  majority  was  that 
slaves  were  regarded  as  property  by  the  Constitution, 
and  when  taken  for  public  service  should  be  paid  for 
as  property.  The  principle  involved  in  the  bill,  there 
fore,  was  the  same  one  which  the  slaveholders  have 
sought  in  so  many  ways  to  maintain.  As  they  sought 
afterwards  to  have  it  established  by  a  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  so  now  they  sought  to  have  it  recog 
nized  by  Congress,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  opposed  it  in  Con 
gress  as  heartily  as  he  afterwards  opposed  it  when  it 
took  the  more  covert,  but  no  less  dangerous  shape  of  a 
judicial  dictum. 

On  other  great  questions  which  came  before  Congress 
Mr.  Lincoln,  being  a  Whig,  took  the  ground  which  was 
held  by  the  great  body  of  his  party.  He  believed  in 
the  right  of  Congress  to  make  appropriations  for  the 
improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors.  He  was  in  favor 
of  giving  the  public  lands,  not  to  speculators,  but  to 
actual  occupants  and  cultivators,  at  as  low  rates  as  pos 
sible  ;  and  he  was  in  favor  of  a  protective  tariff,  and  of 
abolishing  the  franking  privilege. 

In  1848  General  Taylor  was  nominated  for  the  Presi 
dency  ;  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  member  of  the  convention, 
at  Philadelphia,  by  which  he  was  nominated,  and  can 
vassed  his  own  State  in  his  favor.  He  was  also  in  New 
England  during  the  campaign,  attended  the  State  Con 
vention  of  Massachusetts,  and  made  a  speech  at  New 
Bedford,  which  is  still  remembered.  Illinois,  however, 
cast  her  vote  for  General  Cass.  In  18-19  Mr.  Lincoln 


28  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LIXCOLN. 

was  the  Whig  candidate  in  Illinois  for  United  States 
Senator,  but  without  success— the  Democrats  having 
the  control  of  the  State,  which  they  retained  until  the 
conflict  arising  out  of  the  Nebraska  Bill,  in  1854 

During  the  intervening  period  Mr.  Lincoln  took  no 
prominent  part  in  politics,  but  remained  at  home  in 
the  practice  of  his  profession.  We  may  be  sure,  how 
ever,  that  he  watched  closely  the  course  of  public 
events.  He  had  fought  Slavery  often  enough  to  know 
what  it  was,  and  what  the  animus  of  its  supporters 
was.  It  is  not,  therefore,  likely  that  he  was  taken  very 
much  by  surprise  when  the  Nebraska  Bill  was  intro 
duced,  and  the  proposition  was  made  by  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  to  repeal  that  very  Missouri  Compromise 
which  he  had  declared  to  be  "a  sacred  thing,  which 
no  ruthless  hand  would  ever  be  reckless  enough  to 
disturb." 

The  Nebraska  Bill  was  passed  May  22,  1854,  and  its 
passage  gave  new  and  increased  force  to  the  popular 
feeling  in  favor  of  freedom  which  the  proposition  to 
repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise  had  excited,  and 
everywhere  the  friends  of  freedom  gathered  themselves 
together  and  rallied  round  her  banner,  to  meet  the  con 
flict  which  was  plainly  now  closely  impending,  forced 
upon  the  people  by  the  grasping  ambition  of  the  slave 
holders.  The  political  campaign  of  that  year  in  Illi 
nois  was  one  of  the  severest  ever  known.  It  was  inten 
sified  by  the  fact  that  a  United  States  Senator  was  to 
be  chosen  by  the  Legislature  then  to  be  elected,  to  fill 
the  place  of  Shields,  who  had  voted  with  Douglas  in 
favor  of  the  Nebraska  Bill. 

Mr.  Lincoln  took  a  prominent  part  in  this  campaign. 


LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  29 

He  met  Judge  Douglas  before  the  people  on  two  occa 
sions,  the  only  ones  when  the  Judge  would  consent  to 
such  a  meeting.  The  first  time  was  at  the  State  Fair 
at  Springfield,  on  October  4th.  This  was  afterwards 
considered  to  have  been  the  greatest  event  of  the  whole 
canvass.  Mr.  Lincoln  opened  the  discussion,  and  in 
his  clear  and  eloquent  jet  homely  way  exposed  the 
tergiversations  of  which  his  opponent  had  been  guilty, 
arid  the  fallacy  of  his  pretexts  for  his  present  course. 

Mr.  Douglas  had  always  claimed  to  have  voted  for 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  because  he  sus 
tained  the  "  great  principle"  of  Popular  Sovereignty, 
and  desired  that  the  inhabitants  of  Kansas  and  Ne 
braska  should  govern  themselves,  as  they  were  well 
able  to  do.  The  fallacy  of  drawing  from  these  premi 
ses  the  conclusion  that  they  therefore  should  have  the 
right  to  establish  Slavery  there  was  most  clearly  and 
conclusively  exposed  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  so  that  no  one 
could  thereafter  be  misled  by  it,  unless  he  was  a  willing 
dupe  of  pro-slavery  sophistry. 

"My  distinguished  friend,"  said  he,  "says  it  is  an 
insult  to  the  emigrants  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  to  sup 
pose  that  they  are  not  able  to  govern  themselves.  We 
must  not  slur  over  an  argument  of  this  kind  because  it 
happens  to  tickle  the  ear.  It  must  be  met  and  an 
swered.  I  admit  that  the  emigrant  to  Kansas  and  Ne 
braska  is  competent  to  govern  himself,  but  I  deny 
his  right  to  govern  any  other  person  without  that  per 
son's  consent." 

The  two  opponents  met  again  at  Peoria.  We  believe 
it  is  universally  admitted  that  on  both  of  these  occa 
sions  Mr.  Lincoln  had  decidedly  the  advantage.  The 


30  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

result  of  the  election  was  the  defeat  of  the  Democrats 
and  the  election  of  anti-Nebraska  men  to  the  Legis 
lature  to  secure  the  election  of  a  United  States  Senator 
who  would  "be  true  to  freedom,  if  they  could  be  brought 
to  unite  upon  a  candidate.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  naturally 
the  candidate  of  those  who  were  of  Whig  antecedents. 
Judge  Trumbull  was  as  naturally  the  candidate  of 
some  who  had  really  come  out  from  the  Democratic 
party — though  they  still  called  themselves  Free  Demo 
crats. 

There  was  danger,  of  course,  in  such  a  posture  of 
affairs,  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  that  spirit  of  patriotism 
which  he  has  always  shown,  by  his  own  personal  exer 
tions  secured  the  votes  of  his  friends  for  Judge  Trum 
bull,  who  was  accordingly  chosen  Senator.  The  charge 
was  afterwards  made  by  the  enemies  of  both  that  there 
had  been  in  this  matter  a  breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of 
Judge  Trumbull,  and  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  the  right  to 
feel  and  did  feel  aggrieved  at  the  result.  Mr.  Lincoln 
himself,  however,  expressly  denied  in  his  speech  at 
Charleston,  Sept.  18,  1858,  that  there  had  been  any 
such  breach  of  faith. 

The  pressure  of  the  Slavery  contest  at  last  fully 
organized  the  Eepublican  party,  which  held  its  first 
Convention  for  the  nomination  of  President  and  Vice- 
President  at  Philadelphia  on  June  17,  1856.  John  C. 
Fremont  was  nominated  for  President  and  William  L. 
Dayton  for  Vice  President.  Mr.  Lincoln's  name  was 
prominent  before  the  Convention  for  the  latter  office, 
and  on  the  informal  ballot  he  stood  next  to  Mr.  Dayton, 
receiving  110  votes.  Mr.  Lincoln's  name  headed  the 
Republican  Electoral  ticket  in  Illinois,  and  he  took  an 


LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM   LIXCOLN.  31 

active  part  in  the  canvass,  but  the  Democrats  carried 
the  State,  though  only  by  a  plurality  vote. 

We  now  come  to  the  great  Senatorial  contest  of  1858, 
which  established  Mr.  Lincoln's  reputation  before  the 
people  of  the  whole  country,  not  only  as  a  very  able 
debater  and  an  eloquent  orator,  but  also  as  a  wise  poli 
tician,  wise  enough  to  hold  firm  to  sound  principles, 
and  to  yield  nothing  of  them,  even  against  the  judg 
ment  of  earnest  friends. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1857,  Mr.  Buchanan  had  taken 
his  seat  in  the  Presidential  chair.  The  struggle  be 
tween  Freedom  and  Slavery  for  the  possession  of  Kan 
sas  was  at  its  height  A  few  days  after  his  inaugura 
tion,  the  Supreme  Court  rendered  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  which  was  thought  by  the  friends  of  Slavery 
to  insure  their  victory  by  its  holding  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  to  be  unconstitutional,  because  the  Constitution 
itself  carried  Slavery  over  all  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States.  In  spite  of  this  decision,  the  friends  of 
Freedom  in  Kansas  maintained  their  ground.  The 
slaveholders,  however,  pushed  forward  their  schemes, 
and  in  November,  1857,  their  Constitutional  Conven 
tion,  held  at  Lecompton,  adopted  the  infamous  Lecomp- 
ton  Constitution.  The  trick  by  which  they  submitted 
to  the  popular  vote  only  a  schedule  on  the  Slavery 
question,  instead  of  the  whole  Constitution,  compelling 
every  voter,  however  he  voted  upon  this  schedule,  to 
vote  for  their  Constitution,  which  fixed  Slavery  upon 
the  State  just  as  surely  whether  the  schedule  was 
adopted  or  not,  will  be  well  remembered,  as  well  as  the 
feeling  which  so  villainous  a  scheme  excited  through 
out  the  North.  Judge  Douglas  had  sustained  the  Dred 


32  LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Scott  decision,  but  lie  could  not  sustain  this  attempt  to 
force  upon  the  people  of  Kansas  a  Constitution  against 
their  will,  lie  declared  that  he  did  not  care  himself 
whether  the  people  voted  the  Slavery  clause  up  or 
down,  but  he  thought  they  ought  to  have  the  chance 
to  vote  for  or  against  the  Constitution  itself. 

The  Administration  had  made  the  measure  their  own, 
and  this  opposition  of  Douglas  at  once  excited  against  him 
the  active  hostility  of  the  slaveholders  and  their  friends, 
with  whom  he  had  hitherto  acted  in  concert.  The 
bill  was  finally  passed  through  Congress  on  April  30th, 
1858,  under  what  is  known  as  the  English  bill,  whereby 
the  Constitution  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  votes  of 
the  people  of  Kansas,  with  the  offer  of  heavy  bribes  to 
them  in  the  way  of  donations  of  land,  etc.,  if  they 
would  accept  it ;  and  the  people,  in  spite  of  the  bribes, 
voted  it  down,  by  an  immense  majority. 

Judge  Douglas's  term  was  on  the  eve  of  expiring, 
and  he  came  home  to  Illinois  after  the  adjournment  of 
Congress  to  attend  in  person  to  the  political  campaign, 
upon  the  result  of  which  was  to  depend  his  re-election 
to  the  Senate. 

His  course  on  the  Lecompton  bill  had  made  an  open 
breach  between  him  and  the  Administration,  and  he 
had  rendered  such  good  service  to  the  Republicans  in 
their  battle  with  that  monstrous  infamy,  that  there  were 
not  wanting  many  among  them  who  were  inclined  to 
think  it  would  be  wise  not  to  oppose  his  re-election. 

But  the  Republicans  of  Illinois  thought  otherwise. 
They  knew  the  man.  They  knew  that  on  the  cardinal 
principle  of  the  Republican  party,  opposition  to  the 
spread  of  Slavery  into  the  Territories,  he  was  not  with 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  33 

them ;  for  he  had  declared  in  the  most  positive  way 
that  he  "  did  not  care  whether  Slavery  was  voted  down 
or  up."  They  believed  that  in  his  action  on  the  Le- 
compton  bill,  he  was  actuated  fully  as  much  by  the  cer 
tainty  that  any  other  action  would  be  followed  by  his 
immediate  and  utter  overthrow  at  home,  as  from  any 
other  considerations.  And  they  therefore  determined, 
in  opposition  to  the  views  of  some  influential  Kepubli- 
cans  at  home  as  well  as  in  other  States,  to  fight  the  bat 
tle  through  against  him,  with  all  the  energy  that  they 
could  bring  to  the  work.  And  to  this  end,  on  the  17th 
of  June,  1858,  at  their  State  Convention  at  Springfield, 
they  nominated  Mr.  Lincoln  as  their  candidate  for  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  speech  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Convention  which 
had  nominated  him,  was  the  beginning  of  the  campaign. 
Its  opening  sentences  contained  those  celebrated  words, 
which  have  been  often  quoted  both  by  friends  and  ene 
mies :  "A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.  I 
believe  this  Government  cannot  endure  permanently 
half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to 
be  dissolved — I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall,  but  I 
do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become 
all  one  thing  or  all  the  other."  Little  idea  could  he  have 
had  then  how  near  the  time  was  when  the  country 
should  be  united  upon  this  point.  Still  less  could  he 
have  dreamed  through  what  convulsions  it  was  to  pass 
before  it  reached  that  wished-for  position — into  what 
an  abyss  of  madness  and  crime  the  advocates  of  Slavery 
would  plunge  in  their  efforts  to  "  push  it  forward  till  it 
should  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States,  old  as  well 
as  new — North  as  well  as  South.''  But  there  seemed 


34  LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

to  him  to  be  manifest  indications  of  their  design  thus 
to  push  it  forward,  and  he  devoted  his  speech  to  show 
ing  forth  the  machinery  which  they  had  now  almost 
completed,  for  the  attainment  of  their  purpose  ;  it  only 
needing  that  the  Supreme  Court  should  say  that  the 
Constitution  carried  Slavery  over  the  States,  as  they 
had  already  in  the  Dred  Scott  decision  declared  that 
it  was  carried  over  the  Territories.  And  lie  closed  his 
speech  with  a  sharp  attack  upon  Douglas,  as  being  a 
party  to  this  plan  to  legalize  Slavery  over  the  Conti 
nent.  It  was  plain  from  the  first  that  the  struggle 
would  take  the  shape  of  a  personal  contest  between  the 
two  men.  Each  recognized  the  other  as  the  .embodi 
ment  of  principles  to  which  he  was  in  deadly  hostility. 
Judge  Douglas  was  the  champion  of  all  sympathizers 
with  Slavery  at  the  North,  of  those  who  openly  advo 
cated  it,  and  still  more  of  those  who  took  the  more 
plausible  and  dangerous  part  of  not  caring  whether  it 
"  was  voted  down  or  up."  Mr.  Lincoln's  soul  was  on 
fire  with  love  for  freedom  and  for  humanity,  and  with 
reverence  for  the  Fathers  of  the  Country,  and  for  the 
principles  of  freedom  for  all  under  the  light  of  which 
they  marched.  He  felt  that  the  contest  was  no  mere 
local  one,  that  it  was  not  of  any  great  consequence  what 
man  succeeded  in  the  fight,  but  that  it  was  all-impor 
tant  that  the  banner  of  Freedom  should  be  borne  with 
no  faltering  step,  but  "  full  high  advanced."  And  thus 
through  the  whole  campaign  he  sought  with  all  his 
power  to  press  home  to  the  hearts  of  the  people  the 
principles,  the  example  and  the  teachings  of  the  men 
of  the  Revolution. 

The  two  combatants  first  met  at  Chicago,  in  July. 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  35 

There  was  no  arrangement  then  about  their  speaking 
against  each  other,  but  Judge  Douglas  having  addressed 
a  meeting  on  the  9th  July,  it  was  inevitable  that  Mr. 
•Lincoln  should  answer  him  on  the  10th.  One  week  later 
both  spoke  in  Springfield  on  the  same  day,  but  before 
different  audiences ;  and  one  week  later  Mr.  Lincoln 
addressed  a  letter  to  Douglas,  challenging  him  to  a  series 
of  debates  during  the  campaign. 

The  challenge  was  accepted,  though  not  without  an 
attempt  to  make  a  little  capital  out  of  it,  which  was 
quite  characteristic.  It  was  also  quite  characteristic 
that  the  terms  which  Douglas  proposed  were  such  as  to 
give  him  the  decided  advantage  of  having  four  opening 
and  closing  speeches  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  three ;  and  that 
Mr.  Lincoln,  while  noticing  the  inequality,  did  not  hesi 
tate  to  accept  them. 

The  seven  joint  debates  were  held  as  follows : — at 
Ottawa  on  August  21st ;  at  Freeport  on  August  27th  ; 
at  Jonesboro  on  September  15th ;  at  Charleston  on  Sep 
tember  18th  ;  at  Galesburg  on  October  7th  ;  at  Quincy 
on  October  13th ;  at  Alton  on  October  15th.  These 
seven  tournaments  raised  the  greatest  excitement 
throughout  the  State.  They  were  held  in  all  quarters 
of  the  State,  from  Freeport  in  the  north  to  Jonesboro 
in  the  extreme  south.  Everywhere  the  different  par 
ties  turned  out  to  do  honor  to  their  champions.  Pro 
cessions  and  cavalcades,  bands  of  music  and  cannon- 
firing,  made  every  day  a  day  of  excitement  But  fax- 
greater  was  the  excitement  of  such  oratorical  contests 
between  two  such  skilled  debaters,  before  mixed  audi 
ences  of  friends  and  foes,  to  rejoice  over  every  keen 
thrust  at  the  adversary ;  to  be  cast  down  by  each  fail- 


30  LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

ure  to  parry  the  thrust  so  aimed.  We  cannot  pretend 
to  give  more  than  the  barest  sketch  of  these  great  efforts 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's.  They  are  and  always  will  be,  to  those 
who  are  interested  in  the  history  of  the  Slavery  contest, 
most  valuable  and  important  documents. 

In  the  first  speech  at  Ottawa,  besides  defending  him 
self  from  some  points  which  Douglas  had  made  against 
him,  and  among  others,  explaining  and  enlarging  upon 
that  passage  from  his  Springfield  speech,  of  "  A  house 
divided  against  itself,"  he  took  up  the  charge  which  he 
had  also  made  in  that  speech  of  the  conspiracy  to  ex 
tend  Slavery  over  the  northern  States,  and  pressed  it 
home,  citing  as  proof  of  its  existence  a  speech  which 
Douglas  himself  had  made  on  the  Lecompton  bill,  in 
which  he  had  substantially  made  the  same  charge  upon 
Buchanan  and  others.  He  then  showed  again  that  all 
that  was  necessary  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  scheme 
was  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  that  no  State 
could  exclude  Slavery,  as  the  Court  had  already  decided 
that  no  Territory  could  exclude  it,  and  the  acquiescence 
of  the  people  in  such  a  decision,  and  he  told  the  people 
that  Douglas  was  doing  all  in  his  power  to  bring  about 
such  acquiescence  in  advance,  by  declaring  that  the 
true  position  was  not  to  care  whether  Slavery  "  was 
voted  down  or  up,"  and  by  announcing  himself  in 
favor  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  not  because  it  was 
right,  but  because  a  decision  of  the  Court  is  to  him 
a  "  Thus  saith  the  Lord,"  and  thus  committing  himself 
to  the  next  decision  just  as  firmly  as  to  this.  He  closed 
his  speech  with  the  following  eloquent  words :  "  Henry 
Clay,  my  beau  ideal  of  a  Statesman — the  man  for  whom 
I  fought  all  my  humble  life — once  said  of  a  class  of 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  37 

men  who  would  repress  all  tendencies  to  liberty  and 
ultimate  emancipation,  that  they  must,  if  they  would 
do  this,  go  l>ack  to  the  era  of  our  Independence  and 
muzzle  the  cannon  which  thunders  its  annual  joyous 
return ;  they  must  blow  out  the  moral  lights  around 
us ;  they  must  penetrate  the  human  soul  and  eradicate 
there  the  love  of  liberty ;  and  then,  and  not  till  then, 
could  they  perpetuate  Slavery  in  this  country.  To  my 
thinking,  Judge  Douglas  is,  by  his  example  and  vast 
influence,  doing  that  very  thing  in  this  community, 
when  he  says  that  the  negro  has  nothing  in  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence.  Henry  Clay  plainly  understood 
the  contrary.  Judge  Douglas  is  going  back  to  the  era 
of  our  Keyolution,  and  to  the  extent  of  his  ability 
muzzling  the  cannon  which  thunders  its  annual  joyous 
return.  When  he  invites  any  people,  willing  to  have 
Slavery,  to  establish  it,  he  is  blowing  out  the  moral 
lights  around  us.  When  he  says  he  '  cares  not  whether 
Slavery  is  voted  down  or  up' — that  it  is  a  sacred  right 
of  self-government,  he  is,  in  my  judgment,  penetrating 
the  human  soul  and  eradicating  the  light  of  reason  and 
the  love  of  liberty  in  this  American  people.  And 
when,  by  all  these  means  and  appliances,  he  shall  suc 
ceed  in  bringing  public  sentiment  to  an  exact  accord 
ance  with  his  own  views — when  these  vast  assemblages 
shall  echo  back  all  these  sentiments,  when  they  shall 
come  to  repeat  his  views  and  to  avow  his  principles, 
and  to  say  all  that  he  says  on  these  mighty  questions — • 
then  it  needs  only  the  formality  of  the  second  Dred 
Scott  decision,  which  he  indorses  in  advance,  to  make 
Slavery  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States — old  as  well  as 
new,  North  as  well  as  South." 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LIXCOLN. 

In  the  second  debate  at  Freeport,  Mr.  Lincoln  gave 
categorical  answers  to  seven  questions  which  Douglas 
had  proposed  to  him,  and  in  his  turn  put  four  questions 
to  Douglas,  to  which  he  got  but  evasive  replies.  lie 
also  pressed  home  upon  his  opponent  a  charge  of 
quoting  resolutions  as  being  adopted  at  a  Eepublican 
State  Convention,  which  were  never  so  adopted,  and  again 
called  Douglas's  attention  to  the  conspiracy  to  national 
ize  Slavery,  and  he  showed  that  his  pretended  desire  to 
leave  the  people  of  a  Territory  free  to  establish  Slavery 
or  exclude  it,  was  really  only  a  desire  to  allow  them  to 
establish  it,  as  was  shown  by  his  voting  against  Mr. 
Chase's  amendment  to  the  Nebraska  Bill,  which  gave 
them  leave  to  exclude  it.  In  the  third  debate  at  Jones- 
boro,  Mr.  Lincoln  showed  that  Douglas  and  his  friends 
were  trying  to  cbange  the  position  of  the  country  on 
the  Slavery  question  from  what  it  was  when  the  Consti 
tution  was  adopted,  and  that  the  disturbance  of  the 
country  had  arisen  from  this  pernicious  effort.  He 
then  cited  from  Democratic  speeches  and  platforms  of 
former  days  to  show  that  they  occupied  then  the  very 
opposite  ground  on  the  question  from  that  which  was 
taken  now,  and  showed  up  the  evasive  character  of 
Douglas's  answers  to  the  questions  which  he  had  pro 
posed,  especially  the  subterfuge  of  "  unfriendly  legis 
lation"  which  he  had  set  forth  as  the  means  by  which 
the  people  of  a  Territory  could  exclude  Slavery  from 
its  limits  in  spite  of  the  Drod  Scott  decision. 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  was  preparing  these  questions  for 
Douglas,  he  was  urged  by  some  of  his  friends  not  to 
corner  him  on  that  point,  because  he  would  surely 
stand  by  his  doctrine  of  Squatter  Sovereignty  in  dell- 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  39 

ance  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  "  and  that,"  said  they, 
"will  make  him  Senator."  "That  may  be,"  said  Mr. 
Lincoln,  with  a  twinkle  in  his  eye,  "  but  if  he  takes 
that  shoot  he  never  can  be  President." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  sagacity  did  not  fail  him  here.  This 
position  which  Douglas  took  of  "  unfriendly  legis 
lation,"  was  a  stumbling-block  which  he  was  never 
able  to  get  over ;  and  if  the  contest  between  them  had 
brought  out  no  other  good  result,  the  compelling 
Douglas  to  take  this  ground  was  an  immense  success. 

The  fourth  speech,  at  Charleston,  was  devoted  by 
Mr.  Lincoln  to  enlarging  upon  the  evidence  of  a  charge 
previously  made  by  Judge  Trumbull  upon  Douglas  of 
being 'himself  responsible  for  a  clause  in  the  Kansas 
bill  which  would  have  deprived  the  people  of  Kansas 
of  the  right  to  vote  upon  their  own  Constitution — 
a  charge  which  Douglas  could  never  try  to  answer 
without  losing  his  temper. 

In  the  fifth  debate,  Mr.  Lincoln  answered  the  charge 
that  the  Republican  party  was  sectional ;  and  after  again 
exploding  the  fraudulent  resolutions  and  giving  strong 
proof  that  Douglas  himself  was  a  party  to  the  fraud, 
and  again  showing  that  Douglas  had  failed  to  answer 
his  question  about  the  acceptance  of  the  new  Dred 
Scott  decision,  which,  he  said,  was  "just  as  sure  to  be 
made  as  to-morrow  is  to  come,  if  the  Democratic  party 
shall  be  sustained"  in  the  elections,  he  discussed  the 
acquisition  of  further  territory  and  the  importance  of 
deciding  upon  any  such  acquisition,  by  the  effect  which 
it  would  have  upon  the  Slavery  question  among  our 
selves. 

In  the  next  debate,  at  Quincy,  besides  making  some 


40  LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

personal  points  as  to  the  mode  in  which  Douglas  had 
conducted  the  previous  discussions,  he  stated  clearly 
and  briefly  what  were  the  principles  of  the  Republican 
party,  what  they  proposed  to  do,  and  what  they  did  not 
propose  to  do.  He  said  that  they  looked  upon  Slavery 
as  "  a  moral,  a  social,  and  a  political  wrong,"  and  they 
"  proposed  a  course  of  conduct  which  should  treat  it  as 
a  wrong  ;"  did  not  propose  to  "disturb  it  in  the  States," 
but  did  propose  to  "restrict  it  to  its  present  limits;" 
did  not  propose  to  decide  that  Dred  Scott  was  free,  but 
did  not  believe  that  the  decision  in  that  case  was  a  po 
litical  rule  binding  the  voters,  the  Congress,  or  the  Presi 
dent,  and  proposed  "so  resisting  it  as  to  have  it  re 
versed  if  possible,  and  a  new  judicial  rule  established 
on  the  subject." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  last  speech,  at  Alton,  was  a  very  full 
and  conclusive  argument  of  the  whole  Slavery  Ques 
tion.  He  showed  that  the  present  Democratic  doctrines 
were  not  those  held  at  the  time  of  the  Revolution  in 
reference  to  Slavery  ;  showed  how  the  agitation  of  the 
country  had  come  from  the  attempt  to  set  Slavery  upon 
a  different  footing,  and  showed  the  dangers  to  the 
country  of  this  attempt.  He  brought  the  whole  contro 
versy  down  to  the  vital  question  whether  Slavery  is 
wrong  or  not,  and  demonstrated  that  the  present  Demo 
cratic  sentiment  was  that  it  was  not  wrong,  and  that 
Douglas  and  those  who  sympathized  with  him  did  not 
desire  or  expect  ever  to  see  the  country  freed  from  this 
gigantic  evil. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  these  seven  debates 
were  all  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  appearances  before  the  people 
during  the  campaign.  He  made  some  fifty  other 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  41 

speeches  all  over  the  State,  and  everywhere  his  strong 
arguments,  his  forcible  language,  and  his  homely  way 
of  presenting  the  great  issues,  so  as  to  bring  them  home 
to  the  hearts  of  the  people,  had  a  powerful  effect.  The 
whole  State  fairly  boiled  with  the  excitement  of  the 
contest.  Nor  this  alone,  for  all  over  the  country  the 
eyes  of  the  people  were  turned  to  Illinois  as  the  great 
battle-ground,  and  the  earnest  wishes  of  almost  all  who 
loved  freedom  followed  Mr.  Lincoln  throughout  all  the 
heated  struggle.  He  had,  however,  other  opposition 
besides  that  of  his  political  opponents.  The  action  of 
Judge  Douglas  on  the  Lecomptun  Constitution,  and  the 
bitter  hostility  of  the  southern  wing  of  the  Democratic 
party  towards  him,  had  led  very  many  Republicans, 
and  some  of  high  consideration  and  influence  in  other 
States,  to  favor  his  return  to  the  Senate.  They  deemed 
this  due  to  the  zeal  and  efficiency  with  which  he  had 
resisted  the  attempt  to  force  slavery  into  Kansas  against 
the  will  of  the  people,  and  as  important  in  encouraging 
other  Democratic  leaders  to  imitate  the  example  of 
Douglas  in  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  the  slaveholding 
aristocracy.  This  feeling  proved  to  be  of  a  good  deal 
of  weight  against  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  canvas. 

Then,  again,  the  State  had  been  so  unfairly  districted, 
that  the  odds  were  very  heavily  against  the  Kepubli- 
cans,  and  thus  it  came  about  that  although  on  the 
popular  vote  Douglas  was  beaten  by  more  than  five 
thousand  votes,  he  was  enabled  to  carry  off  the  sub 
stantial  prize  of  victory  by  his  majority  in  the  Legisla 
ture.  We  say  the  "  substantial  prize  of  victory,"  and 
so  it  was  thought  to  be  at  the  time.  But  later  events 
showed  that  the  battle  which  was  then  fought  was  after 
all  but  the  precursor  of  the  Presidential  contest,  and 


42  LIFE    OF   ABE  All  AM   LINCOLN. 

that  it  insured  to  Mr.  Lincoln  tlie  victory  in  that  more 
important  struggle. 

Between  the  close  of  this  Senatorial  contest  and  the 
opening  of  the  Presidential  campaign,  Mr.  Lincoln 
made  several  visits  to  other  States.  In  the  following 
year  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  political  campaign  in 
Ohio,  still  following  up  his  old  opponent,  who  had  but 
recently  contributed  to  Harper's  Magazine  his  famous 
article  on  Slavery  and  the  Constitution.  He  also 
visited  Kansas,  and  was  received  with  unbounded  en 
thusiasm  by  the  people  of  that  State,  whose  battle  he  had 
fought  so  well ;  and  in  February,  1860,  he  visited  New 
York,  and  there  made  a  speech  on  National  Politics 
before  the  Young  Men's  ^Republican  Club  at  Cooper 
Institute,  the  effect  of  which  was  to  make  him  better 
known  and  still  more  highly  esteemed  in  New  York, 
where  his  contest  with  Douglas  had  already  made  him 
many  friends.  Indeed,  we  think  we  hardly  state  it  too 
strongly  when  we  say,  that  their  joint  effect  was  to 
make  Mr.  Lincoln  decidedly  the  second  choice  of  the 
great  body  of  the  Eepublicans  of  New  York,  as  the 
candidate  of  the  Eepublican  party  for  the  campaign 
of  1860. 

It  was,  doubtless,  during  this  visit  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
New  York  that  the  following  incident  occurred,  which 
is  thus  narrated  by  a  teacher  at  the  Five  Points  House 
of  Industry  :  "  Our  Sunday  School  in  the  Five  Points 
was  assembled,  one  Sabbath  morning,  when  I  noticed 
a  tall,  remarkable  looking  man  enter  the  room  and 
take  a  seat  among  us.  He  listened  with  fixed  attention 
to  our  exercises,  and  his  countenance  expressed  such 
genuine  interest  that  I  approached  him  and  suggested 


LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM   LINCOLN". 


43 


that  lie  might  be  willing  to  say  something  to  the  chil 
dren.  He  accepted  the  invitation  with  evident  pleasure ; 
and  coming  forward  began  a  simple  address,  which  at 
once  fascinated  every  little  hearer  and  hushed  the  room 
into  silence.  His  language  was  strikingly  beautiful, 
and  his  tones  musical  with  intensest  feeling.  The  little 
faces  around  him  would  droop  into  sad  conviction  as 
he  uttered  sentences  of  warning,  and  would  brighten 
into  sunshine  as  he  spoke  cheerful  words  of  promise. 
Once  or  twice  he  attempted  to  close  his  remarks,  but 
the  imperative  shout  of  '  Go  on !'  '  Oh,  do  go  on  !' 
would  compel  him  to  resume.  As  I  looked  upon  the 
gaunt  and  sinewy  frame  of  the  stranger,  and  marked 
his  powerful  head  and  determined  features,  now  touched 
into  softness  by  the  impressions  of  the  moment,  I  felt 
an  irrepressible  curiosity  to  learn  something  more  about 
him,  and  when  he  was  quietly  leaving  the  room  I 
begged  to  know  his  name.  He  courteously  replied, 
4  It  is  Abraham  Lincoln,  from  Illinois.'  ' 

The  Republican  National  Convention  of  1860,  met 
on  the  16th  of  May,  at  Chicago,  in  an  immense  building 
which  the  people  of  Chicago  had  put  up  for  the  pur 
pose,  called  the  Wigwam.  There  were  465  Delegates. 
The  city  was  filled  with  earnest  men,  who  had  come 
there  to  press  the  claims  of  their  favorite  candidates, 
and  the  halls  and  corridors  of  all  the  hotels  swarmed, 
and  buzzed  with  an  eager  crowd,  in  and  out  of  which 
darted  or  pushed  or  wormed  their  way  the  various 
leaders  of  party  politics.  Mr.  Chase,  Mr.  Bates,  and 
Mr.  Cameron  were  spoken  of  and  pressed  somewhat  as 
candidates,  but  from  the  first  it  was  evident  that  the 
contest  lay  between  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Lincoln. 


44  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Judge  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  chosen  tempo 
rary  Chairman  of  the  Convention,  and  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  first  day  a  permanent  organization  was  effected 
by  the  choice  of  George  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  as 
President,  with  27  Vice-Presidents  and  25  Secretaries. 
On  Thursday,  the  17th,  the  Committee  on  Kesolutions 
reported  the  platform,  which  was  enthusiastically 
adopted.  A  motion  was  made  to  proceed  to  the  nomi 
nation  at  once,  and  if  that  had  been  done  the  result  of 
the  Convention  might  have  proved  very  different,  as  at 
that  time  it  was  thought  that  Mr.  Seward's  chances 
were  the  best.  But  an  adjournment  was  taken  till  the 
morning,  and  during  the  night  the  combinations  were 
made  which  resulted  in  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
The  excitement  of  the  Convention  and  of  the  audience 
on  the  morning  of  Friday  was  intense.  The  Illinoisans 
had  turned  out  in  great  numbers,  zealous  for  Lincoln, 
and  though  the  other  States,  near  and  far,  had  sent 
many  men  who  were  equally  zealous  for  Mr.  Seward, 
it  was  quite  clear  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  supporters  were  in 
the  majority  in  the  audience.  The  first  ballot  gave 
Mr.  Seward  173J  votes  to  102  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  rest 
being  scattered.  On  the  second  ballot  the  first  indica 
tion  of  the  result  was  felt,  when  the  Chairman  of  the 
Vermont  Delegation,  which  had  been  divided  on  the  pre 
vious  ballot,  announced  when  the  name  of  Yermont  was 
called,  that  "  Vermont  casts  her  ten  votes  for  the  young 
giant  of  the  West,  Abraham  Lincoln."  On  the  second 
ballot,  Mr.  Seward  had  184.}-  to  181  for  Mi\  Lincoln,  and 
on  the  third  ballot  Mr.  Lincoln  received  230  votes,  being 
within  1-J-  of  a  majority.  The  vote  was  not  announced, 
but  so  many  everywhere  had  kept  the  count  that  it  was 


LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  45 

known  throughout  the  Convention  at  once.  Mr.  Car 
ter,  of  Ohio,  rose  and  announced  a  change  in  the  vote  of 
the  Ohio  Delegation  of  four  votes  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  and  the  Convention  at  once  boiled  over  into  a 
state  of  the  wildest  excitement.  The  cheers  of  the 
audience  within  were  answered  by  those  of  a  yet  larger 
crowd  without,  to  whom  the  result  was  announced. 
Cannon  roared,  and  bands  played,  and  banners  waved, 
and  the  excited  Eepublicans  of  Chicago  cheered  them 
selves  hoarse,  while  on  the  wings  of  electricity  sped  in 
every  direction  the  news  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  nomination, 
to  be  greeted  everywhere  with  similar  demonstrations. 
It  was  long  before  the  Convention  could  calm  itself 
enough  to  proceed  to  business.  When  it  did,  other 
States  changed  their  votes  in  favor  of  the  successful 
nominee  until  it  was  announced,  as  the  result  of  the 
third  ballot,  that  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  had  re- 
coived  354  votes  and  was  nominated  by  the  Republican 
party  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 
The  nomination  was  then,  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Evarts, 
of  New  York,  made  unanimous,  and  the  Convention 
adjourned  till  the  afternoon,  when  they  completed  their 
work  by  nominating  Hannibal  Hamlin  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  at  Springfield  at  the  time.  He  had 
been  in  the  telegraph  office  during  the  casting  of  the 
first  and  second  ballots,  but  then  left,  and  went  over  to 
the  office  of  the  State  Journal,  where  he  was  sitting 
conversing  with  friends  while  the  third  ballot  was 
being  taken.  In  a  few  moments  came  across  the  wires 
the  announcement  of  the  result.  The  Superintendent 
of  the  Telegraph  Company,  who  was  present,  wrote  on 


40  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

a  scrap  of  paper,  "Mr.  Lincoln:  You  are  nominated 
on  the  third  ballot,"  and  a  boy  ran  with  the  message  to 
Mr.  Lincoln.  He  looked  at  it  in  silence  amid  the 
shouts  of  those  around  him,  then  rising  and  putting  it 
in  his  pocket  he  said  quietly,  "There's  a  little  woman 
down  at  our  house  would  like  to  hear  this — I'll  go 
down  and  tell  her." 

Next  day  there  arrived  at  Springfield  the  committee 
appointed  by  the  Convention  to  inform  Mr.  Lincoln 
officially  of  his  nomination;  Mr.  Ashmun,  President 
of  the  Convention,  addressing  Mr.  Lincoln,  said : 

"  I  have,  sir,  the  honor,  in  behalf  of  the  gentlemen 
who  are  present — a  Committee  appointed  by  the  Ke- 
publican  Convention  recently  assembled  at  Chicago — 
to  discharge  a  most  pleasant  duty.  We  have  come,  sir, 
under  a  vote  of  instructions  to  that  Committee,  to  noti 
fy  you  that  you  have  been  selected  by  the  Convention 
of  the  Republicans  at  Chicago  for  President  of  the 
United  States.  They  instruct  us,  sir,  to  notify  you  of 
that  selection,  and  that  Committee  deem  it  not  only 
respectful  to  yourself,  but  appropriate  to  the  important 
matter  which  they  have  in  hand,  that  they  should  come 
in  person,  and  present  to  you  the  authentic  evidence  of 
the  action  of  that  Convention;  and,  sir,  without  any 
phrase  which  shall  either  be  considered  personally 
plauditory  to  yourself,  or  which  shall  have  any  refer 
ence  to  the  principles  involved  in  the  questions  which 
are  connected  with  your  nomination,  I  desire  to  present 
to  you  the  letter  which  has  been  prepared,  and  which 
informs  you  of  your  nomination,  and  with  it  the  plat 
form  resolutions  and  sentiments  which  the  Convention 
adopted.  Sir,  at  your  convenience  we  shall  be  glad  to 


LIFE    OF   ABEAHAM   LINCOLN.  47 

receive  from  you  such  a  response  as  it  may  be  your 
pleasure  to  give  us." 

Mr.  Lincoln  listened  to  this  address  with  a  degree  of 
grave  dignity  that  almost  wore  the  appearance  of  sad 
ness,  and  after  a  brief  pause,  in  which  he  seemed  to  be 
pondering  the  momentous  responsibilities  of  his  posi 
tion,  he  thus  replied : 

"  Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee — 
I  tender  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  Eepublican 
National  Convention,  and  all  the  people  represented  in 
it,  my  profoundest  thanks  for  the  high  honor  done  me, 
which  you  now  formally  announce.  Deeply,  and  even 
painfully  sensible  of  the  great  responsibility  which  is 
inseparable  from  this  high  honor — a  responsibility 
which  I  could  almost  wish  had  fallen  upon  some  one 
of  the  far  more  eminent  men  and  experienced  states 
men  whose  distinguished  names  were  before  the  Con 
vention,  I  shall,  by  your  leave,  consider  more  fully  the 
resolutions  of  the  Convention,  denominated  the  plat 
form,  and  without  any  unnecessary  or  unreasonable  de 
lay,  respond  to  you,  Mr..  Chairman,  in  writing,  not 
doubting  that  the  platform  will  be  found  satisfactory, 
and  the  nomination  gratefully  accepted. 

"And  now  I  will  not  longer  defer  the  pleasure  of 
taking  you,  and  each  of  you,  by  the  hand  " 

Tall  Judge  Kelly,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  was  one  of 
the  Committee,  and  who  is  himself  a  great  many  feet 
high,  had  meanwhile  been  eyeing  Mr.  Lincoln's  lofty 
form  with  a  mixture  of  admiration  and  'very  likely 
jealousy ;  this  had  not  escaped  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  as  he 
shook  hands  with  the  judge  he  inquired,  "What  is 
your  height?" 


48  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

"  Six  feet  three ;  what  is  yours,  Mr.  Lincoln?" 

"Six  feet  four." 

"Then,"  said  the  judge,  "Pennsylvania  bows  to  Illi 
nois.  My  dear  man,  for  years  my  heart  has  been  ach 
ing  for  a  President  that  I  could  look  up  to,  and  I've 
found  him  at  last  in  the  land  where  we  thought  there 
were  none  but  little  giants." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  formal  reply  to  the  official  announce 
ment  of  his  nomination,  was  as  follows  : 

SPEINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  Man  23,  18GO. 
SIR — I  accept  the  nomination  tendered  me  by  the 
Convention  over  which  you  presided,  of  which  I  am 
formally  apprised  in  a  letter  of  yourself  and  others  act 
ing  as  a  Committee  of  the  Convention  for  that  purpose. 
The  declaration  of  principles  and  sentiments  which  ac 
companies  your  letter  meets  my  approval,  and  it  shall 
be  my  care  not  to  violate  it,  or  disregard  it  in  any  part. 
Imploring  the  assistance  of  Divine  Providence,  and  with 
due  regard  to  the  views  and  feelings  of  all  who  were 
represented  in  the  Convention,  to  the  rights  of  all  the 
states  and  territories  and  people  of  the  nation,  to  the 
inviolability  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  perpetual 
union,  harmony,  and  prosperity  of  all,  I  am  most  happy 
to  co-operate  for  the  practical  success  of  the  principles 
declared  by  the  Convention. 

Your  obliged  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 
ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

HON.  GEORGE  ASFIMUN, 

President  of  tlie  Republican  Convention. 

Mr.  Linco.ln's  nomination  proved  universally  accept 
able  to  the  Republican  party.  They  recognized  in  him 
a  man  of  firm  principles,  of  ardent  love  for  freedom, 


LIFE    OF    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  49 

of  strict  integrity  and  truth,  and  they  went  into  the 
political  contest  with  a  zeal  and  enthusiasm  which  was 
the  guarantee  of  victory ;  while  the  doubt  and  uncer 
tainty,  the  divided  counsels,  and  wavering  purposes  of 
their  opponents  were  the  sure  precursors  of  defeat. 

His  nomination  was  the  signal  to  the  leaders  of  the 
slaveholders'  party  for  pressing  upon  the  Democratic 
Convention  their  most  ultra  views,  that  by  the  division 
of  the  Democratic  forces  the  victory  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
might  be  assured,  and  the  pretext  afforded  them  for 
carrying  into  execution  the  plot  against  the  liberties  of 
the  country  which  they  had  been  for  so  many  years 
maturing.  That  they  would  dare  to  carry  their  threat 
of  rebellion  into  execution,  was  not  believed  at  the 
North.  If  it  had  been,  while  it  would  probably  have 
scared  away  some  votes  from  Mr.  Lincoln,  it  would 
have  brought  to  him  more  votes  yet  from  those  who, 
though  following  the  Democratic  banner,  had  not 
learned  to  disregard  the  good  old  doctrine  that  the  ma 
jority  must  rule,  and  would  have  rushed  to  its  rescue, 
if  they  had  believed  that  it  was  really  threatened.  The 
vote  which  he  received  was  that  of  a  solid  phalanx  of 
earnest  men,  who  had  resolved  that  Freedom  should  be 
henceforth  national,  and  Slavery  should  be  and  remain 
as  it  was  meant  to  be  when  the  Constitution  was 
adopted.  They  formed  a  body  of  nearly  2,000,000 
voters,  who  carried  for  Mr.  Lincoln  the  electoral  votes 
of  the  States  of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont, 
Massachusetts,  Khode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan,  Iowa, 
Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  California. 

That  the  consequences  of  that  election  have  been 
3 


50  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

very  different  from  what  was  anticipated  by  the  great 
body  of  the  people  is  unquestionably  true.  Few  men 
of  any  party  then  understood  the  secret  influences  that 
were  conspiring  against  the  peace  and  integrity  of  the 
Union,  and  fewer  still  were  willing  to  believe  any  con 
siderable  portion  of  the  people  capable  of  so  gigantic  a 
crime  as  the  attempted  overthrow  of  the  great  Eepublic 
of  the  world,  either  to  revenge  a  party  defeat  or  to  per 
petuate  the  slavery  of  the  negro  race.  No  man  can 
justly  be  held  responsible  even  for  the  consequences  of 
his  own  action,  any  farther  than,  in  the  exercise  of  a 
just  and  fair  judgment,  he  can  foresee  them.  In  elect 
ing  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Presidency,  the  American  peo 
ple  intended  to  erect  a  permanent  bulwark  against  the 
territorial  extension  of  slavery,  and  the  perpetuation  of 
its  political  power.  If  they  had  foreseen  the  madness 
of  its  defenders,  they  might  have  shrunk  from  the 
dreadful  ordeal  through  which  that  madness  has  com 
pelled  the  nation  to  pass,  but  in  this,  as  in  all  the  af 
fairs  of  human  life,  ignorance  of  the  future  often  proves 
the  basis  and  guarantee  of  its  wise  development :  and 
we  believe  that  even  now,  with  their  experience,  through 
three  of  the  stormiest  and  most  terrible  years  this  na 
tion  has  ever  seen,  of  the  sagacity,  integrity,  and  un 
swerving  patriotism  with  which  President  Lincoln  Las 
performed  the  duties  of  his  high  office,  and  with  their 
clearer  perception  of  the  ultimate  issue  of  that  great 
contest  between  freedom  and  slavery,  which  the  pro 
gress  of  events  had  rendered  inevitable,  the  people  look 
back  with  entire  satisfaction  upon  the  vote  which,  in 
1860,  made  Mr.  Lincoln  President  of  the  United  States. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION 


OP 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION, 


CHAPTER   I. 

FROM  THE  ELECTION,  NOV.  6,  1860,  TO  THE  INAUGURATION, 
MARCH  4,  1861. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  was  elected  to  be  President,  of  the 
United  States  on  the  sixth  day  of  November  1860.  The 
preliminary  canvass  had  not  been  marked  by  any  very  extra 
ordinary  features.  Party  lines  were  a  good  deal  broken  up, 
and  four  presidential  candidates  were  in  the  field ;  but  this 
departure  from  the  ordinary  coarse  of  party  contests  had 
occurred  more  than  once  in  the  previous  political  history  of 
the  country.  Mr.  LINCOLN  was  put  in  nomination  by  the 
Republican  party,  and  represented  in  his  life  and  opinions 
the  precise  aim  and  object  for  which  that  party  had  been 
formed.  He  was  a  native  of  a  slaveholding  State  ;  and  while 
he  had  been  opposed  to  slavery,  he  had  regarded  it  as  a  local 
institution,  the  creature  of  local  laws,  with  which  the  national 
government  of  the  United  States  had  nothing  whatever  to  do. 
But  in  common  with  all  observant  public  men,  he  had  watched, 
with  distrust  and  apprehension,  the  advance  of  slavery  as  an  ele 
ment  of  political  power  towards  ascendency  in  the  government 
of  the  nation,  and  had  cordially  co-operated  with  those  who 
thought  it  absolutely  necessary  for  the  future  well-being  of  the 
country  that  this  tendency  should  be  checked.  He  had, 
therefore,  opposed  very  strenuously  the  extension  of  slavery 


54  PEESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

into  the  territories,  and  bad  asserted  the  right  and  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  exclude  it  by  positive  legislation  therefrom. 

The  Chicago  Convention,  which  nominated  Mr.  LINCOLN", 
adopted  a  platform  of  which  this  was  the  cardinal  feature ; 
but  it  also  took  good  care  to  repel  the  imputation  of  its  poli 
tical  opponents,  and  to  remove  the  apprehensions  of  the  South, 
that  the  party  proposed  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States 
whose  laws  gave  it  support  and  protection.  It  expressly  dis 
avowed  all  authority  and  all  wish  for  such  interference,  and 
declared  its  purpose  to  protect  the  Southern  States  in  the  free 
enjoyment  of  all  their  constitutional  rights.  The  Democratic 
Convention,  originally  assembled  at  Charleston,  was  disposed 
to  make  Mr.  DOUGLAS  its  candidate  in  opposition  to  Mr.  LIN 
COLN;  but  this  purpose  was  thwarted  by  leading  politicians 
of  the  slaveholding  States,  who  procured  the  nomination  of 
Mr.  BRECKINRIDGE,  with  full  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  this 
would  divide  the  Democratic  party,  and  in  all  probability 
secure  the  election  of  Mr.  LINCOLN.  Mr.  BKECKINRIDGE  rep 
resented  the  pro-slavery  element  of  the  Democratic  party, 
and  asserted  the  duty  of  the  national  government,  by  a  posi 
tive  exercise  of  its  legislative  and  executive  power,  to  protect 
slavery  in  the  territories,  against  any  legislation  either  of 
Congress  or  of  the  people  of  the  territories  themselves,  which 
should  seek  to  impair  in  any  degree  the  right,  alleged  to  be 
recognized  in  the  Constitution,  of  property  in  slaves.  Mr. 
DOUGLAS  supported  the  theory  that  the  people  of  the  terri 
tories,  acting  through  their  territorial  legislature,  had  the 
same  right  to  decide  this  question  for  themselves  as  they  had 
to  decide  any  other;  and  he  represented  this  principle  in  op 
position  to  Mr.  LINCOLN  on  the  one  hand,  and  Mr.  BRECKIN 
RIDGE  on  the  other,  in  the  Presidential  canvass.  JOHN  BELL, 
of  Tennessee,  was  also  made  a  candidate  by  the  action  mainly 
of  men  who  were  dissatisfied  with  all  the  existing  political 
parties,  and  who  were  alarmed  at  the  probable  results  of  a 


THE    PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION.  55 

Presidential  election  which  promised  to  be  substantially  sec 
tional  in  its  character.  They  put  forth,  therefore,  no  opinions 
upon  the  leading  points  in  controversy ;  and  went  into  the 
canvass  with  "  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  and  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  laws"  as  their  platform,  one  upon  which  they  could 
easily  have  rallied  all  the  people  of  all  sections  of  the  coun 
try,  but  for  the  fact  which  they  seemed  to  overlook,  that 
the  widest  possible  differences  of  opinion  prevailed  among 
the  people  as  to  its  meaning. 

All  sections  of  the  country  took  part  in  the  election.  The 
Southern  States  were  quite  as  active  and  quite  as  zealous  as 
the  Northern  in  carrying  on  the  canvass.  Public  meetings 
were  held,  the  newspaper  press  South  as  well  as  North  discussed 
the  issues  involved  with  energy  and  vigor,  and  every  thing  on 
the  surface  indicated  the  usual  termination  of  the  contest,  the 
triumph  of  one  party  and  the  peaceful  acquiescence  of  all 
others.  The  result,  however,  showed  that  this  was  a  mistake. 
The  active  and  controlling  politicians  of  the  Southern  States 
had  gone  into  the  canvass  with  the  distinct  and  well-formed 
purpose  of  acquiescing  in  the  result  only  in  the  event  of  its 
giving  them  the  victory.  The  election  took  place  on  the  6th 
of  November.  Mr.  LINCOLN  received  the  electoral  votes  of  all 
the  free  States  except  New  Jersey,  which  was  divided,  giving 
him  four  votes  and  Mr.  DOUGLAS  three.  Mr.  BRECKINRIDGE  re 
ceived  the  electoral  votes  of  all  the  Slave  States  except  Ken 
tucky,  Tennessee,  and  Virginia,  which  voted  for  BELL, 
and  Missouri,  which  voted  for  DOUGLAS,  as  did  three  electors 
from  New  Jersey  also.  Of  the  popular  vote  LINCOLN  re 
ceived  1,857,610;  DOUGLAS  1,365,976;  BRECKINRIDGE  847,- 
953,  and  BELL  590,631.  In  the  Electoral  College  LINCOLN 
received  180  votes,  DOUGLAS  12,  BRECKINUIDGE  72,  and 
Bell  39. 

As  soon  as  the  result  of  the  election  was  known,  various' 
movements  in  the  Southern  States  indicated  their  purpose  of 


56 

resistance ;  and  it  soon  became  evident  that  this  purpose  had 
been  long  cherished,  and  that  members  of  the  government 
under  the  Presidency  of  Mr.  BUCHANAN  had  officially  given 
it  their  sanction  and  aid.  On  the  29th  of  October  GENERAL 
SCOTT  sent  to  the  President  and  JOHN  B.  FLOYD,  his  Secre 
tary  of  War,  a  letter  expressing  apprehensions  lest  the  South 
ern  people  should  seize  some  of  the  Federal  forts  in  the  South 
ern  States,  and  advising  that  they  should  be  immediately  gar 
risoned  by  way  of  precaution.  The  Secretary  of  War,  ac 
cording  to  statements  subsequently  made  by  one  of  his  eulogists 
in  Virginia,  "thwarted,  objected,  resisted,  and  forbade  "  the 
adoption  of  those  measures,  which,  according  to  the  same 
authority,  if  carried  into  execution,  would  have  defeated 
the  conspiracy,  and  rendered  impossible  the  formation  of  a 
Southern  Confederacy.  An  official  report  from  the  ordnance 
department,  dated  January  16,  1861,  also  shows  that  during 
the  year  1860,  and  previous  to  the  Presidential  election, 
115,000  muskets  had  been  removed  from  Northern  armories 
and  sent  to  Southern  arsenals  by  a  single  order  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  issued  on  the  30th  of  December,  1859.  On  the 
20th  of  November  the  Attorney-General,  Hon.  JOHN  S.  BLACK, 
in  reply  to  inquiries  of  the  President,  gave  him  the  official 
opinion  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  carry  on  war  against 
any  State,  either  to  prevent  a  threatened  violation  of  the  Con 
stitution  or  to  enforce  an  acknowledgment  that  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  is  supreme  :  and  it  soon  became 
evident  that  the  President  adopted  this  theory  as  the  basis 
and  guide  of  his  Executive  action. 

South  Carolina  took  the  lead  in  the  secession  movement. 
Her  legislature  assembled  on  the  4th  of  November,  1860,  and, 
after  casting  the  electoral  vote  of  the  State  for  JOHN  C.  BRECK- 
INRIDGE  to  be  President  of  the  United  States,  passed  an  act 
*t>he  next  day  calling  a  State  Convention  to  meet  at  Columbia 
on  the  17th  of  December.  On  the  10th,  F.  W.  Pickens  was 


SECESSION    OF   SOUTH    CAROLINA.  57 

elected  Governor,  and,  in  his  inaugural,  declared  the  deter 
mination  of  the  State  to  secede, on  the  ground  that,  "in  the 
recent  election  for  President  and  Vice-President,  the  North 
had  carried  the  election  upon  principles  that  make  it  no  longer 
safe  for  us  to  rely  upon  the  powers  of  the  Federal  Government 
or  the  guarantees  of  the  Federal  Compact.  This,"  he  added, 
"  is  the  great  overt  act  of  the  people  of  the  Northern  States, 
who  propose  to  inaugurate  a  chief  magistrate  not  to  preside 
over  the  common  interests  or  destinies  of  all  the  States  alike, 
but  upon  issues  of  malignant  hostility  and  uncompromising 
war  to  be  waged  upon  the  rights,  the  interests,  and  the  peace 
of  half  of  the  States  of  this  Union."  The  Convention  met  on 
the  17th  of  December,  and  adjourned  the  next  day  to  Charles 
ton,  on  account  of  the  prevalence  of  small  pox  at  Columbia. 
On  the  20th  an  ordinance  was  passed  unanimously  repealing 
the  ordinance  adopted  May  23,  1788,  whereby  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  was  ratified,  and  "  dissolving  the 
union  now  subsisting  between  South  Carolina  and  other  States 
under  the  name  of  the  United  States  of  America  ;"  and  on  the 
24th  the  Governor  issued  his  proclamation,  declaring  the 
State  of  South  Carolina  to  be  a  "  separate,  sovereign,  free, 
and  independent  State." 

This  was  the  first  act  of  secession  passed  by  any  State. 
The  debates  in  the  State  Convention  show  clearly  enough 
that  it  was  not  taken  under  the  impulse  of  resentment  for  any 
sharp  and  remediless  wrong,  nor  in  apprehension  that  any  such 
wrong  would  be  inflicted  ;  but  in  pursuance  of  a  settled  and 
long-cherished  purpose.  In  that  debate  Mr.  Parker  said  that 
the  movement  was  "  no  spasmodic  effort — it  had  been  grad 
ually  culminating  for  a  long  series  of  years."  Mr.  Inglis  en 
dorsed  this  remark,  and  added,  "  Most  of  us  have  had  this 
matter  under  consideration  for  the  last  twenty  years."  Mr. 
L.  M.  Keitt  said,  "  I  have  been  engaged  in  this  movement  ever 
since  I  entered  political  life."  And  Mr.  Rhett,  who  had  been 
3* 


58  PRESIDENT    LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION". 

for  many  years  in  the  public  service,  declared  that  "  the  seces 
sion  of  South  Carolina  was  not  the  event  of  a  day.  It  is  not," 
said  he,  "  any  thing  produced  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  election,  or  by 
the  non-execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  It  is  a  matter 
which  has  been  gathering  head  for  thirty  years.  The  election 
of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  was  the  last  straw  on  the  back  of  the 
camel.  But  it  was  not  the  only  one.  The  back  was  nearly 
broken  before."  So  far  as  South  Carolina  was  concerned 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  her  action  was  decided  by  men 
who  had  been  plotting  disunion  for  thirty  years,  not  on  ac 
count  of  any  wrongs  her  people  had  sustained  at  the  hands  of 
the  Federal  Government,  but  from  motives  of  personal  and 
sectional  ambition,  and  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  gov 
ernment  which  should  be  permanently  and  completely  in  the 
interest  of  slavery. 

But  the  disclosures  which  have  since  been  made,  imperfect 
comparatively  as  they  are,  prove  clearly  that  the  whole  seces 
sion  movement  was  in  the  hands  of  a  few  conspirators,  who 
had  their  head-quarters  at  the  national  Capital,  and  were  them 
selves  closely  connected  with  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  A  secret  meeting  of  these  men  was  held  at  Washing 
ton  on  the  night  of  the  5th  of  January,  1861,  at  which  the 
Senators  from  Georgia,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Texas, 
Mississippi,  and  Florida  were  present.  They  decided,  by 
resolutions,  that  each  of  the  Southern  States  should  secede 
from  the  Union  as  soon  as  possible ;  that  a  Convention  of 
seceding  States  should  be  held  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  not 
later  than  the  15th  of  February;  and  that  the  Senators  and 
Members  of  Congress  from  the  Southern  States  ought  to 
remain  in  their  seats  as  long  as  possible,  in  order  to  defeat 
measures  that  might  be  proposed  at  Washington  hostile  to 
the  secession  movement.  Davis  of  Mississippi,  Slidell  of  Louis 
iana,  and  Mallory  of  Florida,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  car 
ry  these  decisions  into  effect ;  and,  in  pursuance  of  them,  Missis- 


FORMATION    OF   THE    REBEL    CONFEDERACY.  59 

sippi  passed  an  ordinance  of  secession  January  9th ;  Alabama 
and  Florida,  January  11 ;  Louisiana,  January  26,  and  Texas, 
February  5th.  All  these  acts,  as  well  as  all  which  followed, 
were  simply  the  execution  of  the  behests  of  this  secret  conclave 
of  conspirators  who  had  resolved  upon  secession.  In  all  the 
Conventions  of  the  seceding  States,  delegates  were  appointed  to 
meet  at  Montgomery.  In  not  one  of  them  was  the  question  of 
secession  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people ;  although  in  some 
of  them  the  Legislatures  had  expressly  forbidden  them  to 
pass  any  ordinance  of  secession  without  making  its  validity 
depend  on  its  ratification  by  the  popular  vote.  The  Conven 
tion  met  at  Montgomery  on  the  4th  of  February,  and  adopted 
a  provisional  constitution,  to  continue  in  operation  for  one 
year.  Under  this  constitution  Jefferson  Davis  was  elected 
President  of  the  new  Confederacy,  and  Alex.  H.  Stephens,  of 
Georgia,  Vice-President.  Both  were  inaugurated  on  the  18th. 
In  an  address  delivered  on  his  arrival  at  Montgomery,  Mr. 
Davis  declared  that  "the  time  for  compromise  has  now  passed, 
and  the  South  is  determined  to  maintain  her  position,  and  make 
all  who  oppose  her  smell  Southern  powder  and  feel  Southern 
steel, if  coercion  is  persisted  in."  He  felt  sure  of  the  result; 
it  might  be  they  would  '*  have  to  encounter  inconveniences  at 
the  beginning,"  but  he  had  no  doubts  of  the  final  issue.  The 
first  part  of  his  anticipation  has  been  fully  realized  ;  it  remains 
k>  be  seen  whether  the  end  will  be  as  peaceful  and  satisfactory 
as  he  predicted. 

The  policy  of  the  new  Confederacy  towards  the  United 
States  was  soon  officially  made  known.  The  government 
decided  to  maintain  the  status  quo  until  the  expiration  of  Mr. 
BUCHANAN'S  term,  feeling  assured  that,  with  his  declared  be 
lief  that  it  would  be  unconstitutional  to  coerce  a  State,  they 
need  apprehend  from  his  administration  no  active  hostility  to 
their  designs.  They  had  some  hope  that,  by  the  4th  of  March, 
their  new  Confederacy  would  be  so  far  advanced  that  the  new 


60  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Administration  might  waive  its  purpose  of  coercion  ;  and  they 
deemed  it  wise  not  to  do  any  thing  which  should  rashly  forfeit 
the  favor  and  support  of  "  that  very  large  portion  of  the  North 
whose  moral  sense  was  on  their  side."  Nevertheless,  they 
entered  upon  prompt  and  active  preparations  for  war.  Con 
tracts  were  made  in  various  parts  of  the  South  for  the  manu 
facture  of  powder,  shell,  cannon  balls,  and  other  munitions 
of  war.  Recruiting  was  set  on  foot  in  several  of  the  States. 
A  plan  was  adopted  for  the  organization  of  a  regular  army 
of  the  Confederacy,  and  on  the  6th  of  March  Congress  passed 
an  act  authorizing  a  military  force  of  100,000  men. 

Thus  was  opened  a  new  chapter  in  the  history  of  America. 
Thus  were  taken  the  first  steps  towards  overthrowing  the 
Government  and  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  estab 
lishing  a  new  nation,  with  a  new  Constitution,  resting  upon 
new  principles,  and  aiming  at  new  results.  The  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  was  ordained  "  in  order  to  form  a  more 
perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity, 
provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare, 
and  secure  the  blessings  of  Liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  pos 
terity."  We  have  the  clear  and  explicit  testimony  of  A.  II. 
Stephens,  the  Vice-President  of  the  rebel  Confederacy,  echo 
ing  and  reaffirming  that  of  the  whole  civilized  world,  to  the 
fact,  that  these  high  and  noble  objects — the  noblest  and  the 
grandest  at  which  human  institutions  can  aim — have  been 
more  nearly  attained  in  the  practical  working  of  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  than  anywhere  else  on  the  face  of 
the  earth.  "I  look  upon  this  country,  with  our  institutions," 
said  Mr.  Stephens  before  the  Legislature  of  Georgia,  on  the 
14th  of  November,  I860,  after  the  result  of  the  Presidential 
election  was  known,  "  as  the  Eden  of  the  world,  the  paradise 
of  the  universe.  It  may  be  that  out  of  it  we  may  become 
greater  and  more  prosperous,  but  I  am  candid  and  sincere  in 
telling  you  that  I  fear  if  we  rashly  evince  passion,  and  without 


THE    OBJECTS    OF   SECESSION.  61 

sufficient  cause  shall  take  that  step,  that  instead  of  becoming 
greater,  or  more  peaceful,  prosperous,  and  happy — instead  of 
becoming  gods  we  will  become  demons,  and  at  no  distant  day 
commence  cutting  each  other's  throats."  Mr.  Stephens  on 
that  occasion  went  on,  in  a  strain  of  high  patriotism  and  com 
mon  sense,  to  speak  of  the  proposed  secession  of  the  State  of 
Georgia,  in  language  which  will  forever  stand  as  a  judicial 
condemnation  of  the  action  of  the  rebel  States.  "  The  first 
question  that  presents  itself,"  said  Mr.  Stephens,  "  is,  shall  the 
people  of  the  South  secede  from  the  Union  in  consequence  of 
the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States?  My  countrymen,  I  tell  you  candidly,  frankly,  and 
earnestly  that  I  do  not  think  that  they  ought.  In  my  judg 
ment  the  election  of  no  man,  constitutionally  chosen  to  that 
hisrh  office,  is  sufficient  cause  for  any  State  to  separate  from 
the  Union.  It  ought  to  stand  by  and  aid  still  in  maintaining 
the  Constitution  of  the  country.  To  make  a  point  of  resist 
ance  to  the  Government,  to  withdraw  from  it  because  a  man 
has  been  constitutionally  elected,  puts  us  in  the  wrong.  *  * 
We  went  intc  the  election  with  this  people.  The  result 
was  different  from  what  we  wished ;  but  the  election 
has  been  constitutionally  held.  Were  we  to  make  a  point 
of  resistance  to  the  Government,  and  go  out  of  the  Union 
on  this  account,  the  record  would  be  made  up  hereafter 
against  us." 

After  the  new  Confederacy  had  been  organized,  and  Mr. 
Stephens  had  been  elected  its  Vice-President,  he  made  an 
elaborate  speech  to  the  citizens  of  Savannah,  in  which  he 
endeavored  to  vindicate  this  attempt  to  establish  a  new  gov 
ernment  in  place  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  set  forth  the  new  principles  upon  which  it  was  to  rest,  and 
which  were  to  justify  the  movement  in  the  eyes  of  the  world 
and  of  impartial  posterity.  That  exposition  is  too  important 
to  be  omitted  here.  It  is  the  most  authoritative  and  explicit 


62  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

statement  of  the  character  and  objects  of  the  new  government 
which  has  ever  been  made.     Mr.  Stephens  said  : 

"  The  new  constitution  has  put  at  rest  forever  all  agitating  questions 
relating  to  our  peculiar  institutions — African  slavery  as  it  exists  among 
us — the  proper  status  of  the  negro  in  our  form  of  civilization.  This  was 
the  immediate  cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  present  revolution.  Jeffer 
son,  in  his  forecast,  had  anticipated  this,  as  the  '  rock  upon  which  the  old 
Union  would  split.'  He  was  right.  What  was  conjecture  with  him,  is 
now  a  realized  fact.  But  whether  he  fully  comprehended  the  great 
truth  upon  which  that  rock  stood  and  stands,  may  be  doubted.  The 
prevailing  ideas  entertained  by  him  and  most  of  the  leading  statesmen 
at  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  old  Constitution  were,  that  the  en 
slavement  of  the  African  was  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature ;  that  it 
was  wrong  in  principle,  socially,  morally,  and  politically.  It  was  an 
evil  they  knew  not  well  how  to  deal  with ;  but  the  general  opinion  of 
the  men  of  that  day  was,  that,  somehow  or  other,  in  the  order  of  Provi 
dence,  the  institution  would  be  evanescent  and  pass  away.  This  idea, 
though  not  incorporated  in  the  Constitution,  was  the  prevailing  idea  at 
the  time.  The  Constitution,  it  is  true,  secured  every  essential  guarantee 
to  the  institution  while  it  should  last,  and  hence  no  argument  can  be 
justly  used  against  the  constitutional  guarantees  thus  secured,  because 
of  the  common  sentiment  of  the  day.  Those  ideas,  however,  were  fun 
damentally  wrong.  They  rested  upon  the  assumption  of  the  equality  of 
races.  This  was  an  error.  It  was  a  sandy  foundation,  and  the  idea  of 
a  government  built  upon  it  was  wrong — when  the  '  storm  came  and  the 
wind  blew,  it  fell.1 

"  Our  new  Government  is  founded  upon  exactly  the  opposite  ideas ; 
its  foundations  are  laid,  its  corner-stone  rests  upon  the  great  truth  that 
the  negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man ;  that  slavery,  subordination  to 
the  superior  race,  is  his  natural  and  moral  condition.  This,  our  new 
Government,  is  the  first  in  the  history  of  the  world,  based  upon  this 
great  physical,  philosophical,  and  moral  truth.  This  truth  has  been 
slow  in  the  process  of  its  development,  like  all  other  truths  in  the  va 
rious  departments  of  science.  It  is  even  so  amongst  us.  Many  who 
hear  me,  perhaps,  can  recollect  well  that  this  truth  was  not  generally 
admitted  even  within  their  day.  The  errors  of  the  past  generation  still 
cluug  to  many  as  late  as  twenty  years  ago.  Those  at  the  North  who 
still  cling  to  these  errors  with  a  zeal  above  knowledge,  we  justly  denom 
inate  fanatics.  All  fanaticism  springs  from  an  aberration  of  the  mind ; 


SECESSION    MOVEMENTS    IN    WASHINGTON.  63 

from  a  defect  in  reasoning.  It  is  a  species  of  insanity.  One  of  the 
most  striking  characteristics  of  insanity,  in  many  instances,  is  forming 
correct  conclusions  from  fancied  or  erroneous  premises ;  so  with  the 
anti-slavery  fanatics ;  their  conclusions  are  right  if  their  premises  are. 
They  assume  that  the  negro  is  equal,  and  hence  conclude  that  he  is  en 
titled  to  equal  privileges  and  rights  with  the  white  man.  If  their  prem 
ises  were  correct,  their  conclusions  would  be  logical  and  just ;  but  their 
premises  being  wrong,  their  whole  argument  fails.  I  recollect  once  of 
having  heard  a  gentleman  from  one  of  the  Northern  States,  of  great 
power  and  ability,  announce  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  with  im 
posing  effect,  that  we  of  the  South  would  be  compelled,  ultimately,  to 
yield  upon  this  subject  of  slavery ;  that  it  was  as  impossible  to  war 
successfully  against  a  principle  in  politics,  as  it  was  in  physics  or  me 
chanics.  That  the  principle  would  ultimately  prevail.  That  we,  in 
maintaining  slavery  as  it  exists  with  us,  were  warring  against  a  princi 
ple — a  principle  founded  in  nature,  the  principle  of  the  equality  of  man. 
The  reply  I  made  to  him  was,  that  upon  his  own  grounds  we  should 
succeed,  and  that  he  and  his  associates  in  their  crusade  against  our  in 
stitutions  would  ultimately  fail.  The  truth  announced,  that  it  was  as 
impossible  to  war  successfully  against  a  principle  in  politics  as  well  as 
in  physics  and  mechanics,  I  admitted,  but  told  him  that  it  was  he  and 
those  acting  with  him  who  were  warring  against  a  principle.  They 
were  attempting  to  make  things  equal  which  the  Creator  had  made  un 
equal. 

"In  the  conflict  thus  far,  success  has  been  on  our  side,  complete 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Confederate  States.  It  is  up 
on  this,  as  I  have  stated,  our  social  fab'ric  is  firmly  planted ;  and  I  can 
not  permit  myself  to  doubt  the  ultimate  success  of  a  full  recognition  of 
this  principle  throughout  the  civilized  and  enlightened  world." 

We  have  thus  traced  the  course  of  events  in  the  Southern 
States  during  the  three  mouths  that  succeeded  the  election  of 
President  Lincoln.  Let  us  now  see  what  took  place  in  Wash 
ington  during  the  same  time.  Congress  met  on  the  3d  of 
December  and  the  Message  of  President  Buchanan  was  at  once 
sent  in.  That  document  ascribed  the  discontent  of  the  Southern 
States  to  the  alleged  fact  that  the  violent  ao-itation  in  the  North 

r?  O 

tfo-ainst  slavery  had  created  disaffection  among  the  slaves,  and 
created  apprehensions  of  servile  insurrection.  The  President 


64  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

vindicated  the  hostile  action  of  the  South,  assuming  that  it  was 
prompted  by  these  apprehensions ;  but  went  on  to  show  that 
there  was  no  right  on  the  part  of  any  State  to  secede  from  the 
Union,  while  at  the  same  time  he  contended  that  the  General 
Government  had  no  right  to  make  war  on  any  State  for  the 
purpose  of  preventing  it  from  seceding,  and  closed  this  portion 
of  his  Message  by  recommending  an  amendment  of  the  Consti 
tution  which  should  explicitly  recognize  the  right  of  property 
in  slaves,  and  provide  for  the  protection  of  that  right  in  all  the 
territories  of  the  United  States.  The  belief  that  the  people  of 
South  Carolina  would  make  an  attempt  to  seize  one  or  more 
of  the  forts  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston,  created  considerable 
uneasiness  at  Washington ;  and  on  the  9th  of  December  the 
Representatives  from  that  State  wrote  to  the  President  ex 
pressing  their  "  strong  convictions1'  that  no  such  attempt  would 
be  made  previous  to  the  action  of  the  State  Convention,  "pro 
vided  that  no  re-enforcements  should  be  sent  into  those  forts, 
and  their  relative  military  status  shall  remain  as  at  present." 
On  the  10th  of  December  Howell  Cobb  resigned  his  office  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  on  the  14th  Gen.  Cass  resigned 
as  Secretary  of  State.  The  latter  resigned  because  the  Presi 
dent  refused  to  re-enforce  the  forts  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston. 
On  the  20th  the  State  of  So\ith  Carolina  passed  the  ordinance 
of  secession,  and  on  the  26th  Major  Anderson  transferred  his 
garrison  from  Fort  Moultrie  to  Fort  Sumter.  On  the  29th 
John  B.  Floyd  resigned  his  office  as  Secretary  of  War,  alleging 
that  the  action  of  Major  Anderson  was  in  violation  of  pledges 
given  by  the  Government  that  the  military  status  of  the  forts 
at  Charleston  should  remain  unchanged,  and  that  the  Presi 
dent  had  declined  to  allow  him  to  issue  an  order,  for  which  he 
had  applied  on  the  27th,  to  withdraw  the  garrison  from  the 
harbor  of  Charleston.  On  the  29th  of  December,  Messrs. 
Barn  well,  Adams,  and  Orr  arrived  at  Washington,  as  Commis 
sioners  from  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  and  at  once  opened  a 


DEBATES   IN    CONGEESS.  65 

correspondence  with  President  Buchanan,  asking  for  the  deliv 
ery  of  the  forts  and  other  government  property  at  Charleston 
to  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina.  The  President  replied 
on  the  30th,  reviewing  the  whole  question — stating  that  in  re 
moving  from  Fort  Moultrie  Major  Anderson  acted  solely  on 
his  own  responsibility,  and  that  his  first  impulse  on  hearing  of 
it  was  to  order  him  to  return,  but  that  the  occupation  of  the 
fort  by  South  Carolina  and  the  seizure  of  the  arsenal  at  Charles 
ton  had  rendered  this  impossible.  The  Commissioners  replied 
on  the  1st  of  January,  1861,  insisting  that  the  President  had 
pledged  himself  to  maintain  the  status  of  affairs  in  Charleston 
harbor  previous  to  the  removal  of  Major  Anderson  from  Fort 
Moultrie,  and  calling  on  him  to  redeem  this  pledge.  This 
communication  the  President  returned. 

On  the  8th  of  January  the  President  sent  a  Message  to  Con 
gress,  calling  their  attention  to  the  condition  of  public  affairs, 
declaring  that  while  he  had  no  right  to  make  aggressive  war 
upon  any  State,  it  was  his  right  and  his  duty  to  "  use  military 
force  defensively  against  those  who  resist  the  Federal  officers 
in  the  execution  of  their  legal  functions,  and  against  those  who 
assail  the  property  of  the  Federal  Government;" — but  throw 
ing  the  whole  responsibility  of  meeting  the  extraordinary  emer 
gencies  of  the  occasion  upon  Congress.  On  the  same  day  Jacob 
Thompson,  of  Mississippi,  resigned  his  office  as  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  because  the  Star  of  the  West  had  been  sent  on  the  5th, 
by  order  of  the  Government,  with  supplies  for  Fort  Sumter,  in 
violation,  as  he  alleged,  of  the  decision  of  the  Cabinet.  On 
the  10th,  P.  F.  Thomas,  of  Maryland,  who  had  replaced 
Howell  Cobb  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  resigned,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Gen.  John  A.  Dix,  of  New  York. 

-The  debates  and  the  action  of  Congress  throughout  the  ses 
sion  related  mainly  to  the  questions  at  issue  between  the  two 
sections.  The  discussion  opened  on  the  3d  of  December  as 
soon  as  the  President's  Message  had  been  read.  The  Southern 


66  PEESIDEXT    LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

Senators  generally  treated  the  election  of  the  previous  Novem 
ber  as  having  been  a  virtual  decision  against  the  equality  and 
rights  of  the  slaveholding  States.  The  Republican  members 
disavowed  this  construction,  and  proclaimed  their  willingness  to 
adopt  any  just  and  proper  measures  which  would  quiet  the 
apprehensions  of  the  South,  while  they  insisted  that  the  author 
ity  of  the  Constitution  should  be  maintained,  and  the  constitu 
tional  election  of  a  President  should  be  respected.  At  the 
opening  of  the  session  Mr.  Powell,  of  Kentucky,  in  the  Senate 
moved  the  reference  of  that  portion  of  the  President's  Message 
which  related  to  the  sectional  difficulties  of  the  country,  to  a 
select  committee  of  thirteen.  This  resolution  being  adopted, 
Mr.  Crittenden  immediately  afterwards  introduced  a  series  of 
joint  resolutions,  embodying  what  came  to  be  kno\vn  after 
wards  as  the  Crittenden  Compromise — proposing  to  submit  to 
the  action  of  the  people  of  the  several  States  the  following 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  : 

1.  Prohibiting  slavery  in  all  the  territory  of  the  United  States  north 
of  36°  30',  and  protecting  it  as  property  in  all  territory  south  of  that 
line  ;  and  admitting  into  the  Union,  with  or  without  slavery  a8  its  Con 
stitution  might  provide,  any  State  that  might  be  formed  out  of  such  ter 
ritory,  whenever  its  population  should  be  sufficient  to  entitle  it  to  a 
member  of  Congress. 

2.  Prohibiting  Congress  from  abolishing  slavery  in  places  under  its 
exclusive  jurisdiction  within  Slave  States. 

3.  Prohibiting  Congress  from  abolishing  slavery  within  the  District 
of  Columbia,  so  long  as  slavery  should  exist  in  Virginia  or  Maryland ; 
or  without  the  consent  of  the  inhabitants  or  without  just  compensation 
to  the  owners. 

4.  Prohibiting  Congress  from  hindering  the  transportation  of  slaves 
from  one  State  to  another,  or  to  a  territory  in  which  slavery  is  allowed. 

5.  Providing  that  where  a  fugitive  slave  is  lost  to  his  owner  .by 
violent  resistance  to  the  execution  of  the  process  of  the  law  for  his  re 
covery,  the  United  States  shall  pay  to  said  owner  his  full  value,  and 
may  recover  the  same  from  the  county  in  which  such  rescue  occurred. 

6.  These  provisions  were  declared  to  be  unchangeable  by  any  future 


THE    CRITTEXDEN   RESOLUTIONS.  67 

amendment  of  the  Constitution,  as  were  also  the  existing  articles  relating 
to  the  representation  of  slaves  and  the  surrender  of  fugitives. 

Besides  these  proposed  amendments  of  the  Constitution  Mr. 
Crittenden's  resolutions  embodied  certain  declarations  in  af 
firmance  of  the  constitutionality  and  binding  force  of  the 
fugitive  slave  law — recommending  the  repeal  by  the  States  of 
all  bills,  the  effect  of  which  was  to  hinder  the  execution  of 
that  law,  proposing  to  amend  it  by  equalizing  its  fees,  and 
urging  the  effectual  execution  of  the  law  for  the  suppression  of 
the  African  slave  trade. 

These  resolutions  were  referred  to  the  Committee  of  Thir 
teen,  ordered  on  Mr.  Powell's  motion,  and  composed  of  the 
following  Senators: 

Messrs.  Powell,  Hunter,  Crittenden,  Seward,  Toombs,  Douglas,  Col- 
lamer,  Davis,  Wade,  Bigler,  Kice,  Doolittle,  and  Grimes. 

On  the  31st  of  December,  this  Committee  reported  that 
they  "had  not  been  able  to  agree  upon  any  general  plan  of 
adjustment."  The  whole  subject  was  nevertheless  discussed 
over  and  over  again  during  the  residue  of  the  session  ;  but  no 
final  action  was  taken  until  the  very  day  of  its  close.  On 
the  21st  of  January,  Messrs.  Yulee  and  Mallory,  of  Florida, 
resigned  their  seats  in  the  Senate  because  their  State  had 
passed  an  ordinance  of  secession,  and  on  the  28th  Mr.  Iverson, 
of  Georgia,  followed  their  example.  Messrs.  Clay  and  Fitz- 
patrick,  of  Alabama,  and  Mr.  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  followed 
next,  and  on  the  4th  of  February  Messrs.  Slid  ell  and  Ben 
jamin,  of  Louisiana,  also  took  their  leave. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  the  debates  took  the  same 
general  direction  as  in  the  Senate.  On  the  first  day  of  the 
session  a  resolution  was  adopted,  by  a  vote  of  145  to  38,  to 
refer  so  much  of  the  President's  Message  as  related  to  the 
perilous  condition  of  the  country,  to  a  committee  of  one  from 
each  State.  This  committee  was  appointed  as  follows : 


68  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Corwin  of  Ohio.  Dunn  of  Indiana. 

Millson  of  Virginia.  Taylor  of  Louisiana. 

Adams  of  Massachusetts.  Davis  of  Mississippi. 

Winslow  of  North  Carolina.  Kellogg  of  Illinois. 

Humphrey  of  New  York.  Houston  of  Alabama . 

Boyce  of  South  Carolina.  Morse  of  Maine. 

Campbell  of  Pennsylvania.  Phelps  of  Missouri 

Love  of  Georgia.  Rust  of  Arkansas. 

Ferry  of  Connectic  ut.  Howard  of  Michigan. 

Davis  of  Maryland.  Hawkins  of  Florida 

Robinson  of  Rhode  Island.  Hamilton  of  Texas. 

Whitely  of  Delaware.  "Washburn  of  Wisconsin. 

Tappan  of  New  Hampshire.  Curtis  of  Iowa. 

Stratton  of  New  Jersey.  Birch  of  California. 

Bristow  of  Kentucky.  "Windom  of  Minnesota. 

Morrill  of  Vermont.  Stark  of  Oregon. 
Nelson  of  Tennessee. 

A  great  variety  of  resolutions  were  offered  and  referred  to 
this  committee.  In  a  few  days  the  committee  reported  the  fol 
lowing  series  of  resolutions,  and  recommended  their  adoption  : 

Resolved  ly  the  Senate  and  Home  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  all  attempts  on  the  parts  of  the 
Legislatures  of  any  of  the  States  to  obstruct  or  hinder  the  recovery  and 
surrender  of  fugitives  from  service  or  labor,  are  in  derogation  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  inconsistent  with  the  comity  and 
good  neighborhood  that  should  prevail  among  the  several  States,  and 
dangerous  to  the  peace  of  the  Union. 

Resolved,  That  the  several  States  be  respectfully  requested  to  cause 
their  statutes  to  be  revised,  with  a  view  to  ascertain  if  any  of  them  are 
in  conflict  with  or  tend  to  embarrass  or  hinder  the  execution  of  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  made  in  pursuance  of  the  second  section  of 
the  fourth  article  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  for  the  deliv 
ering  up  of  persons  held  to  labor  by  the  laws  of  any  State  and  escaping 
therefrom;  and  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  earnestly 
request  that  all  enactments  having  such  tendency  be  forthwith  re 
pealed,  as  required  by  a  just  sense  of  constitutional  obligations,  and  by 
a  due  regard  for  the  peace  of  the  Republic ;  and  the  President  of  the 
United  States  is  requested  to  communicate  these  resolutions  to  the 


CONCILIATORY  ACTION    OF    CONGRESS.  69 

Governors  of  the  several  States,  with  a  request  that  they  will  lay  the 
same  before  the  Legislatures  thereof  respectively. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  slavery  as  now  existing  in  fifteen  of  the 
United  States  by  the  usages  and  laws  of  those  States ;  and  we  recog 
nize  no  authority,  legally  or  otherwise,  outside  of  a  State  where  it  so 
exists,  to  interfere  with  slaves  or  slavery  in  such  States,  in  disregard  of 
the  rights  of  their  owners  or  the  peace  of  society. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  the  justice  and  propriety  of  a  faithful 
execution  of  the  Constitution,  and  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  on 
the  subject  of  fugitive  slaves,  or  fugitives  from  service  or  labor,  and 
discountenance  all  mobs  or  hinderances  to  the  execution  of  such  laws, 
and  that  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and 
immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  no  such  conflicting  elements  in  its  com 
position,  or  sufficient  cause  from  any  source,  for  a  dissolution  of  this 
Government;  that  we  were  not  sent  here  to  destroy,  but  to  sustain 
and  harmonize  the  institutions  of  the  country,  and  to  see  that  equal 
justice  is  done  to  all  parts  of  the  same ;  and  finally,  to  perpetuate  its 
existence  on  terms  of  equality  and  justice  to  all  the  States. 

Resolved,  That  a  faithful  observance,  on  the  part  of  all  the  States,  of 
all  their  constitutional  obligations  to  each  other  and  to  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  is  essential  to  the  peace  of  the  country. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Federal  Government  to  enforce 
the  Federal  laws,  protect  the  Federal  property,  and  preserve  the  Union 
of  these  States. 

Resolved,  That  each  State  be  requested  to  revise  its  statutes,  and,  if 
necessary,  so  to  amend  the  same  as  to  secure,  without  legislation  by 
Congress,  to  citizens  of  other  States  travelling  therein,  the  same  protec 
tion  as  citizens  of  such  State  enjoy ;  and  also  to  protect  the  citizens  of 
other  States  travelling  or  sojourning  therein  against  popular  violence  or 
illegal  summary  punishment,  without  trial  in  due  form  of  law,  for  im 
puted  crimes. 

Resolved,  That  each  State  be  also  respectfully  requested  to  enact  such 
laws  as  will  prevent  and  punish  any  attempt  whatever  in  such  State  to 
recognize  or  set  on  foot  the  lawless  invasion  of  any  other  State  or  Ter 
ritory. 

Resolved,  That  the  President  be  requested  to  transmit  copies  of 
the-  foregoing  resolutions  to  the  Governors  of  the  several  States, 
with  a  request  that  they  be  communicated  to  their  respective  Legis 
latures. 


70  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

These  resolutions  were  intended  and  admirably  calculated 
to  calm  the  apprehensions  of  the  people  of  the  slaveholding 
States  as  to  any  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  to  interfere  with  Slavery,  or  withhold  from  them 
any  of  their  constitutional  rights ;  and  in  a  House  controlled 
by  a  large  Republican  majority,  they  were  adopted  by  a  vote 
of  ayes  136,  noes  53.  Not  content  with  this  effort  to  satisfy 
all  just  complaints  on  the  part  of  the  Southern  States,  the 
same  committee  reported  the  following  resolution,  recom 
mending  such  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution  as  should 
put  it  forever  out  of  the  power  of  the  Government  or  people 
of  the  United  States  to  interfere  with  Slavery  in  any  of  the 
States : 

Be  it  resolved  ly  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled  (two-thirds  of  both  Houses  con 
curring),  That  the  following  article  be  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of 
the  several  States  as  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  which,  when  ratified  by  three-fourths  of  said  Legislatures,  shall 
be  valid,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  a  part  of  the  said  Constitution, 
namely : 

Art.  12.  No  amendment  shall  be  made  to  the  Constitution  which  will 
authorize,  or  give  to  Congress  the  power  to  abolish  or  interfere,  within 
any  State,  with  the  domestic  institutions  thereof,  including  that  of  per 
sons  held  to  labor  or  service  by  the  laws  of  said  State. 

This  resolution  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  133  to  65 — more 
than  two-thirds  in  its  favor.  This  closed  the  action  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  at  this  session  on  this  important 
subject,  though  it  had  previously  adopted,  by  a  unanimous 
vote,  the  following  declaratory  resolution  : — 

Resolved,  That  neither  the  Federal  Government  nor  the  people,  or  the 
governments  of  the  non-slaveholding  States?,  have  the  right  to  legislate 
upon  or  interfere  with  Slavery  in  any  of  the  slaveholding  States  in  the 
Union. 

The  action  of  the  Senate  was  somewhat  modified  by  the 
intervening  action  of  a  Peace  Conference,  which  assembled  at 


THE    PEACE    CONFERENCE.  71 

Washington  on  the  4th  of  February,  in  pursuance  of  a  recom 
mendation  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  embodied  in  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  General  Assembly  of  that  State  on  the  19th 
of  January.  It  consisted  of  delegates,  133  in  number,  from 
21  States — none  of  those  which  had  seceded  being  repre 
sented.  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  was  appointed  president, 
and  a  committee,  consisting  of  one  from  each  State,  was  ap 
pointed,  with  authority  to  "  report  what  they  may  deem  right, 
necessary,  and  proper  to  restore  harmony  and  preserve  the 
Union."  On  the  loth  of  February  the  committee  reported  a 
series  of  resolutions,  in  seven  sections,  which  were  discussed 
and  amended,  one  by  one,  until  the  afternoon  of  the  26th, 
when  the  vote  was  taken  upon  them  as  amended,  in  succes 
sion,  with  the  following  results  : 

SECTION  1.  In  all  the  present  territory  of  the  United  States,  north  of 
the  parallel  of  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty  minutes  of  north  latitude,  in 
voluntary  servitude,  except  in  punishment  of  crime,  is  prohibited.  In 
all  the  present  territory  south  of  that  line,  the  status  of  persons  held  to 
involuntary  service  or  labor,  as  it  now  exists,  shall  not  be  changed;  nor 
shall  any  law  be  passed  by  Congress  or  the  Territorial  Legislature  to 
hinder  or  prevent  the  taking  of  such  persons  from  any  of  the  States  of 
this  Union  to  said  territory,  nor  to  impair  the  rights  arising  from  said  re 
lation;  but  the  same  shall  be  subject  to  judicial  cognizance  in  the  Federal 
Courts,  according  to  the  course  of  the  common  law.  When  any  territory 
north  or  south  of  said  line,  within  such  boundary  as  Congress  may  pre 
scribe,  shall  contain  a  population  equal  to  that  required  for  a  member  of 
Congress,  it  shall,  if  its  form  of  government  be  republican,  be  admitted 
into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original  States,  with  or  with 
out  involuntary  servitude  as  the  constitution  of  such  State  may  provide. 

The  vote  on  the  adoption  of  the  section  was  as  follows: 

AYES.— Delaware,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  New  Jersey,  Ohio,  Penn 
sylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Tennessee — 8. 

^  NOES.— Connecticut,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Missouri, 
.New  York,  North  Carolina,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Virginia — 11. 

So  its  adoption  was  not  agreed  to. 

A  reconsideration  of  this  vote  was  called  for  by  the  delegates  from 
Illinois  and  agreed  to,  14  to  5.  On  the  next  day  the  question  was  again 
taken  on  the  adoption  of  the  section,  with  the  follo'.ving  result: 


72  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

AYES. — Delaware  Illinois,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  New  Jersey,  Ohio, 
Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Tennessee — 9. 

NOES. — Connecticut,  Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  North  Carolina, 
New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Virginia — 8. 

Thus  the  section  was  adopted. 

It  was  stated  by  the  members  from  New  York,  when  the  State  was 
called,  that  one  of  their  number,  D.  D.  Field,  was  absent,  and  the  del 
egation  was  divided.  Thus  New  York,  Indiana,  and  Kansas  were 
divided. 

The  adoption  of  the  second  section  was  then  moved ;  it  was  as  fol 
lows: 

SECTION  2.  No  territory  shall  be  acquired  by  the  United  States,  except 
by  discovery,  and  for  naval  and  commercial  stations,  depots,  and  transit 
routes,  without  the  concurrence  of  a  majority  of  all  the  Senators  from 
States  which  allow  involuntary  servitude,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  Sena 
tors  from  States  which  prohibit  that  relation ;  nor  shall  territory  be  ac 
quired  by  treaty,  unless  the  votes  of  a  majority  of  the  Senators  from  each 
class  of  States  hereinbefore  mentioned  be  cast  as  a  part  of  the  two-thirds 
majority  necessary  to  the  ratification  of  such  treaty. 

The  vote  on  this  section  was  as  follows : 

AYES. — Delaware,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri,  New  Jersey, 
Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Tennessee,  Virginia — 11. 

NOES. — Connecticut,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  North  Car 
olina,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont — 8. 

New  York  and  Kansas  were  divided. 

The  adoption  of  section  three  of  the  report,  with  the  amendments, 
was  next  moved.  The  amended  section  was  as  follows : 

SECTION  3.  Neither  the  Constitution  nor  any  amendment  thereof  shall 
be  construed  to  give  Congress  power  to  regulate,  abolish,  or  control, 
within  any  State,  the  relation  established  or  recognized  by  the  laws 
thereof  touching  persons  held  to  labor  or  involuntary  service  therein,  nor 
to  interfere  with  or  abolish  involuntary  service  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia  without  the  consent  of  Maryland  and  without  the  consent  of  the 
owners,  or  making  the  owners  who  do  not  consent  just  compensation ; 
nor  the  power  to  interfere  with  or  prohibit  representatives  and  others 
from  bringing  with  them  to  the  District  of  Columbia,  retaining  and 
taking  away,  persons  so  held  to  labor  or  service;  nor  the  power  to  in 
terfere  with  or  abolish  involuntary  service  in  places  under  the  exclusive 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  within  those  States  and  Territories 
where  the  same  is  established  or  recognized ;  nor  the  power  to  prohibit 
the  removal  or  transportation  of  persons  held  to  labor  or  involuntary 
service  in  any  State  or  territory  of  the  United  States  to  any  other  State  or 


THE    PEACE    CONFERENCE.  73 

territory  thereof  where  it  is  established  or  recognized  by  law  or  usage  - 
and  the  right  during  transportation,  by  sea  or  river,  of  touching  at  ports, 
shores,  and  landings,  and  of  landing  in  case  of  distress,  shall  exist;  but 
not  the  right  of  transit  in  or  through  any  State  or  territory,  or  of  sale  or 
traffic,  against  the  law  thereof.  Nor  shall  Congress  have  power  to 
authorize  any  higher  rate  of  taxation  on  persons  held  to  labor  or  service 
than  on  land. 

The  vote  on  the  adoption  of  the  section  was  as  follows : 

AYES. — Delaware,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri,  New  Jersey; 
North  Carolina,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  Rho'de  Island,  Tennessee,  Vir. 
ginia— 12. 

NOES. — Connecticut,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  New  Hamp 
shire,  Vermont — 7. 

So  the  section  was  adopted.     Kansas  and  New  York  were  divided. 

The  adoption  of  the  fourth,  section  of  the  report,  as  amended,  was 
then  moved ;  it  was  as  follows : 

SECTION  4.  The  third  paragraph  of  the  second  section  of  the  fourth 
article  of  the  Constitution  shall  not  be  construed  to  prevent  any  of  the 
States,  by  appropriate  legislation,  and  through  the  action  of  their  judicial 
and  ministerial  officers,  from  enforcing  the  delivery  of  fugitives  from 
labor  to  the  person  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  is  due. 

The  vote  on  the  adoption  of  this  section  was  as  follows : 

AYES. — Connecticut,  Delaware,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Maryland, 
Missouri,  New  Jersey,  North  Carolina,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode 
Island,  Tennessee,  Vermont,  Virginia — 15. 

NOES. — Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire — 4. 

Thus  the  section  was  adopted,    Kansas  and  New  York  were  divided. 

The  adoption  of  the  fifth  section  of  the  report  as  amended  was  then 
moved ;  it  was  as  follows : 

SECTION  5.  The  foreign  slave-trade  is  hereby  forever  prohibited,  and  it 
shall  be  the  duty  of  Congress  to  pass  laws  to  prevent  the  importation  of 
slaves,  coolies,  or  persons  held  to  service  or  labor  into  the  United  States 
and  the  Territories  from  places  beyond  the  limits  thereof. 

The  vote  on  the  adoption  of  this  section  resulted  as  follows : 

AYES. — Connecticut,  Delaware,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Maryland, 
Missouri,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  New  Hampshire,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania, 
Rhode  Island,  Tennessee,  Vermont,  Kansas — 16. 

NOES. — Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  North  Carolina,  Virginia — 5. 

The  section  was  thus  adopted. 

A  motion  was  next  made  to  adopt  the  sixth  section  as  amended;  it 
was  as  follows: 

SECTION  6.  The  first,  third,  and  fifth  sections,  together  with  this  sec 
tion  of  these  amendments,  and  the  third  paragraph  of  the  second  section 
4 


74  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

of  the  first  article  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  third  paragraph  of  the 
second  section  of  the  fourth  article  thereof,  shall  not  be  amended  or  abol 
ished  without  the  consent  of  all  the  States. 
The  vote  on  this  section  was  as  follows  : 

AYES.— Delaware,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri,  New  Jersey, 
Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Tennessee,  Kansas — 11. 

NOES. — Connecticut,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  North  Caro 
lina,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Virginia — 9. 

New  York  was  divided.     So  this  section  was  adopted. 

The  motion  was  then  made  to  adopt  the  seventh  and  last  section  as 
amended ;  it  was  as  follows : 

SECTION  7.  Congress  shall  provide  by  law  that  the  United  States  shall 
pay  to  the  owner  the  full  value  of  his  fugitive  from  labor,  in  all  cases 
where  the  marshal  or  other  officer  whose  duty  it  was  to  arrest  such  fugi 
tive,  was  prevented  from  doing  so  by  violence  or  intimidation,  from  mobs 
or  other  riotous  assemblages,  or  when,  after  arrest,  such  fugitive  was  res 
cued  by  like  violence  or  intimidation,  and  the  owner  thereby  deprived  of 
the  same ;  and  the  acceptance  of  such  payment  shall  preclude  the  owner 
from  further  claim  to  such  fugitive.  Congress  shall  provide  by  law  for 
securing  to  the  citizens  of  each  State  the  privileges  and  immunities  of 
citizens  in  the  several  States. 

The  vote  on  this  section  was  as  follows : 

AYES.— Delaware,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Marylnnd,  New  Jersey, 
New  Hampshire,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Tennessee,  Kau- 

'  NOES.— Connecticut,  Iowa,  Maine,  Missouri,  North  Carolina,  Vermont, 
Virginia— 7. 

Thus  the  last  section  was  adopted.     New  York  was  divided. 

The  adoption  of  the  following  resolution  was  then  moved  by  Mr. 
Franklin,  of  Pennsylvania : 

Resolved,  As  the  sense  of  this  Convention,  that  the  highest  political 
duty  of  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  is  his  allegiance  to  the  Federal 
Government  created  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
no  State  of  this  Union  has  any  constitutional  righ*  to  secede  therefrom, 
or  to  absolve  the  citizens  of  such  State  from  their  allegiance  to  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States. 

It  was  moved  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  table.  The  vote  was  as 
follows : 

AYES.— Delaware,  Kentucky,  Mn^land,  Missouri,  New  Jersey,  North 
Carolina,  Ohio,  Tennessee,  Virginia— 9. 

NOES.— Connecticut,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
New  York,  New  Hampshire,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Vermont,  Kan 
sas—  13. 


ACTION   OF   CONGRESS.  75 

Some  amendments  were  then  offered  and  laid  on  the  table,  when  its 
indefinite  postponement  was  moved  and  carried  by  the  following  vote : 

AYES. — Delaware,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri,  New  Jersey,  North 
Carolina,  Ohio,  Rhode  Island,  Tennessee,  Virginia — 10. 

NOES. — Connecticut,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Pennsylvania — 7. 

New  York  was  divided. 

The  following  preamble  was  then  offered  by  Mr.  Guthrie,  and 
agreed  to : 

To  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  : 

The  Convention  assembled  upon  the  invitation  of  the  State  of  Virginia 
to  adjust  the  unhappy  differences  which  now  disturb  the  peace  of  the 
Union  and  threaten  its  continuance,  make  known  to  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  that  their  body  convened  in  the  city  of  Washington  on 
the  4th  instant,  arid  continued  in  session  until  the  27th. 

There  were  in  the  body,  when  action  was  taken  upon  that  which  is 
here  submitted,  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  commissioners,  represent 
ing  the  following  States :  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachu 
setts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Kentucky, 
Missouri,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Kansas. 

They  have  approved  what  is  herewith  submitted,  and  respectfully  re 
quest  that  your  honorable  body  will  submit  it  to  conventions  in  the 
States  as  an  article  of  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

In  the  Senate,  on  the  2d  day  of  March,  a  communication 
was  received  from  the  President  of  the  Peace  Congress,  com 
municating  the  resolutions  thus  adopted  in  that  body.  They 
were  at  once  referred  to  a  committee  consisting  of  Messrs.  Crit- 
tenden,  Bigler,  Thomson,  Seward,  and  Trumbull.  The  next 
day  they  were  reported  to  the  Senate  for  its  adoption,  Messrs. 
Seward  and  Trumbull,  the  minority  of  the  Committee,  dissent 
ing  from  the  majority,  and  proposing  the  adoption  of  a  resolution 
calling  on  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  to  express  their  will  in 
regard  to  calling  a  Convention  for  amending  the  Constitution. 

The  question  then  came  up  on  adopting  the  resolutions  of 
the  Peace  Conference.  Mr.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  moved  to 
substitute  the  first  of  Mr.  Crittenden's  resolutions  for  the  first 
of  those  reported  by  the  Committee.  Mr.  Crittenden  opposed 


76  PEESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION* 

it,  and  urged  the  adoption  of  the  propositions  of  the  Peace 
Conference  in  preference  to  his  own.  Mr.  Mason,  of  Virginia, 
opposed  the  resolutions  of  the  Peace  Conference,  on  the  ground 
that  it  would  not  satisfy  the  South.  Mr.  Baker,  of  Oregon, 
advocated  it.  Mr.  Green,  of  Missouri,  opposed  it  as  surren 
dering  every  Southern  principle,  in  which  he  was  seconded 
by  Mr.  Lane,  of  Oregon. 

At  this  stage  of  the  proceedings  Mr.  Douglas  gave  a  new 
turn  to  the  form  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Senate,  by  moving 
to  take  up  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  House  to  amend  the 
Constitution  so  as  to  prohibit  forever  any  interference  with 
slavery  in  the  States.  This  motion  was  carried.  Mr.  Pugh 
moved  to  amend  by  substituting  for  this  resolution  the  resolu 
tions  of  Mr.  Crittenden.  This  was  rejected — ayes  14,  noes 
25.  Mr.  Brigham,  of  Michigan,  next  moved  to  substitute  a 
resolution  against  any  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  and  in 
favor  of  enforcing  the  laws.  This  was  rejected — ayes  13,  noes 
25.  Mr.  Grimes,  of  Iowa,  then  moved  to  substitute  the  reso 
lution  of  Messrs.  Seward  and  Trumbull,  as  the  minority  of  the 
Select  Committee,  calling  on  the  State  Legislatures  to  express 
their  will  in  regard  to  calling  a  Convention  to  amend  the 
Constitution.  This  was  rejected — ayes  14,  noes  25.  The 
propositions  of  the  Peace  Conference  were  then  moved  by 
Mr.  Johnson,  of  Arkansas,  and  rejected — ayes  3,  noes  34. 
Mr.  Crittenden's  resolutions  were  then  taken  up,  and  lost  by 
the  following  vote : 

AYES. — Messrs.  Bayard,  Bright,  Bigler,  Crittenden,  Doug 
las,  Gwin,  Hunter,  Johnson  of  Tenn.,  Kennedy,  Lane, 
Latham,  Mason,  Nicholson,  Polk,  Pugh,  Rice,  Sebastian, 
Thomson,  and  Wigfall— 19. 

NOES< — Messrs.  Anthony,  Bingham,  Chandler,  Clark,  Dixon, 
Doolittle,  Durkee,  Fessenden,  Foote,  Foster,  Grimes,  Harlnn, 
King,  Morrill,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Wade,  Wilkinson, 
and  Wilson — 20. 


THE    SECESSION   MOVEMENT    UNCHECKED.  77 

The  resolutions  were  thus  lost  in  consequence  of  the  with 
drawal  of  Senators  from  the  disaffected  States.  The  question 
was  then  taken  on  the  House  resolution  to  #mend  the 
Constitution  so  as  to  prohibit  forever  any  amendment  of  the 
Constitution  interfering  with  slavery  in  any  State,  and  the 
resolution  was  adopted  by  a  two -thirds  vote — ayes  24,  nays 
12. 

This  closed  the  action  of  Congress  upon  this  important 
subject.  It  was  strongly  Republican  in  both  branches,  yet  it 
had  done  every  thing  consistent  with  its  sense  of  justice  and 
fidelity  to  the  Constitution  to  disarm  the  apprehensions  of  the 
Southern  States,  and  to  remove  all  provocation  for  their  re 
sistance  to  the  incoming  administration.  It  had  given  the 
strongest  possible  pledge  that  it  had  no  intention  of  inter 
fering  with  slavery  in  any  State,  by  amending  the  Constitution 
so  as  to  make  such  interference  forever  impossible.  It  created 
governments  for  three  new  Territories,  Nevada,  Dakota!],  and 
Colorado,  and  passed  no  law  excluding  slavery  from  any  one 
of  them.  It  had  severely  censured  the  legislation  of  some 
of  the  Northern  States  intended  to  hinder  the  recovery  of 
fugitives  from  labor ;  and  in  response  to  its  expressed  wishes, 
Rhode  Island  repealed  its  laws  of  that  character,  and  Vermont, 
Maine,  Massachusetts,  and  Wisconsin,  had  the  subject  under 
consideration,  and  were  ready  to  take  similar  action.  Yet  all 
this  had  no  effect  whatever  in  changing  or  checking  the  seces 
sion  movement  in  the  Southern  States. 


78  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER  II. 

FROM    SPRINGFIELD    TO    WASHINGTON. 

FROM  the  date  of  his  election,  Mr.  LINCOLN  maintained 
silence  on  the  affairs  of  the  country.  The  government  was  to 
remain  for  three  months  longer  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Buchanan, 
and  the  new  President  did  not  deem  it  becoming  or  proper  for 
him  to  interfere,  in  any  way,  with  the  regular  discharge  of  its 
duties  and  responsibilities.  On  the  llth  of  February,  1SG1, 
he  left  his  home  in  Springfield,  Illinois,  accompanied  to  the 
railroad  depot  by  a  large  concourse  of  his  friends  and  neigh 
bors,  whom  he  bade  farewell  in  the  following  words  : 

MY  FRIENDS  :  No  one  not  in  my  position  can  appreciate  the  sadness  I 
feel  at  this  parting.  To  this  people  I  owe  all  that  I  am.  Here  I  have 
lived  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century ;  here  my  children  were  born, 
and  here  one  of  them  lies  buried.  I  know  not  how  soon  I  shall  see  you 
again.  A  duty  devolves  upon  me  which  is,  perhaps,  greater  than  that 
which  has  devolved  upon  any  other  man  since  the  days  of  WASHINGTON. 
He  never  would  have  succeeded  except  for  the  aid  of  Divine  Providence, 
upon  which  he  at  all  times  relied.  I  feel  that  I  cannot  succeed  without 
the  same  Divine  aid  which  sustained  him,  and  on  the  same  Almighty 
Being  I  place  my  reliance  for  support,  and  I  hope  you,  my  friends,  will 
all  pray  that  I  may  receive  that  Divine  assistance,  without  which  I  can 
not  succeed,  but  with  which,  success  is  certain.  Again  I  bid  you  all 
an  affectionate  farewell. 

As  the  train  passed  through  the  country  the  President  was 
greeted  with  hearty  cheers  and  good  wishes  by  the  thousands 
who  assembled  at  the  railway  stations  along  the  route.  Party 
spirit  seemed  to  have  been  forgotten,  and  the  cheers  were 
always  given  for  "  Lincoln  and  the  Constitution."  AtTolono 


SPEECH   AT   INDIANAPOLIS.  79 

he  appeared  upon  the  phitform,  and  in  response  to  the  applause 
which  hailed  his  appearance,  he  said  : 

I  am  leaving  you  on  an  errand  of  national  importance,  attended,  as 
you  are  aware,  with  considerable  difficulties.  Let  us  believe,  as  some 
poet  has  expressed  it,  "  Behind  the  cloud  tho  sun  is  still  shining."  I  bid 
you  an  affectionate  farewell. 

At  Indianapolis  the  party  was  welcomed  by  a  salute  of 
thirty-four  guns,  and  the  President-elect  was  received  by  the 
Governor  of  the  State  in  person,  and  escorted  to  a  carriage 
in  waiting,  which  proceeded— followed  by  a  procession  of  the 
members  of  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature,  the  municipal 
authorities,  the  military,  and  firemen— to  the  Bates  House. 
Appearing  on  the  balcony  of  this  hotel,  Mr.  LINCOLN  was 
greeted  by  the  hearty  applause  of  the  large  crowd  which  had 
assembled  in  the  street,  to  which  he  addressed  the  following 
remarks  : 

Gov.  Morion  and  Fellow-  Citizens  of  the  State  of  Indiana : 

Most  heartily  do  I  thank  you  for  this  magnificent  reception,  and  while 
I  cannot  take  to  myself  any  share  of  the  compliment  thus  paid,  more 
than  that  which  pertains  to  a  mere  instrument,  an  accidental  instrument, 
perhaps  I  should  say,  of  a  great  cause,  I  yet  must  look  upon  it  as  a 
most  magnificent  reception,  and  as  such,  most  heartily  do  thank  you 
for  it.  You  have  been  pleased  to  address  yourself  to  me  chiefly  in 
behalf  of  this  glorious  Union  in  which  we  live,  in  all  of  which  you  have 
my  hearty  sympathy,  and,  as  far  as  may  be  within  my  power,  will  have, 
one  and  inseparably,  my  hearty  consideration ;  while  I  do  not  expect, 
upon  this  occasion,  or  until  I  get  to  Washington,  to  attempt  any  lengthy 
speech,  I  will  only  say  to  the  salvation  of  the  Union  there  needs  but 
one  single  thing,  the  hearts  of  a  people  like  yours.  [Applause.] 

The  people,  when  they  rise  in  mass  in  behalf  of  the  Union  and  the 
liberties  of  their  country,  truly  may  it  be  said,  "  The  gates  of  hell  cannot 
prevail  against  them."  [Renewed  applause.]  In  all  trying  positions 
in  which  I  shall  be  placed,  and,  doubtless,  I  shall  be  placed  in  many 
such,  my  reliance  will  be  placed  upon  you  and  the  people  of  the  United 
States ;  and  I  wish  you  to  remember,  now  and  forever,  that  it  is  your 
business,  and  not  mine ;  that  if  the  union  of  these  States,  and  the  lib- 


80  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

erties  of  this  people  shall  be  lost,  it  is  but  little  to  any  one  man  of  fifty- 
two  years  of  age,  but  a  great  deal  to  the  thirty  millions  of  people  who 
inhabit  these  United  States,  and  to  their  posterity  in  all  coming  time. 
It  is  your  business  to  rise  up  and  preserve  the  Union  and  liberty  for 
yourselves,  and  not  for  me. 

I  desire  they  should  be  constitutionally  performed.  I,  as  already 
intimated,  am  but  an  accidental  instrument,  temporary,  and  to  serve  but 
for  a  limited  time,  and  I  appeal  to  you  again  to  constantly  bear  in  mind 
that  with  you,  and  not  with  politicians,  not  with  Presidents,  not  with 
office-seekers,  but  with  you,  is  the  question,  Shall  the  Union  and  shall 
the  liberties  of  this  country  be  preserved  to  the  latest  generations  ? 
[Cheers.] 

In  the  evening  the  members  of  the  Legislature  waited  upon 
him  in  a  body  at  his  hotel,  where  one  of  their  number,  on 
behalf  of  the  whole,  and  in  presence  of  a  very  large  assemblage 
of  the  citizens  of  the  place,  made  a  brief  address  of  welcome 
and  congratulation,  which  Mr.  LINCOLN  acknowledged  in  the 
following  terms : 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  OP  THE  STATE  OF  INDIANA  :  I  am  here  to  thank  you 
much  for  this  magnificent  welcome,  and  still  more  for  the  generous  sup 
port  given  by  your  State  to  that  political  cause  which  I  think  is  the  true 
and  just  cause  of  the  whole  country  and  the  whole  world. 

Solomon  says  there  is  "a  time  to  keep  silence,"  and  when  men  wran 
gle  by  the  mouth  with  no  certainty  that  they  mean  the  same  thing,  while 
using  the  same  word,  it  perhaps  were  as  well  if  they  would  keep  silence, 

The  words  "  coercion"  and  "  invasion"  are  much  used  in  these  days, 
and  often  with  some  temper  and  hot  blood.  Let  us  make  sure,  if  we  can, 
that  we  do  not  misunderstand  the  meaning  of  those  who  use  them.  Let 
us  get  exact  definitions  of  these  words,  not  from  dictionaries,  but  from 
the  men  themselves,  who  certainly  depreciate  the  things  they  would 
represent  by  the  use  of  words.  What,  then,  is  "Coercion?"  What  is 
"Invasion?"  Would  the  marching  of  an  army  into  South  Carolina, 
without  the  consent  of  her  people,  and  with  hostile  intent  towards  them; 
be  "invasion?''  I  certainly  think  it  would;  and  it  would  be  "coercion" 
also  if  the  South  Carolinians  were  forced  to  submit.  But  if  the  United 
States  should  merely  hold  and  retake  its  own  forts  and  other  property, 
and  collect  the  duties  on  foreign  importations,  or  even  withhold  the 
mails  from  places  where  they  were  habitually  violated,  would  any  or  all 


ARRIVAL   AND   SPEECH    AT   C1SCTSNA.TI.  81 

these  things  be  "  invasion"  or  "coercion?"  Do  oar  professed  lovers 
of.  the  Union,  but  who  spitefully  resolve  that  they  will  resist  coercion 
and  invasion,  understand  that  such  things  as  these  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  would  be  coercion  or  invasion  of  a  State  ?  If  so,  their 
idea  of  means  to  preserve  the  object  of  their  affection  would  seem  ex 
ceedingly  thin  and  airy.  If  sick,  the  little  pills  of  the  homoeopathists 
would  be  much  too  large  for  it  to  swallow.  In  their  view,  the  Union,  as 
a  family  relation,  would  seem  to  be  no  regular  marriage,  but  a  sort  of 
'•free  love"  arrangement,  to  be  maintained  only  on  u  passional  attrac 
tion." 

By  the  way,  in  what  consists  the  special  sacredness  of  a  State  ?  I 
speak  not  of  the  position  assigned  to  a  State  in  the  Union,  by  the  Con 
stitution  ;  for  that,  by  the  bond,  we  all  recognize.  That  position,  how 
ever,  a  State  cannot  carry  out  of  the  Union  with  it.  I  speak  of  that  as 
sumed  primary  right  of  a  State  to  rule  all  which  is  less  than  itself  and 
ruin  all  which  is  larger  than  itself.  If  a  State  and  a  county  in  a  given 
case,  should  be  equal  in  extent  of  territory",  and  equal  in  number  of  inhabi 
tants,  in  what,  as  a  matter  of  principle,  is  the  State  better  than  the  coun 
ty  ?  Would  an  exchange  of  names  be  an  exchange  of  rights  upon  princi 
ple  ?  On  what  rightful  principle  may  a  State,  being  not  more  than  one- 
fiftieth  part  of  the  nation,  in  soil  and  population,  break  up  the  nation  and 
then  coerce  a  proportionally  larger  subdivision  of  itself,  in  the  most  ar 
bitrary  way  ?  What  mysterious  right  to  play  tyrant  is  conferred  on  a 
district  of  country,  with  its  people,  by  merely  calling  it  a  State  ? 

Fellow-citizens,  I  am  not  asserting  any  thing ;  I  am  merely  asking 
questions  for  you  to  consider.  And  now  allow  me  to  bid  you  farewell. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th,  Mr.  LINCOLN  took  his  departure 
and  arrived  at  Cincinnati  at  about  noon,  having  been  greeted 
along  the  route  by  the  hearty  applause  of  the  thousands  as 
sembled  at  the  successive  stations.  His  reception  at  Cincin 
nati  was  overwhelming.  The  streets  were  so  densely  crowded 
that  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  the  procession  could 
secure  a  passage.  Mr.  LINCOLN  was  escorted  to  the  Burnett 
House,  which  had  been  handsomely  decorated  in  honor  of  his 
visit.  He  was  welcomed  by  the  Mayor  of  the  city  in  a  few 
remarks,  in  response  to  which  he  said : 

MR.  MAYOR  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  I  have  spoken  but  once  before  this 
in  Cincinnati.    That  was  a  year  previous  to  the  late  Presidential  election. 
4* 


82  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

On  that  occasion,  in  a  playful  manner,  but  with  sincere  words,  I  ad 
dressed  much  of  what  I  said  to  the  Kentuckians.  I  gave  my  opinion 
that  we,  as  Republicans,  would  ultimately  beat  them,  as  Democrats,  but 
that  they  could  postpone  that  result  longer  by  nominating  Senator  Doug 
las  for  the  Presidency  than  they  could  in  any  other  way.  They  did 
not,  hi  any  true  sense  of  the  word,  nominate  Mr.  Douglas,  and  the  result 
has  come  certainly  as  soon  as  ever  I  expected.  I  also  told  them  how  I 
expected  they  would  be  treated  after  they  should  have  been  beaten ;  and 
I  now  wish  to  call  their  attention  to  what  I  then  said  upon  that  subject. 
I  then  said,  ""When  we  do  as  we  say,  beat  you,  you  perhaps  want  to 
know  what  we  will  do  with  you.  I  will  tell  you,  as  far  as  I  am  author 
ized  to  speak  for  the  opposition,  what  we  mean  to  do  with  you.  We 
mean  to  treat  you,  as  near  as  we  possibly  can,  as  Washington,  Jeffer 
son,  and  Madison  treated  you.  We  mean  to  leave  you  alone,  and  in  no 
way  to  interfere  with  your  institutions;  to  abide  by  all  and  every  com 
promise  of  the  Constitution ;  and,  in  a  word,  coming  back  to  the  original 
proposition,  to  treat  you  so  far  as  degenerate  men,  if  we  have  degener 
ated,  may,  according  to  the  example  of  those  noble  fathers,  WASHING 
TON,  JEFFERSON,  and  MADISON.  We  mean  to  remember  that  you  are 
as  good  as  we ;  that  there  is  no  difference  between  us,  other  than  the 
difference  of  circumstances.  We  mean  to  recognize  and  bear  in  mind 
always  that  you  have  as  good  hearts  in  your  bosoms  as  other  people, 
or  as  we  claim  to  have,  and  treat  you  accordingly. 

Fellow-citizens  of  Kentucky!  friends  !  brethren,  may  I  call  you  in  my 
new  position?  I  see  no  occasion,  and  feel  no  inclination  to  retract  a  word 
of  this.  If  it  shall  not  be  made  good,  be  assured  the  fault  shall  not  bo 


In  the  evening  the  German  Republican  associations  called 
upon  Mr.  LINCOLN  and  presented  him  an  address  of  con 
gratulation,  to  which  he  responded,  warmly  endorsing  the  wis 
dom  of  the  Homestead  bill,  and  speaking  of  the  advantages 
offered  by  the  soil  and  institutions  of  the  United  States  to 
foreigners  who  might  wish  to  make  it  their  home.  He  left 
Cincinnati  on  the  morning  of  the  13th,  accompanied  by  a  Com 
mittee  of  the  Ohio  Legislature,  which  had  come  from  the  Capi 
tal  to  meet  him.  The  party  reached  Columbus  at  2  o'clock, 
and  the  President  was  escorted  to  the  hall  of  the  Assembly, 


;o 


SPEECH    AT   COLUMBUS.  83 

where  he  was  formally  welcomed  by  Lieutenant-Governor  Kirk 
on  behalf  of  the  Legislature  which  had  assembled  in  joint  ses 
sion,  to  which  he  made  the  following  reply : 

ME.  PRESIDENT  AND  MR.  SPEAKER,  AND  GENTLEMEN  OP  THE  GENERAL 
ASSEMBLY:  It  is  true,  as  has  been  said  by  the  President  of  the  Senate, 
that  very  great  responsibility  rests  upon  me  in  the  position  to  which  the 
votes  of  the  American  people  have  called  me.  I  am  deeply  sensible  of 
that  weighty  responsibility.  I  cannot  but  know  what  you  all  know,  that 
without  a  name,  perhaps  without  a  reason  why  I  should  have  a  name, 
there  has  fallen  upon  me  a  task  such  as  did  not  rest  even  upon  the  Father 
of  his  country,  and  so  feeling  I  cannot  but  turn  and  look  for  the  support 
without  which  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  perform  that  great  task.  I 
turn,  then,  and  look  to  the  great  American  people,  and  to  that  God  who 
has  never  forsaken  them. 

Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  interest  felt  in  relation  to  the  policy  of 
the  new  Administration.  In  this  I  have  received  from  some  a  degree  of 
credit  for  having  kept  silence,  and  from  others  some  depreciation.  I  still 
think  that  I  was  right.  In  the  varying  and  repeatedly  shifting  scenes  of 
the  present,  and  without  a  precedent  which  could  enable  me  to  judge  by 
the  past,  it  has  seemed  fitting  that  before  speaking  upon  the  difficulties  of 
the  country,  I  should  have  gained  a  view  of  the  whole  field  so  as  to  be  sure 
after  all — at  liberty  to  modify  and  change  the  course  of  policy  as  future 
events  may  make  a  change  necessary.  I  have  not  maintained  silence 
from  any  want  of  real  anxiety.  It  is  a  good  thing  that  there  is  no  more 
than  anxiety,  for  there  is  nothing  going  wrong.  It  is  a  consoling  cir 
cumstance  that  when  we  look  out,  there  is  nothing  that  really  hurts 
anybody.  We  entertain  different  views  upon  political  questions,  but  no 
body  is  suffering  any  thing.  This  is  a  most  consoling  circumstance,  and 
from  it  we  may  conclude  that  all  we  want  is  time,  patience,  and  a  reli 
ance  on  that  God  who  has  never  forsaken  this  people..  Fellow-citizens, 
what  I  have  said  I  have  said  altogether  extemporaneously,  and  will  now 
come  to  a  close. 

Both  Houses  then  adjourned.  In  the  evening  Mr.  LINCOLN 
held  a  levee,  which  was  very  largely  attended.  On  the  morning 
of  the  14th,  Mr.  LINCOLN  left  Columbus.  At  Steubenville  he 
had  a  formal  though  brief  reception,  being  addressed  by  Judge 
Floyd,  to  whose  remarks  he  made  the  following  reply : 


84  PBBSIDEXT 

I  fear  that  the  great  confidence  placed  in  my  ability  is  unfounded. 
Indeed,  I  am  sure  it  is.  Encompassed  by  vast  di inanities  as  I  am, 
nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  my  part,  if  sustained  by  the  American 
people  and  God.  I  believe  the  devotion  to  the  Constitution  is  equally 
great  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  It  is  only  the  different  understanding 
of  that  instrument  that  causes  difficulty.  The  only  dispute  on  both 
sides  is  "  What  are  their  rights  ?"  If  the  majority  should  not  rule, 
who  should  be  the  judge?  Where  is  such  a  judge  to  be  found?  We 
should  all  be  bound  by  the  majority  of  the  American  people — if  not, 
then  the  minority  must  control.  Would  that  be  right  ?  Would  it  be 
just  or  generous  ?  Assuredly  not.  I  reiterate  that  the  majority 
should  rule.  If  I  adopt  a  wrong  policy,  the  opportunity  for  condemna 
tion  will  occur  in  four  years'  time.  Then  I  can  be  turned  out,  and  a 
better  man  with  better  views  put  in  my  place. 

The  train  reached  Pittsburg  in  the  evening,  and  Mr.  LIN 
COLN  was  received  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm  at  the  Monon- 
gahela  House  by  a  large  crowd  which  had  assembled  to  greet 
him.  lie  acknowledged  their  reception  briefly  : 

He  said  he  would  not  give  them  a  speech,  as  lie  thought  it  more  rare, 
if  not  more  wise,  for  a  public  man  to  abstain  from  much  speaking.  He 
expressed  his  gratitude  and  surprise  at  seeing  so  great  a  crowd  and  such 
boundless  enthusiasm  manifested  in  the  night-time  and  under  such  un 
toward  circumstances,  to  greet  so  unworthy  an  individual  as  himself. 
This  was  undoubtedly  attributable  to  the  position  which  more  by  acci 
dent  than  by  worth  he  had  attained.  He  remarked  further,  that  if  all 
those  whole-souled  people  whom  he  saw  this  evening  before  him  were 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  he  did  not  see  how  it  could  be  in 
much  danger.  He  had  intended  to  say  a  few  words  to  the  people  of 
Pittsburg — the  greatest  manufacturing  city  of  the  United  States — 
upon  such  matters  as  they  were  interested  in ;  but  as  he  had  adopted 
the  plan  of  holding  his  tongue  for  the  most  part  during  the  last  canvass, 
and  since  his  election,  he  thought  he  had  perhaps  better  now  still 
continue  to  hold  his  tongue.  [Cries  of  "  Go  on,"  "  go  on."]  Well,  I  am  re 
minded  that  therj  is  an  Alleghan}'-  City  as  well  as  an  Alleghany  County, 
the  former  the  banner  town,  and  the  latter  the  banner  county,  perhaps, 
.  of  the  world.  I  am  glad  to  see  both  of  them,  and  the  good  people 
of  both.  That  I  may  not  disappoint  these,  I  will  say  a  few  words  to 
you  to-morrow  as  to  the  peculiar  interests  of  Alleghany  County." 


SPEECH    AT   PITTSBURG.  85 

On  the  morning  of  the  loth,  the  Mayor  and  Common  Coun 
cil  of  the  City  of  Pittsburg  waited  in  a  body  upon  the 
President-elect.  The  Mayor  made  him  an  address  of  formal 
welcome  in  presence  of  a  verv  large  number  of  citizens  who 
had  assembled  to  witness  the  ceremony.  After  the  applause 
which  greeted  his  appearance  had  subsided,  Mr.  LINCOLN  made 
the  following  remarks : 

I  most  cordially  thank  his  Honor  Mayor  "Wilson  and  the  citizens  of 
Pittsburg  generally,  for  their  flattering  reception.  I  arn  the  more 
grateful  because  I  know  that  it  is  not  given  to  me  alone,  but  to  the 
cause  I  represent,  which  clearly  proves  to  me  their  good  will,  and  that 
sincere  feeling  is  at  the  bottom  of  it.  And  here  I  may  remark,  that  in 
every  short  address  I  have  made  to  the  people,  in  every  crowd  through 
which  I  have  passed,  of  late,  some  allusion  has  been  made  to  the  pres 
ent  distracted  condition  of  the  country.  It  is  natural  to  expect  that  I 
should  say  something  on  this  subject ;  but  to  touch  upon  it  at  all  would 
involve  an  elaborate  discussion  of  a  great  many  questions  and  circum 
stances,  requiring  more  time  than  I  can  at  present  command,  and 
would,  perhaps,  unnecessarily  commit  me  upon  matters  which  have  not 
yet  fully  developed  themselves.  The  condition  of  the  country  is  an 
extraordinary  one,  and  fills  the  mind  of  every  patriot  with  anxiety.  It 
is  my  intention  to  give  this  subject  all  the  consideration  I  possibly  can 
before  specially  deciding  in  regard  to  it.  so  that  when  I  do  speak  it 
may  be  as  nearly  right  as  possible.  When  I  do  speak,  I  hope  I  may 
say  nothing  in  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  contrary  to 
the  integrity  of  the  Union,  or  which  will  prove  inimical  to  the  Liber 
ties  of  the  people  or  to  the  peace  of  the  whole  country.  And,  further 
more,  when  the  time  arrives  for  me  to  speak  on  this  great  subject,  I 
hope  I  may  say  nothing  to  disappoint  the  people  generally  throughout 
the  country,  especially  if  the  expectation  has  beea  based  upon  any  thing 
which  I  may  have  heretofore  said.  Notwithstanding  the  troubles 
across  the  river — (the  speaker  pointing  southwardly  across  the  Monon 
gahela,  and  smiling) — there  is  no  crisis  but  an  artificial  one.  What  is 
there  now  to  warrant  the  condition  of  affairs  presented  by  our  friends 
over  the  river  ?  Take  even  their  own  view  of  the  questions  involved, 
and  there  is  nothing  to  justify  the  course  they  are  pursuing.  I  repeat, , 
then,  there  is  no  crisis,  excepting  such  a  one  as  may  be  gotten  up  at 
any  time  by  turbulent  men.  aided  by  designing  politicians.  My  advice 


80 

to  them,  under  such  circumstances,  is  to  keep  cool  If  the  great 
American  people  only  keep  their  temper  on  both  sides  of  the  line,  the 
troubles  will  come  to  an  end,  and  the  question  which  now  distracts 
the  country  will  be  settled,  just  as  surely  as  all  other  difficulties  of  a 
like  character  which  have  originated  in  this  Government  have  been 
adjusted.  Let  the  people  on  both  sides  keep  their  self-possession,  and 
just  as  other  clouds  have  cleared  away  in  due  time,  so  will  this  great 
nation  continue  to  prosper  as  heretofore.  But,  fellow-citizens,  I  have 
spoken  longer  on  this  subject  than  I  intended  at  the  outset. 

It  is  often  said  that  the  Tariff  is  the  specialty  of  Pennsylvania.  Assum 
ing  that  direct  taxation  is  not  to  be  adopted,  the  Tariff  question  must 
be  as  durable  as  the  Government  itself.  It  is  a  question  of  national 
housekeeping.  It  is  to  the  Government  what  replenishing  the  meal- 
tub  is  to  the  family.  Every  varying  circumstance  will  require  frequent 
modifications  as  to  the  amount  needed,  and  the  sources  of  supply.  So 
far  there  is  little  difference  of  opinion  among  the  people.  It  is  only 
whether,  and  how  far,  the  duties  on  imports  shall  be  adjusted  to  favor 
home  productions.  In  the  home  market  that  controversy  begins.  One 
party  insists  that  too  much  protection  oppresses  one  class  for  the  ad 
vantage  of  another,  while  the  other  party  argues  that  with  all  its  inci 
dents,  in  the  long  run,  all  classes  are  benefited.  In  the  Chicago  Plat 
form  there  is  a  plank  upon  this  subject,  which  should  be  a  general  law 
to  the  incoming  Administration.  We  should  do  neither  more  nor  less 
than  we  gave  the  people  reason  to  believe  we  would  when  they  gave 
us  their  votes.  That  plank  is  as  I  now  read: 

Mr.  LINCOLN'S  private  secretary  then  read  section  twelfth  of  the 
Chicago  Platform,  as  follows  : 


iterest  ol  tne  wnoic  country ;  aua  we  comment!  inui  poucj  01  uu- 
exchanges  which  secures  to  working-men  liberal  wages — to  agri- 
e  remunerating  prices — to  mechanics  and  manufacturers  adequate 
1  for  their  skill,  labor,  and  enterprise ;  and  to  the  nation  conimer- 


That  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  General  Govern 
ment,  by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such  an  adjust 
ment  of  these  imports  as  will  encourage  the  development  of  the  indus 
trial  interest  of  the  whole  country  ;  and  we  commend  that  policy  of  na 
tional  e 
culture 
reward  : 
cial  prosperity  and  independence. 

Mr.  LINCOLN  resumed :  As  with  all  general  propositions,  doubtless 
there  will  be  shades  of  difference  in  construing  this.  I  have  by  no 
means  a  thoroughly  matured  judgment  upon  this  subject,  especially  as 
to  details ;  some  general  ideas  are  about  all,  I  have  long  thought  to 
produce  any  necessary  article  at  home  which  can  be  made  of  as  good 
quality  and  with  as  little  labor  at  home  as  abroad,  would  be  better  policy, 


ARRIVAL   AND    SPEECH    AT    CLEVELAND.  87 

at  least  by  the  difference  of  the  carrying  from  abroad.      In  such  a  cas3 
the  carrying  is  demonstrably  a  dead  loss  of  labor.     For  instance,  labor 
being  the  true  standard  of  value,  is  it  not  plain  that  if  equal  labor  gets 
a  bar  of  railroad  iron  out  of  a  mine  in  England,  and  another  out  of  a 
mine  in  Pennsylvania,   each   can  be  laid  down    in  a  track  at  home 
cheaper  than  they  could  exchange  countries,  at  least  by  the  cost  of 
carriage  ?     If  there  be  a  present  cause  why  one  can  be  both   made  and 
carried   cheaper  in  money  price  than  the  other  can  be  made  without 
carrying,  that  cause  is  an  unnatural  and  injurious  one,  and  ought  nat 
urally  if  not  rapidly  to  be  removed.      The  condition  of  the  treasury   at 
this  time  would  seem  to  render  an  early  revision  of  the  Tariff  indispens 
able.     The  Morrill  Tariff  bill,  now  pending  before   Congress,    may  or 
may  not  become  a  law.      I  am  not  posted  as  to  its  particular  provisions, 
but  if  they  are  generally  satisfactory  and  the  bill  shall  now  pass,  there 
will  be  an  end  of  the  matter  for  the  present.     If,  however,  it  shall  not 
pass,  I  suppose  the  whole  subject  will  be  one  of  the  most  pressing  and 
important  for  the  next  Congress.     By  the   Constitution,  the  Executive 
may  recommend  measures  which  he  may  think  proper,  and  he  may 
veto  those  he  thinks  improper,  and  it  is  supposed  that  he  may  add  to 
these  certain  indirect  influences  to  affect  the  action  of  Congress.     My 
political  education  strongly  inclines  me  against  a  very  free  use  of  any 
of  these  means  by  the  Executive  to  control  the  legislation  of  the  coun 
try.     As  a  rule,  I  think  it  better  that  Congress  should  originate  as  well 
as  perfect  its    measures  without  external  bias.      I,   therefore,  would 
rather  recommend  to  every  gentleman  who  knows  he  is  to  be  a  member 
of  the  next  Congress,  to  take  an   enlarged  view,   and  inform  himself 
thoroughly,  so   as  to  contribute  his  part  to  such  an  adjustment  of  the 
tariff  as  shall  produce  a  sufficient  revenue,  and  in  its  other  bearings,  so 
far  as  possible,  be  just  and  equal  to  all  sections  of  the  country  and  all 
classes  of  the  people. 

Mr.  LINCOLN  left  Pittsburg  immediately  after  the  delivery 
of  this  speech,  being  accompanied  to  the  dep6t  by  a  long 
procession  of  the  people  of  the  city.  The  train  reached 
Cleveland  at  half-past  four  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  President 
elect  was  received  by  a  long  procession,  which  marched,  amidst 
the  roar  of  artillery,  through  the  principal  streets  to  the 
Weddcll  House,  where  Mr.  LINCOLN,  in  reply  to  an  address  of 
welcome  from  the  Mayor,  made  the  following  remarks: 


PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISIEATION. 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  FELLOE-CITIZENS  OF  CLEVELAND:  We  have 
been  marching  about  two  miles  through  snow,  rain,  and  deep  mud. 
The  large  numbers  that  have  turned  out  under  these  circumstances 
testify  that  you  are  in  earnest  about  something  or  other.  But  do  I 
think  so  meanly  of  you  as  to  suppose  that  that  earnestness  is  about  mo 
personally?  I  would  be  doing  you  injustice  to  suppose  it  was.  You 
have  assembled  to  testify  your  respect  to  the  Union  and  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  laws.  And  here  let  me  state  that  it  is  with  you,  the 
people,  to  advance  the  great  cause  of  the  Union  and  the  Constitution, 
and  not  with  any  one  man.  It  rests  with  you  alone.  This  fact  is 
strongly  impressed  on  my  mind  at  present.  In  a  community  like  this, 
whose  appearance  testifies  to  their  intelligence,  I  am  convinced  that  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  the  Union  can  never  be  in  danger.  Frequent  allu 
sion  is  made  to  the  excitement  at  present  existing  in  our  national  poli 
tics,  and  it  is  as  well  that  I  should  also  allude  to  it  here.  I  think  that 
there  is  no  occasion  for  any  excitement.  The  crisis,  as  it  is  called,  is 
altogether  an  artificial  crisis.  In  all  parts  of  the  nation  there  are 
differences  of  opinion  on  politics.  There  are  differences  of  opinion  even 
here.  You  did  not  all  vote  for  the  person  who  now  addresses  you. 
What  is  happening  now  will  not  hurt  those  who  are  further  away  from 
here.  Have  they  not  all  their  rights  now  as  they  ever  have  had  ?  Do 
not  they  have  their  fugitive  slaves  returned  now  as  ever  ?  Have  they 
not  the  same  Constitution  that  they  have  lived  under  for  seventy  odd 
years  ?  Have  they  not  a  position  as  citizens  of  this  common  country, 
and  have  we  any  power  to  change  that  position?  [Cries  of  "Xo."] 
What,  then,  is  the  matter  with  them  ?  Why  all  this  excitement  ?  Why 
all  these  complaints  ?  As  I  said  before,  this  crisis  is  all  artificial !  It 
has  no  foundation  in  fact.  It  was  not  "argued  up,"  as  the  saying  is, 
and  cannot  therefore  be  argued  down.  Let  it  alone,  and  it  will  go 
down  of  itself.  [Laughter.]  Mr.  LINCOLN  said  that  they  must  be  con 
tent  with  but  a  few  words  from  him.  He  was  very  much  fatigued, 
and  had  spoken  so  much  that  he  was  already  hoarse.  He  thanked 
them  for  the  cordial  and  magnificent  reception  they  had  given  him. 
JSTot  less  did  he  thank  them  for  the  votes  they  gave  him  last  fall;  and 
quite  as  much  he  thanked  them  for  the  efficient  aid  they  had  given  the 
cause  which  he  represented — a  cause  which  he  would  say  was  a  good 
one. 

He  had  one  more  word  to  say.  Ho  was  given  to  understand  that 
this  reception  was  tendered  not  only  by  his  own  party  supporters,  but 
by  men  of  all  parties.  This  is  as  it  should  be.  If  Judge  Douglas  had 


AKKIVAL   AT   BUFFALO.  89 

been  elected,  and  had  been  here,  on  his  way  to  Washington,  as  I  am 
to-night,  the  Republicans  should  have  joined  his  supporters  in  welcom 
ing  him,  just  as  his  friends  have  joined  with  min3  to-night.  If  all  do 
not  join  now  to  save  the  good  old  ship  of  the  Union  on  this  voyage, 
nobody  will  have  a  chance  to  pilot  her  on  another  voyage.  He  con 
cluded  by  thanking  all  present  for  the  devotion  they  had  shown  to  the 
cause  of  the  Union. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th  the  Presidential  party  left 
Cleveland  for  Buffalo.  At  Erie,  where  they  dined,  loud  calls 
were  made  upon  Mr.  LINCOLN  for  a  speech,  in  response  to  which 
he  made  a  few  remarks,  excusing  himself  for  not  expressing 
his  opinions  on  the  exciting  questions  of  the  day.  He  trusted 
that  when  the  time  for  speaking  should  come,  he  should  find 
it  necessary  to  say  nothing  not  in  accordance  with  the  Con 
stitution,  as  well  as  with  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the  whole 
country.  At  Northeast  Station  he  took  occasion  to  state  that 
during  the  campaign  he  had  received  a  letter  from  a  young 
girl  of  the  place,  in  which  he  was  kindly  admonished  to  do 
certain  things,  and  among  others  to  let  his  whiskers  grow ; 
and,  as  he  had  acted  upon  that  piece  of  advice,  he 
would  now  be  glad  to  welcome  his  fair  correspondent,  if  she 
was  among  the  crowd.  In  response  to  the  call  a  lassie  made 
her  way  through  the  crowd,  was  helped  on  the  platform,  and 
was  kissed  by  the  President. 

Arriving  at  Buffalo,  Mr.  LINCOLN  had  the  utmost  difficulty 
to  make  his  way  through  the  dense  crowd  which  had  assem 
bled  in  anticipation  of  his  arrival.  On  reaching  the  American 
Hotel,  he  was  welcomed  in  a  brief  speech  by  Acting-Mayor 
Bemis,  to  which  he  responded  as  follows  : 

MR.  MAYOR  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  OP  BUFFALO  AND  THE  STATE  OP 
NEW  YORK  ;  I  am  here  to  thank  you  briefly  for  this  grand  reception 
given  to  me,  not  personally,  but  as  the  representative  of  our  great  and 
beloved  country.  [Cheers.]  Tour  worthy  Mayor  has  been  pleased  to 
mention,  in  his  address  to  me,  the  fortunate  and  agreeable  journey  which 
I  have  had  from  home,  only  it  is  a  rather  circuitous  route  to  the  Federal 


90  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

capital.  I  am  very  happy  that  he  was  enabled  in  truth  to  congratulate 
myself  and  company  on  that  fact.  It  is  true  we  have  had  nothing  thua 
far  to  mar  the  pleasure  of  the  trip.  We  have  not  been  met  alone  by 
those  who  assisted  in  giving  the  election  to  me ;  I  say  not  alone  by 
them,  but  by  the  whole  population  of  the  country  through  which  wo 
have  passed.  This  is  as  it  should  be.  Had  the  election  fallen  to  any 
other  of  the  distinguished  candidates  instead  of  myself,  under  the 
peculiar  circumstances,  to  say  the  least,  it  would  have  been  proper  for 
all  citizens  to  have  greeted  him  as  you  now  greet  me.  It  is  an  evidence 
of  the  devotion  of  the  whole  people  to  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  and 
the  perpetuity  of  the  liberties  of  this  country.  [Cheers.]  I  am  unwill 
ing  on  any  occasion  that  I  should  be  so  meanly  thought  of  as  to  have 
it  supposed  for  a  moment  that  these  demonstrations  arc  tendered  to  me 
personally.  They  are  tendered  to  the  country,  to  the  institutions  of  the 
country,  and  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  liberties  of  the  country,  for  which 
these  institutions  were  made  and  created. 

Your  worthy  Mayor  has  thought  fit  to  express  the  hope  that  I  may 
be  able  to  relieve  the  country  from  the  present,  or,  I  should  say,  the 
threatened  difficulties.  I  am  sure  I  bring  a  heart  true  to  the  work. 
[Tremendous  applause.]  For  the  ability  to  perform  it,  I  must  trust  in 
that  Supreme  Being  who  has  never  forsaken  this  favored  land,  through 
the  instrumentality  of  this  great  and  intelligent  people.  Without  that 
assistance  I  shall  surely  fail;  with  it  I  cannot  fail.  When  we  speak  of 
threatened  difficulties  to  the  country,  it  is  natural  that  it  should  be  ex 
pected  that  something  should  be  said  by  myself  with  regard  to  partic 
ular  measures.  Upon  more  mature  reflection,  however — and  others 
will  agree  with  me — that,  when  it  is  considered  that  these  difficulties 
are  without  precedent,  and  never  have  been  acted  upon  by  any  individ 
ual  situated  as  I  am,  it  is  most  proper  I  should  wait  and  see  the 
developments,  and  get  all  the  light  possible,  so  that  when  I  do  speak 
authoritatively,  I  may  be  as  near  right  as  possible.  [Cheers.]  When  I 
shall  speak  authoritatively,  I  hope  to  say  nothing  inconsistent  with  the 
Constitution,  the  Union,  the  rights  of  all  the  States,  of  each  State,  and 
of  each  section  of  the  country,  and  not  to  disappoint  the  reasonable 
expectations  of  those  who  have  confided  to  me  their  votes.  In  this 
connection  allow  me  to  say  that  you,  as  a  portion  of  the  great  Amer 
ican  people,  need  only  to  maintain  your  composure,  stand  up  to  your 
sober  convictions  of  right,  to  your  obligations  to  the  Constitution,  and 
act  in  accordance  with  those  sober  convictions,  and  the  clouds  which 
now  arise  in  the  horizon  will  be  dispelled,  and  we  shall  have  a  bright 


MR.    LINCOLN   AT   ROCHESTER   AXD    SYRACUSE.  01 

and  glorious  future ;  and  when  this  generation  has  passed  away,  tens  of 
thousands  will  inhabit  this  country  where  only  thousands  inhabit  it 
now.  I  do  not  propose  to  address  you  at  length ;  I  have  no  voice  for 
it.  Allow  me  again  to  thank  you  for  this  magnificent  reception,  and 
bid  you  farewell. 

Mr.  LINCOLN  remained  at  Buffalo  over  Sunday,  the  17th, 
and  on  the  morning  of  the  1 8th  left  for  Albany.  On  reaching 
Rochester  he  was  introduced  by  the  Mayor  to  a  crowd  of 
several  thousands,  to  whom  he  said : 

I  confess  myself,  after  having  seen  many  large  audiences  since  leav 
ing  home,  overwhelmed  with  this  vast  number  of  faces  at  this  hour  of 
the  morning.  I  am  not  vain  enough  to  believe  that  you  are  here  from 
any  wish  to  see  me  as  an  individual,  but  because  I  am  for  the  time 
being  the  representative  of  the  American  people.  I  could  not,  if  I 
would,  address  you  at  any  length.  I  have  not  the  strength,  even  if  I 
had  the  time,  for  a  speech  at  each  of  these  many  interviews  that  are 
afforded  me  on  my  way  to  Washington.  I  appear  merely  to  see  you, 
and  to  let  you  see  me,  and  to  bid  you  farewell.  I  hope  it  will  be  under 
stood  that  it  is  from  no  disinclination  to  oblige  anybody  that  I  do  not 
address  you  at  greater  length." 

At  Syracuse,  where  preparations  had  been  made  to  give 
him  a  formal  reception,  he  made  the  following  remarks  in 
reply  to  an  address  of  welcome  from  the  Mayor : 

LADIES  AND  GEXTLEMEX:  I  see  you  have  erected  a  very  fine  and 
handsome  platform  here  for  me,  and  I  presume  you  expected  me  to 
speak  from  it.  If  I  should  go  upon  it,  you  would  imagine  that  I  was 
about  to  deliver  you  a  much  longer  speech  than  I  am.  I  wish  you  to 
understand  that  I  mean  no  discourtesy  to  you  by  thus  declining.  I 
intend  discourtesy  to  no  one.  But  I  wish  you  to  understand  that, 
though  I  am  unwilling  to  go  upon  this  platform,  you  are  not  at  liberty 
to  draw  any  inferences  concerning  any  other  platform  with  which  my 
name  has  been  or  is  connected.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  I  wish  you 
long  life  and  prosperity  individually,  and  pray  that  with  the  perpetuity 
of  those  institutions  under  which  we  have  all  so  long  lived  and  pros 
pered,  our  happiness  may  be  secured,  our  future  made  brilliant,  and  the 
glorious  destiny  of  our  country  established  forever.  I  bid  you  a  kind 
farewell. 


92  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

At  Utica,  where  an  immense  and  most  enthusiastic  assem 
blage  of  people  from  the  surrounding  country  had  gathered  to 
see  him,  Mr.  LINCOLN  contented  himself  by  saying : 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  :  I  have  no  speech  to  make  to  you,  and  no 
time  to  speak  in.  I  appear  before  you  that  I  may  see  you,  and  that 
you  may  see  me ;  and  I  am  willing  to  admit,  that  so  far  as  the  ladies 
are  concerned,  I  have  the  best  of  the  bargain,  though  I  wish  it  to  be 
understood  that  I  do  not  make  the  same  acknowledgment  concerning 
the  men.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 

The  train  reached  Albany  at  half-past  two  in  the  afternoon, 
where  Mr.  LINCOLN  was  formally  received  by  the  Mayor  in  a 
complimentary  address,  to  which  he  thus  replied : 

MR.  MAYOR  :  I  can  hardly  appropriate  to  myself  the  flattering  terms 
in  which  you  communicate  the  tender  of  this  reception,  as  personal  to 
myself.  I  most  gratefully  accept  the  hospitalities  tendered  to  me,  and 
will  not  detain  you  or  the  audience  with  any  extended  remarks  at  this 
time.  I  presume  that  in  the  two  or  three  courses  through  which  I 
shall  have  to  go,  I  shall  have  to  repeat  somewhat,  and  I  will  therefore 
only  repeat  to  you  my  thanks  for  this  kind  reception. 

A  procession  was  then  formed,  which  escorted  Mr.  LINCOLN 
to  the  steps  of  the  Capitol,  where  he  was  welcomed  by  the 
Governor,  in  presence  of  an  immense  mass  of  the  people, 
whom  he  addressed  as  follows  : 

MR.  GOVERNOR:  I  was  pleased  to  receive  an  invitation  to  visit  the 
capital  of  the  great  Empire  State  of  the  nation,  on  my  way  to  the  Fed 
eral  Capital,  and  I  now  thank  you,  Mr.  Governor,  and  the  people  of 
this  capital,  and  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York,  for  this  most 
hearty  and  magnificent  welcome.  If  I  am  not  at  fault,  the  great  Empire 
State  at  this  time  contains  a  greater  population  than  did  the  United 
States  of  America  at  the  time  she  achieved  her  national  independence. 
I  am  proud  to  be  invited  to  pass  through  your  capital  and  meet  them, 
as  I  now  have  the  honor  to  do. 

I  am  notified  by  your  Governor  that  this  reception  is  given  without 
distinction  of  party.  I  accept  it  the  more  gladly  because  it  is  so. 
Almost  all  men  in  this  country,  and  in  any  country  where  freedom  of 


ME.    LINCOLN   AT   ALBANY.  93 

thought  is  tolerated,  attach  themselves  to  political  parties.  It  is  but 
ordinary  charity  to  attribute  this  to  the  fact  that  in  so  attaching  him 
self  to  the  party  which  his  judgment  prefers,  the  citizen  believes  he 
thereby  promotes  the  best  interests  of  the  whole  country ;  and  when 
an  election  is  passed,  it  is  altogether  befitting  a  free  people  that,  until 
the  next  election,  they  should  be  as  one  people.  The  reception  you 
have  extended  to  me  to-day  is  not  given  to  me  personally.  It  should 
not  be  so,  but  as  the  representative  for  the  time  being  of  the  majority 
of  the  nation.  If  the  election  had  resulted  in  the  selection  of  either  of 
the  other  candidates,  the  same  cordiality  should  have  been  extended  to 
him  as  is  extended  to  me  this  day,  in  testimony  of  the  devotion  of  the 
whole  people  to  the  Constitution  and  the  whole  Union,  and  of  their 
desire  to  perpetuate  our  institutions,  and  to  hand  them  down  in  their 
perfection  to  succeeding  generations. 

I  have  neither  the  voice  nor  the  strength  to  address  you  at  any 
greater  length.  I  beg  you  will  accept  my  most  grateful  thanks  for  this 
devotion — not  to  me,  but  to  this  great-and  glorious  free  country. 

Mr.  LINCOLN  was  then  escoitcd  to  the  Hall  of  Assembly,  and 
was  formally  received  on  behalf  of  the  members  of  the  Legis 
lature,  to  whom  he  made  the  following  address: 

MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  THE  STATE 
OF  NEW  YORK:  It  is  with  feelings  of  great  diffidence,  and,  I  may  say, 
with  feelings  of  awe,  perhaps  greater  than  I  have  recently  experienced, 
that  I  meet  you  here  in  this  place.  The  history  of  this  great  State,  the 
renown  of  those  great  men  who  have  stood  here,  and  spoke  here,  and 
been  heard  here,  all  crowd  around  my  fancy,  and  incline  me  to  shrink 
from  any  attempt  to  address  you.  Yet  I  have  some  confidence  given 
me  by  the  generous  manner  in  which  you  have  invited  me,  and  by  the 
still  more  generous  manner  in  which  you  have  received  me,  to  speak 
further.  You  have  invited  and  received  me  without  distinction  of 
party.  I  cannot  for  a  moment  suppose  that  this  has  been  done  in  any 
considerable  degree  with  reference  to  my  personal  services,  but  that  it 
is  done  in  so  far  as  I  am  regarded  at  this  time  as  the  representative  of 
the  majesty  of  this  great  nation.  I  doubt  not  this  is  the  truth,  and  the 
whole  truth,  of  the  case,  and  this  is  as  it  should  be.  It  is  much  more 
gratifying  to  me  that  this  reception  has  been  given  to  me  as  the  repre 
sentative  of  a  free  people,  than  it  could  possibly  be  if  tendered  as  an 
evidence  of  devotion  to  me.  or  to  any  one  man  personally.  And  now  I 
think  it  were  more  fitting  that  I  should  close  these  hasty  remarks.  It 


94 

is  true  that,  while  I  hold  myself,  without  mock  modesty,  the  humblest 
of  all  individuals  that  have  ever  been  elevated  to  the  Presidency,  I  have 
a  more  difficult  task  to  perform  than  any  one  of  them.  You  have  gener 
ously  tendered  me  the  united  support  of  the  great  Empire  State.  For 
this,  in  behalf  of  the  nation — in  behalf  of  the  present  and  future  of  the 
nation — in  behalf  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  for  all  time  to  come,  most 
gratefully  do  I  thank  you.  I  do  not  propose  to  enter  into  an  explana 
tion  of  any  particular  line  of  policy,  as  to  our  present  difficulties,  to  be 
adopted  by  the  incoming  Administration.  I  deem  it  just  to  you,  to 
myself,  and  to  all,  that  I  should  see  every  thing,  that  I  should  hear 
every  thing,  that  I  should  have  every  light  that  can  be  brought  within 
my  reach,  in  order  that  when  I  do  so  speak,  I  shall  have  enjoyed  every 
opportunity  to  take  correct  and  true  grounds;  and  for  this  reason  I 
don't  propose  to  speak,  at  this  time,  of  the  policy  of  the  Government. 
But  when  the  time  comes  I  shall  speak,  as  well  as  I  am  able,  for  the 
good  of  the  present  and  future  of  this  country — for  the  good  both  of 
the  North  and  the  South  of  this-  country — for  the  good  of  the  one  and 
the  other,  and  of  all  sections  of  the  country.  [Rounds  of  applause.] 
In  the  mean  time,  if  we  have  patience,  if  we  restrain  ourselves,  if  we 
allow  ourselves  not  to  run  off  in  a  passion,  I  still  have  confidence  that 
the  Almighty,  the  Maker  of  the  Universe,  will,  through  the  instrumen 
tality  of  this  great  and  intelligent  people,  bring  us  through  this  as  he 
has  through  all  the  other  difficulties  of  our  country.  Relying  on  this,  I 
again  thank  you  for  this  generous  reception."  [Applause  and  cheers.] 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th  Mr.  LINCOLN  went  to  Troy, 
and,  in  reply  to  the  welcome  of  the  Mayor,  said: 

"  MR.  MAYOR  AND  CITIZENS  OF  TROY:  I  thank  you  very  kindly  for  this 
great  reception.  Since  I  left  my  home  it  has  not  been  my  fortune  to 
meet  an  assemblage  more  numerous  and  more  orderly  than  this.  I  am 
the  more  gratified  at  this  mark  of  your  regard  since  you  assure  me  it  is 
tendered,  not  to  the  individual,  but  to  the  high  office  you  have  called 
me  to  fill.  I  have  neither  strength  nor  time  to  make  any  extended 
remarks,  and  I  can  only  repeat  to  you  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  kind 
reception  you  have  thought  proper  to  extend  to  me.1' 

On  the  route  to  New  York,  by  the  Hudson  River  Railroad, 
very  large  crowds  of  people  had  assembled  at  the  various  sta 
tions,  to  welcome  him.  At  Hudson  he  spoke  as  follows: 


SPEECH    AT   POUGIIKEEPSIE.  95 

FELLOW-CITIZENS:  I  see  that  you  have  provided  a  platfurm,  but  I 
shall  have  to  decline  standing  on  it.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  The 
superintendent  tells  me  I  have  not  time  during  our  brief  stay  to  leave 
the  train.  I  had  to  decline  standing  on  some  very  handsome  platforms 
prepared  for  me  yesterday.  But  I  say  to  you,  as  I  said  to  them,  you 
must  not  on  this  account  draw  the  inference  that  I  have  any  intention 
to  desert  any  platform  I  have  a  legitimate  right  to  stand  on.  I  do  not 
appear  before  you  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  speech.  I  come  only  to 
see  you,  and  to  give  you  the  opportunity  to  see  me,  and  I  say  to  you,  as  I 
have  before  said  to  crowds  where  there  are  so  many  handsome  ladies 
as  there  are  here,  I  think  I  have  decidedly  the  best  of  the  bargain.  I 
have  only,  therefore,  to  thank  you  most  cordially  for  this  kind  reception, 
and  bid  you  all  farewell. 

At  Poughkeepsie,  where  great  preparations  had  been  made 
for  his  reception,  he  responded  thus  to  an  address  from  the 
Mayor : 

FELLOW-CITIZENS:  It  is  altogether  impossible  I  should  make  myself 
heard  by  any  considerable  portion  of  this  vast  assemblage ;  but,  although 
I  appear  before  you  mainly  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  you,  and  to  let 
yo\i  see,  rather  than  hear  me,  I  cannot  refrain  from  saying  that  I  am 
highly  gratified, — as  much  here,  indeed,  under  the  circumstances,  as  I 
have  been  anywhere  on  my  route, — to  witness  this  noble  demonstration 
— made,  not  in  honor  of  an  individual,  but  of  the  man  who  at  this  time 
humbly,  but  earnestly,  represents  the  majesty  of  the  nation.  This 
reception,  like  all  others  that  have  been  tendered  to  me,  doubtless 
emanates  from  all  the  political  parties,  and  not  from  one  alone.  A3 
such  I  accept  it  the  more  gratefully,  since  it  indicates  an  earnest  desire 
on  the  part  of  the  whole  people,  without  regard  to  political  differences, 
to  save — not  the  country,  because  the  country  will  save  itself — but  to 
save  the  institutions  of  the  country — those  institutions  under  which,  in 
the  last  three-quarters  of  a  century,  we  have  grown  to  be  a  great,  an 
intelligent,  and  a  happy  people — the  greatest,  the  most  intelligent,  and 
the  happiest  people  in  the  world.  These  noble  manifestations  indicate, 
with  unerring  certainty,  that  the  whole  people  are  willing  to  make  com 
mon  cause  for  this  object;  that  if,  as  it  ever  must  be,  some  have  been 
successful  in  the  recent  election,  and  some  have  been  beaten, — if  some 
are  satisfied,  and  some  are  dissatisfied,  the  defeated  party  are  not  iu 
favor  of  sinking  the  ship,  but  are  desirous  of  running  it  through  the  tern- 


96 

pest  in  safety,  and  willing,  if  they  think  the  people  have  committed  an 
error  in  their  verdict  now,  to  wait  in  the  hope  of  reversing  it,  and  setting 
it  right  next  time.  I  do  not  say  that  in  the  recent  election  the  people 
did  the  wisest  thing  that  could  have  been  done ;  indeed,  I  do  not  think 
they  did;  but  I  do  say,  that  in  accepting  the  great  trust  committed  to 
me,  which  I  do  with  a  determination  to  endeavor  to  prove  worthy  of  it, 
I  must  rely  upon  you,  upon  the  people  of  the  whole  country,  for  sup 
port;  and  with  their  sustaining  aid,  even  I,  humble  as  I  am,  cannot  fail 
to  carry  the  ship  of  State  safely  through  the  storm. 

I  have  now  only  to  thank  you  warmly  for  your  kind  attendance, 
and  bid  you  all  an  affectionate  farewell. 

At  Peekskill,  in  reply  to  a  brief  address  from  Judge  Nelson, 
he  said : 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN:  I  have  but  a  moment  to  stand  before  you, 
to  listen  to  and  return  your  kind  greeting.  I  thank  you  for  this  recep 
tion  and  for  the  pleasant  manner  in  which  it  is  tendered  to  me,  by  our 
mutual  friend.  I  will  say  in  a  single  sentence,  in  regard  to  the  diffi 
culties  that  lie  before  me  and  our  beloved  country,  that  if  I  can  enly  be 
as  generously  and  unanimously  sustained,  as  the  demonstrations  I  have 
witnessed  indicate  I  shall  be,  I  shall  not  fail ;  but  without  your  sus 
taining  hands  I  am  sure  that  neither  I,  nor  any  other  man,  can  hope  to 
surmount  these  difficulties.  I  trust  that  in  the  course  I  shall  pursue  I 
shall  be  sustained,  not  only  by  the  party  that  elected  me,  but  by  the 
patriotic  people  of  the  whole  country. 

The  President-elect  reached  New  York  at  3  o'clock,  and 
was  received  by  an  immense  demonstration  of  popular  en 
thusiasm.  Places  of  business  were  generally  closed,  and  the 
streets  were  filled  with  people,  eager  to  catch  a  glimpse  of 
his  person.  On  reaching  the  Astor  House,  he  was  compelled 
by  the  importunity  of  the  assembled  crowd  to  appear  on  the 
balcony,  from  which  he  said : 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  I  have  stepped  before  you  merely  in  compliance 
with  what  appears  to  be  your  wish,  and  not  with  the  purpose  of  making 
a  speech.  I  do  not  propose  making  a  speech  this  afternoon.  I  could 
not  be  heard  by  any  but  a  small  fraction  of  you  at  best ;  but,  what  is 


MR.    LINCOLN   IN   NEW   YORK.  97 

still  worse  than  that,  I  have  nothing  just  now  to  say  that  is  worthy  of  your 
hearing.  [Applause.]  I  beg  you  to  believe  that  I  do  not  now  refuse 
to  address  you  from  any  disposition  to  disoblige  you,  but  to  the  con 
trary.  But,  at  the  same  time,  I  beg  of  you  to  excuse  me  for  the  present. 

In  the  evening,  Mr.  LINCOLN  received  a  large  deputation 
from  the  various  Republican  associations  which  had  taken  an 
active  part  in  the  election  canvass,  and  in  reply  to  a  brief 
welcome  from  Mr.  E.  D.  Smith,  on  their  behalf,  he  thus  ad 
dressed  them : 

Mr.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN'  :  I  am  rather  an  old  man  to  avail  myself 
of  such  an  excuse  as  I  am  now  about  to  do.  Yet  the  truth  is  so  distinct, 
and  presses  itself  so  distinctly  upon  me,  that  I  cannot  well  avoid  it— and 
that  is,  that  I  did  not  understand  when  I  was  brought  into  this  room 
that  I  was  brought  here  to  make  a  speech.  It  was  not  intimated  to  me 
that  I  was  brought  into  the  room  where  DANIEL  WEBSTER  and  HENRY 
CLAY  had  made  speeches,  and  where,  in  my  position,  I  might  be  ex 
pected  to  do  something  like  those  men,  or  do  something  worthy  of  my- 
self  or  my  audience.  I,  therefore,  will  beg  you  to  make  very  great 
allowance  for  the  circumstances  in  which  I  have  been  by  surprise 
brought  before  you.  Now,  I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  thinking  and 
speaking  sometimes  upon  political  questions  that  have  for  some  years 
past  agitated  the  country;  and,  if  I  were  disposed  to  do  so,  and  we  could 
take  up  some  one  of  the  issues,  as  the  lawyers  call  them,  and  I  were 
called  upon  to  make  an  argument  about  it  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  I 
could  do  so  without  much  preparation.  But,  that  is  not  what  you 
desire  to  be  done  here  to-night 

I  have  been  occupying  a  position  since  the  Presidential  election  of 
silence,  of  avoiding  public  speaking,  of  avoiding  public  writing.  I  have 
been  doing  so,  because  I  thought,  upon  full  consideration,  that  was  the 
proper  course  for  me  to  take.  [Great  applause.]  I  am  brought  before 
you  now,  and  required  to  make  a  speech,  when  you  all  approve  more 
than  any  thing  else  of  the  fact  that  I  have  been  keeping  silence.  [Great 
laughter,  cries  of  "  Good,"  and  applause.]  And  now  it  seems  to  me  that 
the  response  you  give  to  that  remark  ought  to  justify  me  in  closing  just 
here.  [Great  laughter.]  I  have  not  kept  silence  since  the  Presidential 
election  from  any  party  wantonness,  or  from  any  indifference  to  the 
anxiety  that  pervades  the  minds  of  men  about  the  aspect  of  the  political 
5 


98  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

affairs  of  this  country.     I  have  kept  silence  for  the  reason  that  I  sup 
posed  it  was  peculiarly  proper  that  I  should  do  so  until  the  time  came 
when,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  I  could  speak  officially. 
A  Voice — The  custom  of  the  country  ? 

I  heard   some   gentleman   say    "  According  to  the  custom  of  the 
country."     I  alluded  to  the  custom  of  the  President-elect,  at  the  time  o 
taking  the  oath  of  office.     That  is  what  I  meant  by  "  the  custom  of  the 
country."     I  do  suppose  that,  while  the  political  drama  being  enacto 
in  this  country,  at  this  time,  is  rapidly  shifting  its  scenes-forbidding  an 
anticipation,  with  any  dogree  of  certainty,  to-day,  what  we  shall  i 
morrow-it  was  peculiarly  fitting  that  I  should  see  it  all,  up  to  the  last 
minute,  before  I  should  take  ground  that  I  might  be  disposed  (by  the 
shifting  of  the  scenes  afterwards)  also  to  shift.     [Applause.] 
said,  several  times,  upon  this  journey,  and  I  now  repeat  it  to  you,  that 
when  the  time  does  come,  I  shall  then  take  the  ground  that  I  think 
ri,,kt— [applause]— the  ground  that  I  think  is  right-[applause,  and 
cries  of  "  Good,  good"]— right  for  the  North,  for  the  South,  for  the  East, 
for  the  West,  for  the  whole  country.     [Cries  of  "Good,"  "Hurrah  for 
LINCOLN/'  and  applause.]    And  in  doing  so,  I  hope  to  feel  no  necessity 
pressing  upon  me  to  say  any  thing  in  conflict  with  the  Constitution;  in 
conilict  with  the  continued  union  of  these  States— [applause]— in  con 
flict  with  the  perpetuation  of  the  liberties  of  this  people— [applause]— 
or  any  thing  in  conflict  with  any  thing  whatever  that  I  have  ever  given 
you  reason  to  expect  from  me.     [Applause.]     And  now,  my  friends, 
have  I  said  enough?     [Loud  cries  of  "No,  no,"  and  three  cheers  for 
LINCOLN.]    Now,  my  friends,  there  appears  to  be  a  difference  of  opinion 
between  you  and  me,  and  I  really  feel  called  upon  to  decide  the  question 
myself.     [Applause,  during  which  Mr.  LINCOLN  descended  from  the 
table.] 

On  the  morning  of  the  20th  Mr.  LINCOLN  proceeded  to  the 
City  Hall,  where  it  had  been  arranged  that  he  should  have 
an  official  reception.  He  was  there  addressed  by  Mayor 
Wood  in  the  following  terms  : 

MR.  LINCOLN:  As  Mayor  of  New  York,  it  becomes  my  duty  to  ex 
tend  to  you  an  official  welcome  in  behalf  of  the  Corporation.  In  doing 
so  permit  me  to  say,  that  this  city  has  never  offered  hospitality  to  a 
man  clothed  with  more  exalted  powers,  or  resting  under  graver  respon 
sibilities,  than  those  which  circumstances  have  devolved  upon  you. 


REPLY   TO   THE   MAYOR    OF    NEW   YORK.  99 

Coming  into  office  with  a  dismembered  Government  to  reconstruct,  and 
a  disconnected  and  hostile  people  to  reconcile,  it  will  require  a  high 
patriotism,  and  an  elevated  comprehension  of  the  whole  country  and  its 
varied  interests,  opinions,  and  prejudices,  to  so  conduct  public  affairs  as 
to  bring  it  back  again  to  its  former  harmonious,  consolidated,  and  pros 
perous  condition.  If  I  refer  to  this  topic,  sir,  it  is  because  New  York 
is  deeply  interested.  The  present  political  divisions  have  sorely  afflicted 
her  people.  All  her  material  interests  are  paralyzed.  Her  commercial 
greatness  is  endangered.  She  is  the  child  of  the  American  Union. 
She  has  grown  up  under  its  maternal  care,  and  been  fostered  by  its 
paternal  bounty,  and  we  fear  that  if  the  Union  dies,  the  present  su 
premacy  of  New  York  may  perish  with  it.  To  you,  therefore,  chosen 
under  the  forms  of  the  Constitution  as  the  head  of  the  Confederacy,  we 
look  for  a  restoration  of  fraternal  relations  between  the  States — only  to 
be  accomplished  by  peaceful  and  conciliatory  means,  aided  by  the 
wisdom  of  Almighty  God. 

To  this  address  Mr.  LINCOLN  made  the  following  reply : 

MR.  MAYOR:  It  is  with  feelings  of  deep  gratitude  that  I  make  my 
acknowledgments  for  the  reception  that  has  been  given  me  in  the  great 
commercial  city  of  New  York.  I  cannot  but  remember  that  it  is  done 
by  the  people,  who  do  not,  by  a  large  majority,  agree  with  me  in  politi 
cal  sentiment.  It  is  the  more  grateful  to  me,  because  in  this  I  see  that 
for  the  great  principles  of  our  Government  the  people  are  pretty  nearly 
or  quite  unanimous.  In  regard  to  the  difficulties  that  confront  us  at 
this  time,  and  of  which  you  have  seen  fit  to  speak  so  becomingly  and 
so  justly,  I  can  only  say  that  I  agree  with  the  sentiments  expressed. 
In  my  devotion  to  the  Union  I  hope  I  am  behind  no  man  in  the  nation. 
As  to  my  wisdom  in  conducting  affairs  so  as  to  tend  to  the  preservation 
of  the  Union,  I'fear  too  great  confidence  may  have  been  placed  in  me. 
I  am  sure  I  bring  a  heart  devoted  to  the  work.  There  is  nothing  that 
could  ever  bring  me  to  consent — willingly  to  consent — to  the  destruc 
tion  of  this  Union  (in  which  not  only  the  great  city  of  New  York,  but 
the  whole  country,  has  acquired  its  greatness),  unless  it  would  be  that 
thing  for  which  the  Union  itself  was  made.  I  understand  that  the  ship 
is  made  for  the  carrying  and  preservation  of  the  cargo  ;  and  so  long  as 
the  ship  is  safe  with  the  cargo,  it  shall  not  be  abandoned.  This  Union 
shall  never  be  abandoned,  unless  the  possibility  of  its  existence  shall 
cease  to  exist,  without  the  necessity  of  throwing  passengers  and  cargo 
ttrerboard.  So  long,  then,  as  it  is  possible  that  the  prosperity  and  liber- 


100 

ties  of  this  people  can  be  preserved  within  this  Union,  it  shall  be  my 
purpose  at  all  times  to  preserve  it.  And  now,  Mr.  Mayor,  renewing 
my  thanks  for  this  cordial  reception,  allow  me  to  come  to  a  close. 
[Applause.] 

On  the  morning  of  Thursday,  the  21st,  Mr.  LINCOLN  left 
New  York  for  Philadelphia,  and  on  reaching  Jersey  City  was 
met  and  welcomed,  on  behalf  of  the  State,  by  the  Hon.  W.  L. 
Dayton,  to  whose  remarks  he  made  this  reply  : 

MR.  DAYTON  AXD  GENTLEMEN  OP  THE  STATE  OF  NEW  JERSEY:  I 
shall  only  thank  you  briefly  for  this  very  kind  reception  given  me,  not 
personally,  but  as  the  temporary  representative  of  the  majesty  of  the 
nation.  [Applause.]  To  the  kindness  of  your  hearts,  and  of  the  hearts 
of  your  brethren  in  your  State^  I  should  be  very  proud  to  respond,  but 
I  shall  not  have  strength  to  address  you  or  other  assemblages  at  length, 
even  if  I  had  the  time  to  do  so.  I  appear  before  you,  therefore,  for 
little  else  than  to  greet  you,  and  to  briefly  say  farewell.  You  have 
done  me  the  very  high  honor  to  present  your  reception  courtesies  to  me 
through  your  great  man — a  man  with  whom  it  is  an  honor  to  be  asso 
ciated  anywhere,  and  in  owning  whom  no  State  can  be  poor.  [Ap 
plause.]  He  has  said  enough,  and  by  the  saying  of  it  suggested  enough, 
to  require  a  response  of  an  hour  well  considered.  [Applause.]  I  could 
not  in  an  hour  make  a  worthy  response  to  it.  I  therefore,  ladies  and 
gentlemen  of  New  Jersey,  content  myself  with  saying,  most  heartily  do 
I  indorse  all  the  sentiments  he  has  expressed.  [Applause.]  Allow  me, 
most  gratefully,  to  bid  you  farewell.  [Applause.] 

At  Newark  he  was  welcomed  by  the  Mayor,  to  whom  he 
said : 

MB.  MAYOR  :  I  thank  you  for  this  reception  at  the  city  of  Newark. 
"With  regard  to  the  great  work  of  which  you  speak,  I  will  say  that  I 
bring  to  it  a  heart  filled  with  love  for  my  country,  and  an  honest  desire 
to  do  what  is  right.  I  am  sure,  however,  that  I  have  not  the  ability  to 
do  any  thing  unaided  of  God,  and  that  without  his  support,  and  that  of 
this  free,  happy,  prosperous,  and  intelligent  people,  no  man  can  succeed 
in  doing  that  the  importance  of  which  we  all  comprehend.  Again 
thanking  you  for  the  reception  you  have  given  me,  1  will  now  bid  you 
farewell,  and  proceed  upon  my  journey. 


ME.   LINCOLN    IN   NEW   JERSEY.  101 

At  Trenton  he  was  received  by  a  committee  of  the  Legis 
lature,  and  escorted  to  both  branches,  which  were  in  session. 
The  President  of  the  Senate  welcomed  him  in  a  brief  address, 
to  which  he  made  the  following  reply  : 

MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  STATE  OF 
NEW  JERSEY:  I  am  very  grateful  to  you  for  the  honorable  reception 
of  which  I  have  been  the  object.  I  cannot  but  remember  the  place  that 
New  Jersey  holds  in  our  early  history.  In  the  early  revolutionary 
struggle  few  of  the  States  among  the  old  thirteen  had  more  of  the  battle 
fields  of  the  country  within  their  limits  than  old  New  Jersey.  May  I 
be  pardoned  if,  upon  this  occasion,  I  mention  that  away  back  in  my 
childhood,  the  earliest  days  of  my  being  able  to  read,  I  got  hold  of  a 
small  book,  such  a  one  as  few  of  the  younger  members  have  ever  seen, 
""WEEM'S  Life  of  Washington.'1'1  I  remember  all  the  accounts  there 
given  of  the  battle-fields  and  struggles  for  the  liberties  of  the  country, 
and  none  fixed  themselves  upon  my  imagination  so  deeply  as  the  strug 
gle  here  at  Trenton,  New  Jersey.  The  crossing  of  the  river ;  the  con 
test  with  the  Hessians ;  the  great  hardships  endured  at  that  time,  all 
fixed  themselves  on  my  memory,  more  than  any  single  revolutionary 
event ;  and  you  all  know,  for  3rou  have  all  been  boys,  how  these  early 
impressions  last  longer  than  any  others.  I  recollect  tl linking  then,  boy 
even  though  I  was,  that  there  must  have  been  something  more  than 
common  that  these  men  struggled  for.  I  am  exceedingly  anxious  that 
that  thing  which  they  struggled  for ;  that  something  even  more  than 
National  Independence  ;  that  something  that  held  out  a  great  promise 
to  all  the  people  of  the  world  to  all  time  to  come — I  am  exceedingly 
anxious  that  this  Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the  liberties  of  the  people 
shall  be  perpetuated  in  accordance  with  the  original  idea  for  which  that 
struggle  was  made,  and  I  shall  be  most  happy  indeed  if  I  shall  be  an 
humble  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  Almighty  and  of  this,  his  most 
chosen  people,  as  the  chosen  instrument — also  in  the  hands  of  the 
Almighty — for  perpetuating  the  object  of  that  great  struggle.  You 
give  me  this  reception,  as  I  understand,  without  distinction  of  party.  I 
learn  that  this  body  is  composed  of  a  majority  of  gentlemen  who,  in 
the  exercise  of  their  best  judgment  in  the  choice  of  a  Chief  Magistrate, 
did  not  think  I  was  the  man.  I  understand,  nevertheless,  that  they 
come  forward  hereto  greet  me  as  the  constitutional  President  of  the 
United  States — as  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  meet  the  man  who, 


102          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

for  the  time  being,  is  tho  representative  man  of  the  nation — united  by  a 
purpose  to  perpetuate  the  Union  and  liberties  of  the  people.  As  such, 
I  accept  this  reception  more  gratefully  than  I  could  do  did  I  believe  it 
was  tendered  to  me  as  an  individual. 

Mr.  LINCOLN  then  passed  to  the  Assembly  Chamber,  where, 
in  reply  to  the  Speaker,  he  said  : 

MR.  SPEAKER  AND  GENTLEMEN:  I  have  just  enjoyed  the  honor  of  a 
reception  by  the  other  branch  of  this  Legislature,  and  I  return  to  you 
and  them  my  thanks  for  the  reception  which  the  people  of  New  Jersey 
have  given  through  their  chosen  representatives  to  me  as  the  rep 
resentative,  for  the  time  being,  of  the  majesty  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  I  appropriate  to  myself  very  little  of  the  demonstrations 
of  respect  with  which  I  have  been  greeted.  I  think  little  should  be 
given  to  any  man,  but  that  it  should  be  a  manifestation  of  adherence  to 
the  Union  and  the  Constitution.  I  understand  myself  to  be  received 
here  by  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  New  Jersey,  a  majority  of 
whom  differ  in  opinion  from  those  with  whom  I  have  acted.  This  man 
ifestation  is,  therefore,  to  be  regarded  by  me  as  expressing  their  devotion 
to  the  Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the  liberties  of  the  people.  You, 
Mr.  Speaker,  have  well  said  that  this  is  a  time  when  the  bravest  and 
wisest  look  with  doubt  and  awe  upon  the  aspect  presented  by  our  na 
tional  affairs.  Under  these  circumstances,  you  will  readily  see  why  I 
should  not  speak  in  detail  of  the  course  I  shall  deem  it  best  to  pursue. 
It  is  proper  that  I  should  avail  myself  of  all  the  information  and  all  the 
time  at  my  command,  in  order  that  when  the  time  arrives  in  which  I 
must  speak  officially,  I  shall  be  able  to  take  the  ground  which  I  deem 
the  best  and  safest,  and  from  which  I  may  have  no  occasion  to  swerve. 
I  shall  endeavor  to  take  the  ground  I  deem  most  just  to  the  North,  the 
East,  the  West,  the  South,  and  the  whole  country.  I  take  it,  I  hope,  in 
good  temper,  certainly  with  no  malice  towards  any  section.  I  shall  do 
all  that  may  be  in  my  power  to  promote  a  peaceful  settlement  of  all  our 
difficulties.  The  man  does  not  live  who  is  more  devoted  to  peace  than 
I  am.  [Cheers.]  None  who  would  do  more  to  preserve  it,  but  it  may 
be  necessary  to  put  the  foot  down  firmly.  [Here  the  audience  broke 
out  into  cheers  so  loud  and  long,  that  for  some  moments  it  was  impossi 
ble  to  hear  Mr.  LINCOLN'S  voice.]  And  if  I  do  my  duty  and  do  right 
you  will  sustain  me,  will  you  not  ?  [Loud  cheers-,  and  cries  of  "  Yes, 
yes,  we  will."]  Received,  as  I  am,  by  the  members  of  a  Legislature, 


ARRIVAL    AT   PHILADELPHIA.  103 

the  majority  of  whom  do  not  agree  with  me  in  political  sentiments,  I 
trust  that  I  may  Lave  their  assistance  in  piloting  the  ship  of  State 
through  this  voyage,  surrounded  by  perils  as  it  is,  for  if  it  should  suffer 
wreck  now,  there  will  be  no  pilot  ever  needed  for  another  voyage. 
Gentlemen,  I  have  already  spoken  longer  than  I  intended,  and  must  beg 
leave  to  stop  here. 

The  procession  then  moved  to  the  Trenton  House,  where 
the  President-elect  made  the  following  speech  to  the  crowd 
outside : 

I  have  boen  invited  by  your  representatives  to  the  Legislature,  to 
visit  this,  the  Capital  of  your  honored  State,  and  in  acknowledging  their 
kind  invitation,  compelled  to  respond  to  the  welcome  of  the  presiding 
officers  of  each  body,  and  I  suppose. they  intended  I  should  speak  to 
you  through  them,  as  they  are  the  representatives  of  all  of  you  ;  and  if 
I  was  to  speak  again  here,  I  should  only  have  to  repeat,  in  a  great 
measure,  much  that  I  have  said,  which  would  be  disgusting  to  my 
friends  around  me  who  have  met  here.  I  have  no  speech  to  make,  but 
merely  appear  to  see  you  and  let  you  look  at  me,  and  as  to  the  latter  I 
think  I  have  greatly  the  best  of  the  bargain.  [Laughter.]  My  friends, 
allow  me  to  bid  you  farewell. 

The  party  arrived  at  Philadelphia  at  4  o'clock,  and  the 
President-elect,  proceeding  immediately  to  the  Continental 
Hotel,  was  welcomed  in  a  brief  speech  from  Mayor  Henry,  to 
which  he  replied  as  follows  : 

MB.  MAYOR  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  PHILADELPHIA  :  I  appear  bo- 
fore  you  to  make  no  lengthy  speech,  but  to  thank  you  for  this  reception, 
The  reception  you  have  given  me  to-night  is  not  to  me,  the  man,  the  in 
dividual,  but  to  the  man  who  temporarily  represents,  or  should  represent 
the  majesty  of  the  nation.  [Cheers.]  It  is  true,  as  your  worthy  Mayor 
has  said,  that  there  is  anxiety  amongst  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
at  this  time.  I  deem  it  a  happy  circumstance  that  this  dissatisfied  posi 
tion  of  our  fellow-citizens  does  not  point  us  to  any  thing  in  which  they 
are  being  injured,  or  about  to  be  injured,  for  which  reason  I  have  felt  all 
the  while  justified  in  concluding  that  the  crisis,  the  panic,  the  anxiety 
of  the  country  at  this  time,  is  artificial.  If  there  be  those  who  differ 
with  we  upon  this  subject,  they  have  not  pointed  out  the  substantial 
difficulty  that  exists.  1  do  not  mean  to  say  that  an  artificial  panic  may 


104  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

not  do  considerable  harm :  that  it  has  done  such  I  do  not  deny.  Tho 
hope  that  has  been  expressed  by  your  Mayor,  that  I  may  be  able  to  re 
store  peace,  harmony,  and  prosperity  to  the  country,  is  most  worthy  of 
Mm ;  and  happy,  indeed,  will  I  be  if  I  shall  be  able  to  verify  and  fulfil 
that  hope.  [Tremendous  cheering.]  I  promise  you,  in  all  sincerity, 
that  I  bring  to  the  work  a  sincere  heart.  Whether  I  will  bring  a  head 
equal  to  that  heart  will  be  for  future  times  to  determine.  It  were  use 
less  for  me  to  speak  of  details  of  plans  now ;  I  shall  speak  officially  next 
Monday  week,  if  ever.  If  I  should  not  speak  then  it  were  useless  for 
me  to  do  so  now.  If  I  do  speak  then  it  is  useless  for  me  to  do  so  now. 
"When  I  do  speak  I  shall  take  such  ground  as  I  deem  best  calculated  to 
restore  peace,  harmony,  and  prosperity  to  the  country,  and  tend  to  the 
perpetuity  of  the  nation  and  the  liberty  of  these  States  and  these  people. 
Your  worthy  Mayor  has  expressed  1he  wish,  in  which  I  join  with  him, 
that  it  were  convenient  for  me  to  remain  in  your  city  long,  enough  to 
consult  your  merchants  and  manufacturers;  or  as  it  were,  to  listen  to 
those  breathings  rising  within  the  consecrated  walls  wherein  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States,  and  I  will  add  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence,  were  originally  framed  and  adopted.  [Enthusiastic  applause.]  I 
assure  you  and  your  Mayor  that  I  had  hoped  on  this  occasion,  and  upon 
all  occasions  during  my  life,  that  I  shall  do  nothing  inconsistent  with  the 
teachings  of  these  holy  and  most  sacred  walls.  I  never  asked  any  thing 
that  does  not  breathe  from  those  walls.  All  my  political  warfare  has 
been  in  favor  of  the  teachings  that  came  forth  from  these  sacred  walls. 
May  my  right  hand  forget  its  cunning,  and  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof 
of  my  mouth,  if  ever  I  prove  false  to  those  teachings.  Fellow-citizens, 
I  have  addressed  you  longer  than  I  expected  to  do,  and  now  allow  me  to 
bid  you  good  night. 

On  the  2 1st  Mr.  LINCOLN  visited  the  old  Independence  Hall, 
from  which  was  originally  issued  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence.  He  was  received  in  a  cordial  speech  by  Mr.  Theodore 
Cuyler,  to  which  he  made  the  following  response : 

MB.  CUTLER:  I  am  filled  with  deep  emotion  at  finding  myself  stand 
ing  here  in  this  place,  where  were  collected  together  the  wisdom,  the 
patriotism,  the  devotion  to  principle  from  which  sprang  the  institutions 
under  which  we  live.  You  have  kindly  suggested  to  me  that  in  my 
hands  is  the  task  of  restoring  peace  to  the  present  distracted  condition 
of  the  country.  I  can  say  in  return,  sir,  that  all  the  political  sentiments 


SPEECH    IX    PHILADELPHIA.  105 

I  entertain  have  been  drawn,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  draw  them, 
from  the  sentiments  which  originated  in  and  were  given  to  the  world 
from  this  hall.  I  have  never  had  a  feeling,  politically,  that  did  not  spring 
from  the  sentiments  embodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  I 
have  often  pondered  over  the  dangers  which  were  incurred  by  the  men 
who  assembled  here,  and  framed  and  adopted  that  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence.  I  have  pondered  over  the. toils  that  were  endured  by  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  who  achieved  that  Independence.  I 
have  often  inquired  of  myself  what  great  principle  or  idea  it  was  that 
kept  this  Confederacy  so  long  together.  It  was  not  the  mere  matter 
of  the  separation  of  the  Colonies  from  the  mother  land,  but  that  senti 
ment  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  which  gave  liberty,  not  alone 
to  the  people  of  this  country,  but,  I  hope,  to  the  world,  for  all  future 
time.  [Great  applause.]  It  was  that  which  gave  promise  that  in  due 
time  the  weight  would  be  lifted  from  the  shoulders  of  all  men.  This  is 
the  sentiment  embodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Now,  my 
friends,  can  this  country  be  saved  upon  that  basis  ?  If  it  can,  I  will 
consider  myself  one  of  the  happiest  men  in  the  world  if  I  can  help  to 
save  it.  If  it  cannot  be  saved  upon  that  principle  it  will  be  truly  awful 
But  if  this  country  cannot  be  saved  without  giving  up  that  principle,  I 
was  about  to  say  I  would  rather  be  assassinated  on  this  spot  than  sur 
render  it.  [Applause.]  Now,  in  my  view  of  the  present  aspect  of 
affairs,  there  need  be  no  bloodshed  or  war.  There  is  no  necessity  for  it. 
I  am  not  in  favor  of  such  a  course,  and  I  may  say  in  advance  that  there 
will  be  no  bloodshed,  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  Government,  and  then 
it  will  be  compelled  to  act  in  self-defence.  [Applause.] 

My  friends,  this  is  wholly  an  unexpected  speech,  and  I  did  not  expect 
to  be  called  upon  to  say  a  word  when  I  came  here.  I  supposed  it  was 
merely  to  do  something  towards  raising  the  flag — I  may,  therefore,  have 
said  something  indiscreet.  [Cries  of  "No,  no."]  I  have  said  nothing 
but  what  I  am  willing  to  live  by,  and  if  it  be  the  pleasure  of  Almighty 
God,  die  by. 

One  object  of  tlie  visit  to  the  Hall  was,  to  have  Mr.  LINCOLN 
assist  in  raising  the  national  flag  over  the  Hall.  Arrangements 
had  been  made  for  the  performance  of  this  ceremony,  arid  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  escorted  to  the  platform  prepared  for  the  purpose, 
and  was  invited,  in  a  brief  address,  to  raise  the  flag.  He  re 
sponded  in  a  patriotic  speech,  announcing  his  cheerful  compli- 
5* 


106 

ance  with  the  request.  lie  alluded  to  the  original  flag  of  thir 
teen  stars,  saying  that  the  number  had  increased  as  time  rolled 
on  and  we  became  a  happy,  powerful  people,  each  star  adding 
to  its  prosperity.  The  future  is  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  It 
was  on  such  an  occasion  we  could  reason  together,  reaffirm  our 
devotion  to  the  country  and  the  principles  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.  Lot  us  make  up  our  minds,  said  he,  that  when 
ever  we  do  put  a  new  star  upon  our  banner,  it  shall  be  a  fixed 
one,  never  to  be  dimmed  by  the  horrors  of  war,  but  brightened 
by  the  contentment  and  prosperity  of  peace.  Let  us  go  on  to  ex 
tend  the  area  of  our  usefulness,  and  add  star  upon  star  until  their 
light  shall  shine  over  five  hundre'd  millions  of  free  and  happy 
people.  lie  then  performed  his  part  in  the  ceremony,  amidst 
a  thundering  discharge  of  artillery. 

In  the  afternoon  he  left  for  the  West.  On  reaching  Lancas 
ter  he  was  received  with  a  salute,  and  replied  to  an  address  of 
welcome  in  the  following  words  : 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  OLD  LANCASTER:  I  appear  not  to  make 
a  speech.  I  have  not  time  to  make  a  speech  at  length,  and  not  strength 
to  make  them  on  every  occasion,  and  worse  than  all  I  have  none  to  make. 
There  is  plenty  of  matter  to  speak  about  in  these  times,  but  it  is  well 
known  that  the  more  a  man  speaks  the  less  he  is  understood — the  more 
he  says  one  thing,  the  more  his  adversaries  contend  lie  meant  something 
else.  I  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  speak  officially,  and  then  I  will  en 
deavor  to  put  my  thoughts  just  as  plain  as  I  can  express  myself — true 
to  the  Constitution  and  Union  of  all  the  States,  and  to  the  perpetual  lib 
erty  of  all  the  people.  Until  I  so  speak,  there  is  no  need  to  enter  upon 
details.  In  conclusion,  I  greet  you  most  heartily,  and  bid  you  an  affec 
tionate  farewell. 

On  reaching  Harrisburg,  on  the  22d,  Mr.  LINCOLN  was 
escorted  to  the  Legislature,  and  was  welcomed  by  the  presi 
ding  officers  of  the  two  houses,  to  whom  he  replied  as  follows: 

I  appear  before  you  only  for  a  very  few,  brief  remarks,  in  response  to 
what  has  been  said  to  me.  I  thank  you  most  sincerely  for  this  recep 
tion  and  the  generous  words  in  which  support  has  been  promised  me 


MB.   LINCOLN   AT    HARISBUEG.  107 

upon  this  occasion.  I  thank  your  great  Commonwealth  for  the  over 
whelming  support  it  recently  gave,  not  me  personally,  but  the  cause 
which  I  think  a  just  one,  in  the  late  election.  [Loud  applause.] 
Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  fact — the  interesting  fact,  perhaps,  we 
should  say — that  I  for  the  first  time  appear  at  the  Capital  of  the  great 
Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania  upon  the  birthday  of  the  Father  of  his 
Country,  in  connection  with  that  beloved  anniversary  connected  with 
the  history  of  this  country.  I  have  already  gone  through  one  exceed 
ingly  interesting  scene  this  morning  in  the  ceremonies  at  Philadelphia. 
Under  the  high  conduct  of  gentlemen  there,  I  was  for  the  first  time 
allowed  the  privilege  of  standing  in  old  Independence  Hall  [Enthu 
siastic  cheering],  to  have  a  few  words  addressed  to  me  there,  and  open 
ing  up  to  me  an  opportunity  of  expressing,  with  much  regret,  that  I  had 
not  more  time  to  express  something  of  my  own  feelings,  excited  by  the 
occasion,  somewhat  to  harmonize  and  give  shape  to  the  feelings  that 
had  been  really  the  feelings  of  my  whole  life,  Besides  this,  our  friends 
there  had  provided  a  magnificent  flag  of  the  country.  They  had 
arranged  it  so  that  I  was  given  the  honor  of  raising  it  to  the  head  of  its 
staff.  [Applause.]  And  when  it  went  up  I  was  pleased  .that  it  went 
to  its  place  by  the  strength  of  my  own  feeble  arm,  when,  according  to 
the  arrangement,  the  cord  was  pulled,  and  it  floated  gloriously  to  the 
wind,  without  an  accident,  in  the  light,  glowing  sunshine  of  the  morning. 
I  could  not  help  hoping  that  there  was.  in  the  entire  success  of  that 
beautiful  ceremony,  at  least  something  of  an  omen  of  what  is  to  come. 
[Loud  applause.]  LTow  could  I  help  feeling  then  as  I  often  have  felt? 
In  the  \vhole  of  that  proceeding  I  was  a  very  humble  instrument.  I  had 
not  provided  the  flag ;  I  had  not  made  the  arrangements  for  elevating 
it  to  its  place;  I  had  applied  but  a  very  small  portion  of  my  feeble 
strength  in  raising  it.  In  the  whole  transaction  I  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  people  who  had  arranged  it,  and  if  I  can  have  the  same  generous 
co-operation  of  the  people  of  the  nation,  I  think  the  flag  of  our  country 
may  yet  be  kept  flaunting  gloriously.  [Loud,  enthusiastic,  and  con 
tinued  cheers.]  I  recur  for  a  moment  but  to  repeat  some  words  uttered 
at  the  hotel,  in  regard  to  what  has  been  said  about  the  military  support 
which  the  General  Government  may  expect  from  the  Commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania  in  a  proper  emergency.  To  guard  against  any  possible 
mistake  do  I  recur  to  this.  It  is  not  with  any  pleasure  that  I  contem 
plate  the  possibility  that  a  necessity  may  arise  in  this  country  for  the 
use  of  the  military  arm.  [Applause.]  While  I  am  exceedingly  grati 
fied  to  see  the  manifestation  upon  your  streets  of  your  military  force 


108 

here,  and  exceedingly  gratified  at  your  promises  here  to  use  that  force 
upon  a  proper  emergency — while  I  make  these  acknowledgments,  I  desire 
to  repeat,  in  order  to  preclude  any  possible  misconstruction,  that  I  do 
most  sincerely  hope  that  we  shall  have  no  use  for  them.  [Applause.] 
That  it  will  never  become  their  duty  to  shed  blood,  and  most  especially 
never  to  shed  fraternal  blood.  I  promise  that,  so  far  as  I  may  have  wis 
dom  to  direct,  if  so  painful  a  result  shall  hi  anywise  be  brought  about,  it 
shall  be  through  no  fault  of  mine.  [Cheers.]  Allusion  has  also  been 
made  by  one  of  your  honored  speakers  to  some  remarks  recently  made 
by  myself  at  Pittsburg,  in  regard  to  what  is  supposed  to  be  the  espe 
cial  interest  of  this  great  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  I  now  wish 
only  to  say,  in  regard  to  that  matter,  that  the  few  remarks  which  I 
uttered  on  that  occasion  were  rather  carefully  worded.  I  took  pains 
that  they  should  be  so.  I  have  seen  no  occasion  since  to  add  to  them, 
or  subtract  from  them.  I  leave  them  precisely  as  they  stand  [applause], 
adding  only  now  that  I  am  pleased  to  have  an  expression  from  you, 
gentlemen  of  Pennsylvania,  significant  that  they  are  satisfactory  to  you. 
And  now,  gentlemen  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania,  allow  me  to  return  you  again  my  most  sincere  thanks. 

After  the  delivery  of  this  address,  Mr.  LINCOLN  devoted 
some  hours  to  the  reception  of  visitors,  and  at  six  o'clock 
retired  to  his  room.  The  next  morning  the  whole  country 
was  surprised  to  learn  that  he  had  arrived  in  Washington — 
twelve  hours  sooner  than  he  had  originally  intended.  His 
sudden  departure  proved  to  have  been  a  measure  of  precau 
tion  for  which  events  subsequently  disclosed  afforded  a  full 
justification.  For  some  time  previous  to  his  departure  from 
home,  the  rumor  had  been  current  that  he  would  never  reach 
the  Capital  alive.  An  attempt  was  made  on  the  Toledo  and 
Western  Railroad,  on  the  llth  of  February,  to  throw  from  the 
track  the  train  on  which  he  was  journeying,  and  just  as  he 
was  leaving  Cincinnati  a  hand  grenade  was  found  to  have 
"been  secreted  on  board  the  cars.  These  and  other  circum 
stances  led  to  an  organized  and  thorough  investigation,  under 
the  direction  of  a  police  detective,  carried  on  with  great  skill 
and  perseverance  at  Baltimore,  and  which  resulted  in  dis- 


ARRIVAL    AND    RECEPTION    AT    WASHINGTON.  100 

closing  the  fact  that  a  small  2;ang  of  assassins,  under  the 
leadership  of  an  Italian  who  assumed  the  name  of  Orsini,  had 
arranged  to  take  his  life  during  his  passage  through  Baltimore. 
Gen.  Scott  and  Mr.  Seward  had  both  been  apprised  of  the 
same  fact  through  another  source,  and  they  had  sent  Mr.  F. 
W.  Seward  as  a  special  messenger  to  Philadelphia,  to  meet  the 
President- elect  there,  previous  to  his  departure  for  Harrisburg, 
and  give  him  notice  of  these  circumstances.  Mr.  LINCOLN  did 
not  deviate  from  the  programme  he  had  marked  out  for  himself, 
in  consequence  of  these  communications;  except  that,  under  the 
advice  of  friends,  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  anticipate  by  one 
train  the  time  he  was  expected  to  arrive  in  Washington.  He 
reached  there  on  the  morning  of  Saturday,  the  23d. 

On  Wednesday,  the  27th,  the  Mayor  and  Common  Council 
of  the  city  waited  upon  Mr.  LINCOLN,  and  tendered  him  a  wel 
come.  He  replied  to  them  as  follows : 

MR.  MAYOR  :  I  thank  you,  and  through  you  the  municipal  authorities 
of  this  city  who  accompany  you,  for  this  welcome.  And  as  it  is  the  first 
time  in  my  life  since  the  present  phase  of  politics  has  presented  itself  in 
this  country,  that  I  have  said  any  thing  publicly  within  a  region  of  country 
where  the  institution  of  slavery  exists,  I  will  take  this  occasion  to  say, 
that  I  think  very  much  of  the  ill-feeling  that  has  existed  and  still  exists 
between  the  people  in  the  sections  from  which  I  came  and  the  people 
here,  is  dependent  upon  a  misunderstanding  of  one  another.  I  therefore 
avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  assure  you,  Mr.  Mayor,  and  all  the 
gentlemen  present,  that  I  have  not  now,  and  never  have  had,  any  other 
than  as  kindly  feelings  towards  you  as  the  people  of  my  own  section.  I 
have  not  now,  and  never  have  had,  any  disposition  to  treat  you  in  any 
respect  otherwise  than  as  my  own  neighbors.  I  have  not  now  any  pur 
pose  to  withhold  from  you  any  of  the  benefits  of  the  Constitution,  under 
any  circumstances,  that  I  would  not  feel  myself  constrained  to  withhold 
from  my  own  neighbors ;  and  I  hope,  in  a  word,  that  when  we  shall  be 
come  better  acquainted,  and  I  say  it  with  great  confidence,  we  shall  like 
each  other  the  more.  I  thank  you  for  the  kindness  of  this  reception. 

On  the  next  evening  a  serenade  wa*  given  to  Mr.  LINCOLN 


110  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

by  the  members  of  the  Republican  Association,  and  he  then 
addressed  the  crowd  which  the  occasion  had  brought  together, 
as  follows: 

MY  FRIENDS:  I  suppose  that  I  may  take  this  as  a  compliment  paid  to 
me,  and  as  such  please  accept  my  thanks  for  it.  I  have  reached  this  city 
of  Washington  under  circumstances  considerably  differing  from  those  un 
der  which  any  other  man  has  ever  reached  it.  I  am  here  for  the  pur 
pose  of  taking  an  official  position  amongst  the  people,  almost  all  of  whom 
were  politically  opposed  to  me,  and  are  yet  opposed  to  me,  as  I  suppose. 

I  propose  no  lengthy  address  to  you.  I  only  propose  to  say,  as  I  did 
on  yesterday,  when  your  worthy  Mayor  and  Board  of  Aldermen  called 
upon  me,  that  I  thought  much  of  the  ill  feeling  that  has  existed  between 
you  and  the  people  of  your  surroundings  and  that  people  from  among 
whom  I  came,  has  depended,  and  now  depends,  upon  a  misunderstand 
ing. 

I  hope  that,  if  things  shall  go  along  as  prosperously  as  I  believe  we  all 
desire  they  may,  I  may  have  it  in  my  power  to  remove  something  of  this 
misunderstanding;  that  I  maybe  enabled  to  convince  you,  and  the  people 
of  your  section  of  the  country,  that  we  regard  you  as  in  all  things  our 
equals,  and  in  all  things  entitled  to  the  same  respect  and  the  same  treat 
ment  that  we  claim  for  ourselves ;  that  we  are  in  nowise  disposed,  if  it 
were  in  our  power,  to  oppress  you,  to  deprive  you  of  any  of  your  rights 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  or  even  narrowly  to  split 
hairs  with  you  in  regard  to  these  rights,  but  are  determined  to  give  you, 
as  far  as  lies  in  our  hands,  all  your  rights  under  the  Constitution — not 
grudgingly,  but  fully  and  fairly.  [Applause.]  I  hope  that,  by  thus  deal 
ing  with  you,  we  will  become  better  acquainted,  and  be  better  friends. 

And  now,  my  friends,  with  these  few  remarks,  and  again  returning 
my  thanks  for  this  compliment,  and  expressing  my  desire  to  hear  a  little 
more  of  your  good  music,  I  bid  you  good  night. 

This  closed  Mr.  LINCOLN'S  public  speeches  down  to  the  date 
of  his  inauguration. 


THE   LtfAUGTJKATlON.  11] 


CHAPTER  III. 

FROM  THE   INAUGURATION  TO   THE  MEETING  OF   CONGRESS, 
JULY  4,  1861. 

ON  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  Mr.  LINCOLN  took  the  oath 
and  assumed  the  duties  of  the  Presidential  office.  He  was 
quite  right  in  saying,  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  from  his 
home  in  Springfield,  that  those  duties  were  greater  than  had 
devolved  upon  any  other  man  since  the  days  of  Washington. 
A  conspiracy  which  had  been  on  foot  for  thirty  years  had 
reached  its  crisis.  Yet  in  spite  of  all  that  had  been  done  by 
the  leading  spirits  in  this  movement,  the  people  of  the  slave- 
holding  States  were  by  no  means  a  unit  in  its  support.  Seven 
of  those  States,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Missis 
sippi,  Texas,  Florida,  and  Louisiana,  had  passed  secession  or 
dinances  and  united  in  the  establishment  of  a  hostile  Confed 
eracy  ;  but  in  nearly  all  of  them  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
people  were  opposed  to  the  movement,  while  in  all  the  re- 
maininor  slaveholdinor  States  a  vcrv  active  canvass  was  carried 

O  »• 

on  between  the  friends  and  the  opponents  of  secession.  In 
Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee  especially,  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  was  vindicated  and  its 
authority  sustained  by  men  of  pre-eminent  ability  and  of  com 
manding  reputation,  and  there  seemed  abundant  reason  for 
hoping  that,  by  the  adoption  of  prudent  measures,  the  slave- 
holding  section  might  be  divided  and  the  Border  Slave  States 
retained  in  the  Union.  The  authorities  of  the  rebel  Confed 
eracy  saw  the  importance  of  pushing  the  issue  to  an  instant  de 
cision.  Under  their  directions  nearly  all  the  forts,  arsenals, 
dock-yards,  custom-houses,  etc.,  belonging  to  the  United  States, 
within  the  limits  of  the  seceded  States,  had  been  seized  and 


112  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

were  held  by  representatives  of  the  rebel  government.  The 
only  forts  in  the  South  which  remained  in  possession  of  the 
Union,  were  Forts  Pickens,  Taylor,  and  Jefferson  on  the 
Florida  coast,  and  Fort  Sumter  in  Charleston  harbor,  and  pre 
parations  were  for  advanced  for  the  reduction  and  capture  of 
these.  Officers  of  the  army  and  navy  from  the  South  had 
resigned  their  commissions  and  entered  the  rebel  service. 
Civil  officers  representing  the  United  States  within  the  limits 
of  the  Southern  States  could  no  longer  discharge  their  func 
tions,  and  all  the  powers  of  that  Government  were  practically 
paralyzed. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  Mr.  LINCOLN  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  and  addressed  himself  to  the 
task,  first,  of  withholding  the  Border  States  from  joining  the 
Confederacy,  as  an  indispensable  preliminary  to  the  great  work 
of  quelling  the  rebellion  and  restoring  the  authority  of  the 
Constitution. 

The  ceremony  of  inauguration  took  place  as  usual  in  front 
of  the  Capitol  and  in  presence  of  an  immense  multitude  of 
spectators.  A  large  military  force  was  in  attendance  under 
the  immediate  command  of  General  Scott,  but  nothing  oc 
curred  to  interrupt  the  harmony  of  the  occasion.  Before 
taking  the  oath  of  office  Mr.  LINCOLN  delivered  the  following 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

Fellow-  Citizens  of  the  United  States  : 

In  compliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the  Government  itself,  I  ap 
pear  before  you  to  address  you  briefly,  and  to  take  in  your  presence  the 
oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  be  taken  by 
the  President  "before  he  enters  on  the  execution  of  his  office." 

I  do  not  consider  it  necessary  at  present  for  me  to  discuss  those 
matters  of  administration  about  which  there  is  no  special  anxiety  or  ex 
citement. 

Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States  that  by  the  accession  of  a  Republican  Administration  their  prop 
erty  and  their  peace  and  personal  security  are  to  be  endangered. 


THE    IXAUGUKAL    ADDRESS.  113 

There  has  never  been  any  reasonable  cause  for  such  apprehension. 
Indeed,  the  most  ample  evidence  to  the  contrary  has  all  the  while  exist 
ed  and  been  open  to  their  inspection.  It  is  found  in  nearly  all  the 
published  speeches  of  him  who  now  addresses  you.  I  do  but  quote 
from  one  of  those  speeches  when  I  declare  that  "  I  have  no  purpose, 
directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
States  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I  have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and 
I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so."  Those  who  nominated  and  elected  mo 
did  so  with  full  knowledge  that  I  had  made  this  and  many  similar  dec 
larations,  and  had  never  recanted  them.  And  more  than  this,  they 
placed  in  the  platform  for  my  acceptance,  and  as  a  law  to  themselves 
and  to  me,  the  clear  and  emphatic  resolution  which  I  now  read : 

JResoh-ed,  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States, 
and  especially  the  right  of  each  State,  to  order  and  control  its  own  do 
mestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively,  is  es 
sential  to  the  balance  of  power  on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance 
of  our  political  fabric  depend,  and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by 
armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under  what 
pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes. 

I  now  reiterate  these  sentiments ;  and,  in  doing  so,  I  only  press  upon 
the  public  attention  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  which  the  case  is 
susceptible,  that  the  property,  peace,  and  security  of  no  section  are  to 
be  in  anywise  endangered  by  the  now  incoming  Administration.  I 
add,  too,  that  all  the  protection  which,  consistently  with  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  laws,  can  be  given,  will  be  cheerfully  given  to  all  the 
States,  when  lawfully  demanded,  for  whatever  cause — as  cheerfully  to 
one  section  as  to  another. 

There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of  fugitives  from 
service  or  labor.  The  clause  I  now  read  is  as  plainly  written  in  the 
Constitution  as  any  other  of  its  provisions: 

No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws  there 
of,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation 
therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered 
up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due. 

It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  was  intended  by  those 
who  made  it  for  the  reclaiming  of  what  we  call  fugitive  slaves  ;  and 
the  intention  of  the  lawgiver  is  the  law.  All  members  of  Congress 
swear  their  support  to  the  whole  Constitution — to  this  provision  as 
much  as  any  other.  To  the  proposition,  then,  that  slaves,  whose  cases 


114  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause,  "  shall  be  delivered  up,"  their  oaths 
are  unanimous.  Now,  if  they  would  make  the  effort  in  good  temper, 
could  they  not,  with  nearly  equal  unanimity,  frame  and  pass  a  law  by 
means  of  which  to  keep  good  that  unanimous  oath  ? 

There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  whether  this  clause  should  be  en 
forced  by  National  or  by  State  authority  ;  but  surely  that  difference  is 
not  a  very  material  one.  If  the  slave  is  to  be  surrendered,  it  can  be 
of  but  little  consequence  to  him,  or  to  others,  by  which  authority  it  is 
done.  And  should  any  one,  in  any  case,  be  content  that  his  oath  shall 
go  unkept,  on  a  mere  unsubstantial  controversy  as  to  how  it  shall  be 
kept? 

Again,  in  any  law  upon  this  subject,  ought  not  all  the  safeguards  of 
liberty  known  in  civilized  and  humane  jurisprudence  to  be  introduced, 
so  that  a  free  man  be  not,  in  any  case,  surrendered  as  a  slave?  And 
might  it  not  be  well,  at  the  same  time,  to  provide  by  law  for  the  en 
forcement  of  that  clause  in  the  Constitution  which  guarantees  that  "the 
citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities 
of  citizens  in  the  several  States  ?" 

I  take  the  official  oath  to-day  with  no  mental  reservations,  and  with 
no  purpose  to  construe  the  Constitution  or  laws  by  any  hypercritical 
rules.  And  while  I  do  not  choose  now  to  specify  particular  acts  of 
Congress  as  proper  to  be  enforced,  I  do  suggest  that  it  will  be  much 
safer  for  all,  both  in  official  and  private  stations,  to  conform  to  and  abide 
by  all  those  acts  which  stand  unrepealed,  than  to  violate  any  of  them, 
trusting  to  find  impunity  in  having  them  held  to  be  unconstitutional. 

It  is  seventy-two  years  since  the  first  inauguration  of  a  President 
under  our  National  Constitution.  During  that  period,  fifteen  different 
and  greatly  distinguished  citizens  have,  in  succession,  administered  the 
Executive  branch  of  the  Government.  They  have  conducted  it  through 
many  perils,  and  generally  with  great  success.  Yet,  with  all  this  scope 
for  precedent,  I  now  enter  upon  the  same  task  for  the  brief  constitu 
tional  term  of  four  years,  under  great  and  peculiar  difficulty.  A  dis 
ruption  of  the  Federal  Union,  heretofore  only  menaced,  is  now  formid 
ably  attempted. 

I  hold  that,  in  contemplation  of  universal  law,  and  of  the  Constitution, 
the  Union  of  these  States  is  perpetual  Perpetuity  is  implied,  if  not  ex 
pressed,  in  the  fundamental  law  of  all  National  Governments.  It  is  safe 
to  assert  that  no  Government  proper  ever  had  a  provision  in  its  organic 
law  for  its  own  termination.  Continue  to  execute  all  the  express  pro 
visions  of  our  National  Constitution,  and  the  Union  will  endure  forever — 


THE    IXAUGUBAL   ADDEESS.  115 

it  being  impossible  to  destroy  it,  except  by  some  action  not  provided 
for  in  the  instrument  itself. 

Again,  if  the  United  States  be  not  a  Government  proper,  but  an  as 
sociation  of  States  in  the  nature  of  contract  merely,  can  it,  as  a  contract, 
be  peaceably  unmade  by  less  than  all  the  parties  who  made  it?  One 
party  to  a  contract  may  violate  it — break  it,  so  to  speak ;  but  does  it 
not  require  all  to  lawfully  rescind  it  ? 

Descending  from  these  general  principles,  we  find  the  proposition 
that,  in  legal  contemplation,  the  Union  is  perpetual,  confirmed  by  the 
history  of  the  Union  itself.  The  Union  is  much  older  than  the  Con 
stitution.  It  was  formed,  in  fact,  by  the  Articles  of  Association  in 
1774.  It  was  matured  and  continued  by  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence  in  1776.  It  was  further  matured,  and  the  faith  of  all  the  then 
Thirteen  States  expressly  plighted  and  engaged  that  it  should  be  per 
petual,  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation  in  1778.  And,  finally,  in  1787, 
one  of  the  declared  objects  for  ordaining  and  establishing  the  Constitu 
tion  was  "  to  form  a  more  perfect  union." 

But  if  destruction  of  the  Union,  by  one,  or  by  a  part  only,  of  the 
States,  be  lawfully  possible,  the  Union  is  less  perfect  than  before,  the 
Constitution  having  lost  the  vital  element  of  perpetuity. 

It  follows,  from  these  views,  that  no  State,  upon  its  own  mere  motion, 
can  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union ;  that  resolves  and  ordinances  to  that 
effect  are  legally  void ;  and  that  acts  of  violence  within  any  State  or 
States,  against  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  are  insurrectionary 
or  revolutionary,  according  to  circumstances. 

I,  therefore,  consider  that,  in  view  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws, 
the  Union  is  unbroken,  and  to  the  extent  of  my  ability  I  shall  take  care, 
as  the  Constitution  itself  expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that  the  laws  of 
the  Union  be  faithfully  executed  in  all  the  States.  Doing  this  I  deem 
to  be  only  a  simple  duty  on  my  part ;  and  I  shall  perform  it,  so  far  as 
practicable,  unless  my  rightful  masters,  the  American  people,  shall 
withhold  the  requisite  means,  or,  in  some  authoritative  manner,  direct 
the  contrary.  I  trust  this  will  not  be  regarded  as  a  menace,  but  only 
as  the  declared  purpose  of  the  Union  that  it  will  constitutionally  defend 
and  maintain  itself. 

In  doing  this  there  need  be  no  bloodshed  or  violence  ;  and  there  shall 
be  none,  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  national  authority.  The  power 
confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy,  and  possess  the  property 
and  places  belonging  to  the  Government,  and  to  collect  the  duties  and 
imposts ;  but  beyond  what  may  be  but  necessary  for  these  objects,  there 


116 

will  be  no  invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or  among  the  people  any 
where.  Where  hostility  to  the  United  States,  in  any  interior  locality, 
shall  be  so  great  and  universal  as  to  prevent  competent  resident  citizens 
from  holding  the  Federal  offices,  there  will  be  no  attempt  to  force  ob 
noxious  strangers  among  the  people  for  that  object.  While  the  strict 
legal  right  may  exist  in  the  Government  to  enforce  the  exercise  of  these 
offices,  the  attempt  to  do  so  would  be  so  irritating,  and  so  nearly  im 
practicable  withal,  I  deem  it  better  to  forego,  for  the  time,  the  uses 
of  such  offices. 

The  mails,  unless  repelled,  will  continue  to  be  furnished  in  all  parts 
of  the  Union.  So  far  as  possible,  the  people  everywhere  shall  have 
that  sense  of  perfect  security  which  is  most  favorable  to  calm  thought 
and  reflection.  The  course  here  indicated  will  be  followed,  unless 
current  events  and  experience  shall  show  a  modification  or  change  to  be 
proper,  and  in  every  case  and  exigency  my  best  discretion  will  be 
exercised,  according  to  circumstances  actually  existing,  and  with  a  view 
and  a  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  national  troubles,  and  the  res 
toration  of  fraternal  sympathies  and  affections. 

That  there  are  persons  in  one  section  or  another  who  seek  to  destroy 
the  Union  at  all  events,  and  are  glad  of  any  pretext  to  do  it,  I  will 
neither  affirm  nor  deny ;  but  if  there  be  such,  I  need  address  no  word 
to  them.  To  those,  however,  who  really  love  the  Union,  may  I  not 
speak  ? 

Before  entering  upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the  destruction  of  our 
national  fabric,  with  all  its  benefits,  its  memories,  and  its  hopes,  would 
it  not  be  wise  to  ascertain  precisely  why  we  do  it  ?  Will  you  hazard 
so  desperate  a  step  while  there  is  any  possibility  that  any  portion  of  the 
ills  you  fly  from  have  no  real  existence?  Will  you,  while  the  certain 
ills  you  fly  to  are  greater  than  all  the  real  ones  you  fly  from — will  you 
risk  the  commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake? 

All  profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union,  if  all  constitutional  rights  can 
be  maintained.  Is  it  true,  then,  that  any  right,  plainly  written  in  the 
Constitution,  has  been  denied  ?  I  think  not.  Happily  the  human  mind 
is  so  constituted  that  no  party  can  reach  to  the  audacity  of  doing  this. 
Think,  if  you  can,  of  a  single  instance  in  which  a  plainly  written  pro 
vision  of  the  Constitution  has  ever  been  denied.  If,  by  the  mere  force 
of  numbers,  a  majority  should  deprive  a  minority  of  any  clearly  written 
constitutional  right,  it  might,  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  justify  revolution 
— certainly  would  if  such  right  were  a  vital  one.  But  such  is  not  our 
case.  All  the  vital  rights  of  minorities  and  of  individuals  are  so  plainly 


THE  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS.  117 

assured  to  them  by  affirmations  and  negations,  guarantees  and  prohibi 
tions  in  the  Constitution,  that  controversies  never  arise  concerning 
them.  But  no  organic  law  can  ever  be  framed  with  a  provision  specifi 
cally  applicable  to  every  question  which  may  occur  in  practical  adminis 
tration.  No  foresight  can  anticipate,  nor  any  document  of  reasonable 
length  contain,  express  provisions  for  all  possible  questions.  •  Shall 
fugitives  from  labor  be  surrendered  by  National  or  by  State  authority  ? 
The  Constitution  does  not  expressly  say.  May  Congress  prohibit 
slavery  in  the  Territories  ?  The  Constitution  does  not  expressly  say. 
Must  Congress  protect  slavery  in  the  Territories?  The  Constitution 
does  not  expressly  say. 

From  questions  of  this  class  spring  all  our  constitutional  controversies, 
and  we  divide  upon  them  into  majorities  and  minorities.  If  the  minority 
will  not  acquiesce  the  majority  must,  or  the  Government  must  cease. 
There  is  no  other  alternative ;  for  continuing  the  Government  is  ac 
quiescence  on  one  side  or  the  other.  If  a  minority  in  such  case  will 
secede  rather  than  acquiesce,  they  make  a  precedent  which,  in  turn, 
will  divide  and  ruin  them ;  for  a  minority  of  their  own  will  secede  from 
them  whenever  a  majority  refuses  to  be  controlled  by  such  minority. 
For  instance,  why  may  not  any  portion  of  a  new  Confederacy,  a  year  or 
two  hence,  arbitrarily  secede  again,  precisely  as  portions  of  the  present 
Union  now  claim  to  secede  from  it  ?  All  who  cherish  disunion  senti 
ments  are  now  being  educated  to  the  exact  temper  of  doing  this. 

Is  there  such  perfect  identity  of  interests  among  the  States  to  com 
pose  a  new  Union,  as  to  produce  harmony  only,  and  prevent  renewed 
secession  ? 

Plainly,  the  central  idea  of  secession  is  the  essence  of  anarchy.  A 
majority  held  in  restraint  by  constitutional  checks  and  limitations,  and 
always  changing  easily  with  deliberate  changes  of  popular  opinions  and 
sentiments,  is  the  only  true  sovereign  of  a  free  people.  Whoever  rejects 
it,  does,  of  necessity,  fly  to  anarchy  or  to  depotism.  Unanimity  is  im 
possible  ;  the  rule  of  a  minority,  as  a  permanent  arrangement,  is  wholly 
inadmissible ;  so  that,  rejecting  the  majority  principle,  anarchy  or  des 
potism  in  some  form  is  all  that  is  left. 

I  do  not  forget  the  position  assumed  by  some,  that  constitutional 
questions  are  to  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court ;  nor  do  I  deny  that 
such  decisions  must  be  binding,  in  any  case,  upon  the  parties  to  a  suit 
as  to  the  object  of  that  suit,  while  they  are  also  entitled  to  very  high 
respect  and  consideration  in  all  parallel  cases  by  all  other  departments 
of  the  Government.  And  while  it  is  obviously  possible  that  such  de- 


118          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

cisions  may  be  erroneous  in  any  given  case,  still  the  evil  effect  following 
it  being  limited  to  that  particular  case,  with  the  chance  that  it  may  be 
overruled,  and  never  become  a  precedent  for  other  cases,  can  better  bo 
borne  than  could  the  evils  of  a  different  practice.  At  the  same  time  the 
candid  citizen  must  confess  that  if  the  policy  of  the  Government  upon 
vital  questions  affecting  the  whole  people,  is  to  be  irrevocably  fixed  by 
decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  instant  they  are  made  in  ordinary 
litigation  between  parties  in  personal  actions  the  people  will  have  ceased 
to  be  their  own  rulers,  having  to  that  extent  practically  resigned  their 
government  into  the  hands  of  that  eminent  tribunal. 

Nor  is  there  is  this  view  any  assault  upon  the  Court  of  the  Judges. 
It  is  a  duty  from  which  they  may  not  shrink  to  decide  cases  properly 
brought  before  them,  and  it  is  no  fault  of  theirs  if  others  seek  to  turn 
their  decisions  to  political  purposes.  One  section  of  our  country  believes 
slavery  is  right,  and  ought  to  be  extended,  while  the  other  believes  it  is 
wrong,  and  ought  not  to  be  extended.  This  is  the  only  substantial  dis 
pute.  The  fugitive  slave  clause  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  law  for  the 
suppression  of  the  foreign  slave-trade,  are  each  as  well  enforced,  perhaps, 
as  any  law  can  ever  be  in  a  community  where  the  moral  sense  of  tho 
people  imperfectly  supports  the  law  itself.  The  great  body  of  the  people 
abide  by  the  dry  legal  obligation  in  both  cases,  and  a  few  break  over  in 
each.  This,  I  think,  cannot  be  perfectly  cured ;  and  it  would  be  worse 
in  both  cases  after  the  separation  of  the  sections  than  before.  Tho 
foreign  slave-trade,  now  imperfectly  suppressed,  would  be  ultimately 
revived  without  restriction  in  one  section ;  while  fugitive  slaves,  now 
only  partially  surrendered,  would  not  be  surrendered  at  all  by  the 
other. 

Physically  speaking,  we  cannot  separate.  We  cannot  remove  our 
respective  sections  from  each  other,  nor  build  an  impassable  wall  be 
tween  them.  A  husband  and  wife  may  be  divorced,  and  go  out  of  the 
presence  and  beyond  the  reach  of  each  6*ther ;  but  the  different  parts  of 
our  country  cannot  do  this.  They  cannot  but  remain  face  to  face  ;  and 
intercourse,  either  amicable  or  hostile,  must  continue  between  them.  It 
is  impossible,  then,  to  make  that  intercourse  more  advantageous  or 
more  satisfactory  after  separation  than  before?  Can  aliens  rnnko 
treaties  easier  than  friends  can  make  laws  ?  Can  treaties  be  more  faith 
fully  enforced  between  aliens  than  laws  can  among  friends  ?  Suppose 
you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  fight  always ;  and  when,  after  much  loss  on 
both  sides,  and  no  gain  on  either,  you  cease  fighting,  the  identical  old 
questions,  as  to  terms  of  intercourse,  are  again  upon  you. 


TIIE    INAUGURAL     ADDKESS.  119 

This  country,  with  its  institutions,  belongs  to  the  people  who  inhabit 
it.  Whenever  they  shall  grow  weary  of  the  existing  Government,  they 
can  exercise  their  constitutional  right  of  amending  it,  or  their  revolu 
tionary  right  to  dismember  or  overthrow  it.  I  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the 
fact  that  many  worthy  and  patriotic  citizens  are  desirous  of  having  the 
national  Constitution  amended.  "While  I  make  no  recommendation  of 
amendments,  I  fully  recognize  the  rightful  authority  of  the  people  over 
the  whole  subject,  to  be  exercised  in  either  of  the  modes  prescribed  in 
the  instrument  itself;  and  I  should,  under  existing  circumstances,  favor 
rather  than  oppose  a  fair  opportunity  being  afforded  the  people  to  act 
upon  it.  I  will  venture  to  add,  that  to  me  the  convention  mode  seems 
preferable,  in  that  it  allows  amendments  to  originate  with  the  people 
themselves,  instead  of  only  permitting  them  to  take  or  reject  proposi 
tions  originated  by  others  not  especially  chosen  for  the  purpose,  and 
which  might  not  be  precisely  such  as  they  would  wish  to  either  accept 
or  refuse.  I  understand  a  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution — 
which  amendment,  however,  I  have  not  seen — has  passed  Congress,  to 
the  effect  that  the  Federal  Government  shall  never  interfere  with  tho 
domestic  institutions  of  the  States,  including  that  of  persons  held  to 
service.  To  avoid  misconstruction  of  what  I  have  said,  I  depart  from 
my  purpose  not  to  speak  of  particular  amendments  so  far  as  to  say  that, 
holding  such  a  provision  now  to  be  implied  constitutional  law,  I  have  no 
objections  to  its  being  made  express  and  irrevocable. 

The  Chief  Magistrate  derives  all  his  authority  from  the  people,  and 
they  have  conferred  none  upon  him  to  fix  terms  for  the  separation  of  the 
States.  The  people  themselves  can  do  this  also  if  they  choose ;  but  the 
Executive,  as  such,  has  nothing  to  do  with  it.  His  duty  is  to  administer 
the  present  Government  as  it  came  to  his  hands,  and  to  transmit  it, 
unimpaired  by  him,  to  his  successor. 

"Why  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence  in  the  ultimate  justice 
of  the  people  ?  Is  there  any  better  or  equal  hope  in  the  world  ?  In 
our  present  differences,  is  either  party  without  faith  of  being  in  tho 
right  ?  If  the  Almighty  Ruler  of  Nations,  with  his  eternal  truth  and 
justice,  be  on  your  side  of  the  North,  or  on  yours  of  the  South,  that 
truth  and  that  justice  will  surely  prevail,  by  the  judgment  of  this  great 
tribunal  of  the  American  people. 

By  the  frame  of  the  Government  under  which  we  live,  the  same 
people  have  wisely  given  their  public  servants  but  little  power  for  mis 
chief;  and  have,  with  equal  wisdom,  provided  for  the  return  of  that 
little  to  their  own  hands  at  very  short  intervals.  "While  the  people 


120  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTEATION. 

retain  their  virtue  and  vigilance,  no  Administration,  by  any  extreme  of 
wickedness  or  folly,  can  very  seriously  injure  the  Government  in  the 
short  space  of  four  years. 

My  countrymen,  one  and  all,  think  calmly  and  well  upon  this  whole 
subject.  Nothing  valuable  can  be  lost  by  taking  time.  If  there  be  an 
object  to  hurry  any  of  you  in  hot  haste  to  a  step  which  you  would  never 
take  deliberately,  that  object  will  be  frustrated  by  taking  time ;  but 
no  good  object  can  be  frustrated  by  it.  Such  of  you  as  are  now  dis 
satisfied  still  have  the  old  Constitution  unimpaired,  and,  on  the  sensi 
tive  point,  the  laws  of  your  own  framing  under  it ;  while  the  new  Admin 
istration  will  have  no  immediate  power,  if  it  would,  to  change  either. 
If  it  were  admitted  that  you  who  are  dissatisfied  hold  the  right  side 
in  the  dispute,  there  still  is  no  single  good  reason  for  precipitate  action. 
Intelligence,  patriotism,  Christianity,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  Him  who 
has  never  yet  forsaken  this  favored  land,  are  still  competent  to  adjust, 
in  the  best  way,  all  our  present  difficulty. 

In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is 
the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  Government  will  not  assail  you. 

You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors. 
You  have  no  oath  registered  in  heaven  to  destroy  the  Government ; 
while  I  shall  have  the  most  solemn  one  to  "  preserve,  protect,  and 
defend"  it. 

I  am  loth  to  close.  "We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  "We  must  not 
be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break  our 
bonds  of  affection. 

The  mystic  cord  of  memory,  stretching  from  every  battle-field  and 
patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad 
land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union,  when  again  touched,  as 
surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature. 

The  declarations  of  the  Inaugural,  as  a  general  thing,  gave 
satisfaction  to  the  loyal  people  of  the  whole  country.  It  was 
seen,  everywhere,  that  while  President  LINCOLN  felt  con 
strained,  by  the  most  solemn  obligations  of  duty,  to  maintain 
the  authority  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  over  all 
the  territory  within  its  jurisdiction,  whenever  that  authority 
should  be  disputed  by  the  actual  exercise  of  armed  force,  he 
would  nevertheless  do  nothing  whatever  to  provoke  such  a 
demonstration,  and  would  take  no  step  which  could  look  like 


ORGANIZATION    OF   THE    GOVERNMENT.  121 

violence  or  offensive  warfare  upon  the  seceded  States.  In  the 
Border  States  its  reception  was  in  the  main  satisfactory.  But, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  in  those  States,  as  elsewhere  throughout 
the  South,  the  secession  leaders  gave  it  the  most  hostile  con 
struction.  No  effort  was  spared  to  inflame  the  public  mind 
by  representing  the  Inaugural  as  embodying  the  purpose  of 
the  President  to  make  war  upon  the  Southern  States  for  their 
attempt  to  secure  a  redress  of  wrongs. 

The  President's  first  act  was  to  construct  his  Cabinet, 
which  was  done  by  the  appointment  of  William  H.  Seward, 
of  New  York,  Secretary  of  State;  Salmon  P,  Chase,  of  Ohio, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Secretary  of  War;  Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut,  Secretary 
of  the  Navy;  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  Secretary  of  the 
Interior;  Montgomery  Blair,  of  Maryland,  Postmaster-Gen 
eral;  and  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  Attorney-General. 
These  nominations  were  all  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and 
these  gentlemen  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of 
their  several  offices. 

On  the  12th  of  March,  Messrs.  John  Forsyth,  of  Alabama, 
and  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  requested  an  unofficial  interview 
with  the  Secretary  of  State,  which  the  latter  declined.  On 
the  13th  they  sent  to  him  a  communication  informing  him 
that  they  were  in  Washington  as  Commissioners  from  a  gov 
ernment  composed  of  seven  States  which  had  withdrawn  from 
the  American  Union,  and  that  they  desired  to  enter  upon 
negotiations  for  the  adjustment  of  all  questions  growing  out 
of  this  separation.  Mr.  Seward,  by  direction  of  the  President, 
declined  to  receive  them,  because  it  "  could  not  be  admitted 
that  the  States  referred  to  had,  in  law  or  fact,  withdrawn  from 
the  Federal  Union,  or  that  they  could  do  so  in  any  other 
man  nor  than  with  the  consent  and  concert  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  to  be  given  through  a  National  Convention 

to  be  assembled  in  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  the  Con- 
6 


122  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

stitution  of  the  United  States."  This  communication,  though 
written  on  the  15th  of  March,  was  withheld,  with  the  consent 
of  the  Commissioners,  until  the  8th  of  April,  when  it  was 
delivered.  The  fact  of  its  receipt,  and  its  character,  were 
instantly  telegraphed  to  Charleston,  and  it  was  made  the 
occasion  for  precipitating  the  revolution  by  an  act  which,  it 
was  believed,  would  unite  all  the  Southern  States  in  support 
of  the  Confederacy.  On  the  day  of  its  receipt,  the  8th  of 
April,  Gen.  Beauregard,  at  Charleston,  telegraphed  to  L.  P. 
Walker,  the  rebel  Secretary  of  War,  at  Montgomery,  that  ''an 
authorized  messenger  from  President  Lincoln  had  just  informed 
Gov.  Pickens  and  himself  that  provisions  would  be  sent  to  Fort 
Sumter  peaceably,  or,  otherwise,  by  force."  Gen.  B.  was  in 
structed  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  which  he  did  on 
the  llth,  and  was  at  once  informed  by  Major  Anderson,  who 
was  in  command,  that  his  "  sense  of  honor  and  his  obligations 
to  his  Government  prevented  his  compliance."  On  the  night 
of  the  same  day  Gen.  Beauregard  wrote  to  Major  Anderson, 
by  orders  of  his  government,  that  if  he  "  would  state  the  time 
at  which  he  would  evacuate  Fort  Sumter"  (as  it  was  known 
that  it  must  soon  be  evacuated  for  lack  of  provisions)  "  and 
will  agree  that,  in  the  mean  time,  you  will  not  use  your  guns 
against  us  unless  ours  shall  be  employed  against  Fort  Sumter, 
we  will  abstain  from  opening  fire  upon  you."  At  half-past 
two  in  the  morning  of  the  12th,  Major  Anderson  replied  that 
he  would  evacuate  the  fort  by  noon  on  the  15th,  abiding, 
mean  time,  by  the  terms  proposed,  unless  he  should  "  receive, 
prior  to  that,  controlling  instructions  from  his  Government, 
or  additional  supplies."  In  reply  to  this  note  he  was  noti 
fied,  at  half-past  three,  that  the  rebels  would  open  their  bat 
teries  upon  the  fort  in  one  hour  from  that  time.  This  they 
did,  and,  after  a  bombardment  of  thirty-three  hours,  Major 
Anderson  agreed  to  evacuate  the  fort,  which  he  carried  into 
effect  on  Sunday  morning,  the  14th. 


THE  BOMBARDMENT  OF  SUMTER.          123 

The  effect  of  this  open  act  of  war  was,  in  some  respects, 
precisely  what  had  been  anticipated  by  the  rebel  authorities : 
in  other  respects,  it  was  very  different.  Upon  the  Southern 
States  it  had  the  effect  of  arousing  public  sentiment  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm,  and  of  strengthening  the  rebel 
cause.  At  the  North,  it  broke  down,  for  the  moment,  all  party 
distinctions  and  united  the  people  in  a  cordial  and  hearty  sup 
port  of  the  Government. 

The  President  regarded  it  as  an  armed  attack  upon  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  in  support  of  the  combination 
which  had  been  organized  into  a  Confederacy  to  resist  and 
destroy  its  authority,  and  he  saw,  at  once,  that  it  could  be  met 
and  defeated  only  by  the  force  placed  in  his  hands  for  the 
maintenance  of  that  authority.  He,  accordingly,  on  the  15th 
of  April,  issued  the  following 


PROCLAMATION. 
By  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

WHEREAS,  the  laws  of  the  United  States  have  been  for  some  time  past 
and  now  are  opposed,  and  the  execution  thereof  obstructed,  in  the  States 
of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and 
Texas,  by  combinations  too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary 
course  of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers  vested  in  the  marshals 
by  law:  now,  therefore,  I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United 
States,  in  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  by  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws,  have  thought  fit  to  call  forth,  and  hereby  do  call  forth,  the  militia 
of  the  several  States  of  the  Union  to  the  aggregate  number  of  75,000, 
in  order  to  suppress  said  combinations,  and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be  duly 
executed. 

The  details  for  this  object  will  be  immediately  communicated  to  the 
State  authorities  through  the  War  Department.  I  appeal  to  all  loyal  citi 
zens  to  favor,  facilitate,  and  aid  this  effort  to  maintain  the  honor,  the  integ 
rity,  and  existence  of  our  national  Union,  and  the  perpetuity  of  popular 
government,  and  to  redress  wrongs  already  long  enough  endured.  I  deem 
it  proper  to  say  that  the  first  service  assigned  to  the  forces  hereby  called 


124 

forth,  will  probably  be  to  repossess  the  forts,  places,  and  property  which 
have  been  seized  from  the  Union ;  and  in  every  event  the  utmost  care 
will  be  observed,  consistently  with  the  objects  aforesaid,  to  avoid  any 
devastation,  any  destruction  of,  or  interference  with,  property,  or  any 
disturbance  of  peaceful  citizens  of  any  part  of  the  country;  and  I  hereby 
command  the  persons  composing  the  combinations  aforesaid,  to  disperse 
and  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective  abodes,  within  twenty  days  from 
this  date. 

Deeming  that  the  present  condition  of  public  affairs  presents  an  ex 
traordinary  occasion,  I  do  hereby,  in  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested 
by  the  Constitution,  convene  both  houses  of  Congress.  The  Senators 
and  Representatives  are,  therefore,  summoned  to  assemble  at  their  re 
spective  Chambers  at  twelve  o'clock,  noon,  on  Thursday,  the  fourth  day 
of  July  next,  then  and  there  to  consider  and  determine  such  measures 
as,  in  their  wisdom,  the  public  safety  and  interest  may  seem  to  demand. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the  seal 
of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  fifteenth  day  of  April,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one,  and  of  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty-fifth. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
By  tne  President. 
WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

The  issue  of  this  Proclamation  created  the  most  intense  en 
thusiasm  throughout  the  country.  Scarcely  a  voice  was  raised 
in  any  of  the  Northern  States  against  this  measure,  which  was 
seen  to  be  one  of  absolute  necessity  and  of  self-defence  on  the 
part  of  the  Government.  Every  Northorn  State  responded 
promptly  to  the  President's  demand,  and  from  private  persons, 
as  well  as  by  the  Legislatures,  men,  arms,  and  money  were  of 
fered,  in  unstinted  profusion  and  with  the  most  zealous  alacrity,  in 
support  of  the  Government.  Massachusetts  was  first  in  the  field  : 
and  on  the  first  day  after  the  issue  of  the  Proclamation,  her  Sixth 
Regiment,  completely  equipped,  started  from  Boston  for  the 
National  Capital.  Two  more  regiments  were  also  made  ready, 
and  took  their  departure  within  forty-eight  hours.  The  Sixth 
Regiment,  on  its  way  to  Washington,  on  the  19th,  was  attacked 


PASSAGE    OF    TIIOOPS   THKOUGH    BALTIMORE.  125 

by  a  mob  in  Baltimore,  carrying  a  secession  flag,  and  several 
of  its  members  were  killed  or  severely  wounded.  This  inflamed 
to  a  still  higher  point  the  excitement  which  already  pervaded 
the  country.  The  whole  Northern  section  of  the  Union  felt 
outraged  that  troops  should  be  assailed  and  murdered  on  their 
way  to  protect  the  capital  of  the  nation.  In  Maryland,  where 
the  Secession  party  was  strong,  there  was  also  great  excite 
ment,  and  the  Governor  of  the  State  and  the  Mayor  of  Balti 
more  united  in  urging,  for  prudential  reasons,  that  no  more 
troops  should  be  brought  through  that  city.  To  their  repre 
sentation  the  President  made  the  following  reply  : 

WASHINGTON,  April  29,  1861. 
Governor  Hieks  and  Mayor  Brown: 

GENTLEMEN  :  Your  letter  by  Messrs.  Bond,  Dobbin,  and  Brune  is  re 
ceived.  I  tender  you  both  my  sincere  thanks  for  your  efforts  to  keep 
the  peace  in  the  trying  situation  in  which  you  are  placed. 

For  the  future,  troops  must  be  brought  here,  but  I  make  no  point  of 
bringing  them  through  Baltimore.  Without  any  military  knowledge  my 
self,  of  course  I  must  leave  details  to  General  Scott.  lie  hastily  said  this 
morning  in  the  presence  of  these  gentlemen,  "  March  them  around  Balti 
more  and  not  through  it."  I  sincerely  hope  the  General,  on  fuller  reflec 
tion,  will  consider  this  practical  and  proper,  and  that  you  will  not  object 
to  it.  By  this  a  collision  of  the  people  of  Baltimore  with  the  troops  will 
be  avoided,  unless  they  go  out  of  their  way  to  seek  it.  I  hope  you  will 
exert  your  influence  to  prevent  this. 

Now  and  ever  I  shall  do  all  in  my  power  for  peace  consistently  with 
the  maintenance  of  the  Government. 

Your  obedient  servant,  A.  LINCOLN. 

And  in  further  response  to  the  same  request  from  Governor 
Hicks,  followed  by  a  suggestion  that  the  controversy  between 
the  North  and  South  might  be  referred  to  Lord  Lyons,  the 
British  minister,  for  arbitration,  President  Lincoln,  through 
the  Secretary  of  State,  made  the  following  reply : 


120  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  April  22,  1861. 
H'ls  Excellency  Thos.  H.  Ificks,  Governor  of  Maryland  : 

SIR  :  I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  communication  of  this 
morning,  in  which  you  inform  me  that  you  have  felt  it  to  be  your  duty 
to  advise  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  order  elsewhere  the 
troops  then  off  Annapolis,  and  also  that  no  more  may  be  sent  through 
Maryland ;  and  that  you  have  further  suggested  that  Lord  Lyons  be  re 
quested  to  act  as  mediator  between  the  contending  parties  in  our  country, 
to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood. 

The  President  directs  me  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  that  commu 
nication,  and  to  assure  you  that  he  has  weighed  the  counsels  it  contains 
with  the  respect  which  he  habitually  cherishes  for  the  Chief  Magistrates 
of  the  several  States,  and  especially  for  yourself.  He  regrets,  as  deeply 
as  any  magistrate  or  citizen  of  this  country  can,  that  demonstrations 
against  the  safety  of  the  United  States,  with  very  extensive  preparations 
for  the  effusion  of  blood,  have  made  it  his  duty  to  call  out  the  forces  to 
whidh  you  allude. 

The  force  now  sought  to  be  brought  through  Maryland,  is  intended 
for  nothing  but  the  defence  of  the  capital.  The  President  has  necessa 
rily  confided  the  choice  of  the  national  highway  which  that  force  shall 
take  in  coming  to  this  city  to  the  Lieutenant-General  commanding  the 
Army  of  the  United  States,  who,  like  his  only  predecessor,  is  not  less 
distinguished  for  his  humanity,  than  for  his  loyalty,  patriotism,  and  dis 
tinguished  public  service. 

The  President  instructs  me  to  add,  that  the  national  highway  thus 
selected  by  the  Lieutenant-General,  has  been  chosen  by  him,  upon  con 
sultation  with  prominent  magistrates  and  citizens  of  Maryland,  as  the 
one  which,  while  a  route  is  absolutely  necessary,  is  farthest  removed 
from  the  populous  cities  of  the  State,  and  with  the  expectation  that  it 
would  therefore  be  the  least  objectionable  one. 

The  President  cannot  but  remember  that  there  has  been  a  time  in  the 
history  of  our  country  when  a  general  of  the  American  Union,  with 
forces  designed  for  the  defence  of  its  capital,  was  not  unwelcome  any 
where  in  the  State  of  Maryland,  and  certainly  not  at  Annapolis,  then,  as 
now,  the  capital  of  that  patriotic  State,  and  then,  also,  one  of  the  capitals 
of  the  Union. 

If  eighty  years  could  have  obliterated  all  the  other  noble  sentiments 
of  that  age  in  Maryland,  the  President  would  be  hopeful,  nevertheless, 
that  there  is  one  that  would  forever  remain  there  and  everywhere.  That 
sentiment  is,  that  no  domestic  contention  whatever  that  may  arise  among 
the  parties  of  this  Republic,  ought  in  any  case  to  be  referred  to  any  for 
eign  arbitrament,  least  of  all  to  the  arbitrament  of  a  European  monarchy. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  distinguished  consideration,  your  Excel 
lency's  most  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWABD. 


INTERVIEW   WITH   THE   MAYOR    OF   BALTIMORE.       127 

At  the  President's  request,  the  mayor  of  Baltimore,  and  a 
number  of  the  leading  influential  citizens  of  Maryland,  waited 
upon  him  at  Washington,  and  had  an  open  conference  upon 
the  condition  of  affairs  in  that  State.  The  Mayor  subse 
quently  made  the  following  report  of  the  interview  : 

The  President,  upon  his  part,  recognized  the  good  faith  of  the  city  and 
State  authorities,  and  insisted  upon  his  own.  He  admitted  the  excited 
state  of  feeling  in  Baltimore,  and  his  desire  and  duty  to  avoid  the  fatal 
consequences  of  a  collision  with  the  people.  He  urged,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  absolute,  irresistible  necessity  of  having  a  transit  through  the 
State  for  such  troops  as  might  be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the 
Federal  Capital.  The  protection  of  Washington,  he  asseverated  with  great 
earnestness,  was  the  sole  object  of  concentrating  troops  there ;  and  he 
protested  that  none  of  the  troops  brought  through  Maryland  were  in 
tended  for  any  purposes  hostile  to  the  State,  or  aggressive  as  against  the 
Southern  States.  Being  now  unable  to  bring  them  up  the  Potomac  in 
security,  the  Government  must  either  bring  them  through  Maryland  or 
abandon  the  capital. 

He  called  on  General  Scott  for  his  opinion,  which  the  General  gave  at 
length,  to  the  effect  that  troops  might  be  brought  through  Maryland, 
without  going  through  Baltimore,  by  either  carrying  them  from  Perrys- 
ville  to  Annapolis,  and  thence  by  rail  to  Washington,  or  by  bringing  them 
to  the  Relay  House  on  the  Northern  Central  Railroad,  and  marching  them 
to  the  Relay  House  on  the  Washington  Railroad,  and  thence  by  rail  to 
the  Capital.  If  the  people  would  permit  them  to  go  by  either  of  those 
routes  uninterruptedly,  the  necessity  of  their  passing  through  Baltimore 
would  be  avoided.  If  the  people  would  not  permit  them  a  transit  thus  - 
remote  from  the  city,  they  must  select  their  own  best  route,  and,  if  need 
be,  fight  their  way  through  Baltimore— a  result  which  the  General  earnestly 
deprecated. 

The  President  expressed  his  hearty  concurrence  in  the  desire  to  avoid 
a  collision,  and  said  that  no  more  troops  should  be  ordered  through  Balti 
more,  if  they  w  ere  permitted  to  go  interruptedly  by  either  of  the  other 
routes  suggested.  In  this  disposition  the  Secretary  of  War  expressed 
his  participation. 

Mayor  Brown  assured  the  President  that  the  city  authorities  would  use 
all  lawful  means  to  prevent  their  citizens  from  leaving  Baltimore  to 
attack  the  troops  in  passing  at  a  distance ;  but  he  urged,  at  the  same 
time,  the  impossibility  of  their  being  able  to  promise  any  thing  more 
than  their  best  efforts  in  that  direction.  The  excitement  was  great,  he 
told  the  President ;  the  people  of  all  classes  were  fully  aroused,  and  it 
was  impossible  for  any  one  to  answer  for  the  consequences  of  the  pres- 


128          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRA.TIOX. 

ence  of  Northern  troops  anywhere  within  our  borders.  He  reminded 
the  President,  also,  that  the  jurisdiction  of  the  city  authorities  was  con 
fined  to  their  own  population,  aud  that  he  could  give  no  promises  for  the 
people  elsewhere,  because  he  would  be  unable  to  keep  them  if  given. 
The  President  frankly  acknowledged  this  difficulty,  and  said  that  the 
Government  would  only  ask  the  city  authorities  to  use  their  best  efforts 
with  respect  to  those  under  their  jurisdiction. 

The  interview  terminated  with  the  distinct  assurance,  on  the  part  of 
the  President,  that  no  more  troops  would  be  sent  through  Baltimore 
unless  obstructed  in  their  transit  in  other  directions,  and  with  the  under 
standing  that  the  city  authorities  should  do  their  best  to  restrain  their 
own  people. 

In  accordance  with  this  understanding,  troops  were  forwarded 
to  Washington  by  way  of  Annapolis,  until  peace  and  order 
were  restored  in  Baltimore,  when  the  regular  use  of  the  high 
way  through  that  city  was  resumed,  and  has  been  continued 
without  interruption  to  the  present  time. 

On  the  19th  of  April  the  President  issued  the  following 
proclamation,  blockading  the  ports  of  the  seceded  States  : 

A   PROCLAMATION,    BY    THE    PRESIDENT   OF   THE    UNITED 
STATES. 

Whereas,  an  insurrection  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
has  broken  out  in  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Flor 
ida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
for  the  collection  of  the  revenue  cannot  be  efficiently  executed  therein 
conformable  to  that  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  required  duties 
to  be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States  : 

And  whereas  a  combination  of  persons,  engaged  in  such  insurrection 
have  threatened  to  grant  pretended  letters  of  marque,  to  authorize  the 
bearers  thereof  to  commit  assaults  on  the  lives,  vessels,  and  property  of 
the  good  citizens  of  the  country,  lawfully  engaged  in  commerce  on  the 
high  seas,  and  in  waters  of  the  United  States  : 

And  whereas  an  Executive  Proclamation  has  been  already  issued,  re 
quiring  the  persons  engaged  in  these  disorderly  proceedings  to  desist 
therefrom,  calling  out  a  militia  force  for  the  purpose  of  repressing  the 
same,  and  convening  Congress  in  extraordinary  session  to  deliberate  and 
determine  thereon : 

Now,  therefore,  I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States, 
with  a  view  to  the  same  purposes  before  mentioned,  and  to  the  protection 
of  the  public  peace,  and  the  lives  and  property  of  quiet  and  orderly 


THE    BLOCKADE    OF   liEBEL   POETS.  129 

citizens  pursuing  their  lawful  occupations,  until  Congress  shall  have 
assembled  and  deliberated  011  the  said  unlawful  proceedings,  or  until  the 
same  shall  have  ceased,  have  further  deemed  it  advisable  to  set  on  foot  a 
blockade  of  the  ports  within  the  States  aforesaid,  in  pursuance  of  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  laws  of  nations  in  such  cases  pro 
vided.  For  this  purpose,  a  competent  force  will  be  posted  so  as  to  pre 
vent  entrance  and  exit  of  vessels  from  the  ports  aforesaid.  If,  therefore, 
with  a  view  to  violate  such  blockade,  a  vessel  shall  approach,  or  shall 
attempt  to  leave  any  of  the  said  ports,  she  will  be  duly  warned  by  the 
commander  of  one  of  the  blockading  vessels,  who  will  endorse  on  her 
register  the  fact  and  date  of  such  warning ;  and  if  the  same  vessel  shall 
again  attempt  to  enter  or  leave  the  blockaded  port,  she  will  be  captured 
and  sent  to  the  nearest  convenient  port,  for  such  proceedings  against  her 
and  her  cargo  as  prize  as  may  be  deemed  advisable. 

And  I  hereby  proclaim  and  declare,  that  if  any  person,  under  the  pre 
tended  authority  of  such  States,  or  under  any  other  pretence,  shall  molest 
a  vessel  of  the  United  States,  or  the  persons  or  cargo  on  board  of  her, 
such  persons  will  be  held  amenable  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States  for 
the  prevention  and  punishment  of  piracy. 

By  the  President,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

WASHINGTON,  April  19,  1861. 

These  were  the  initial  steps  by  which  the  Government 
sought  to  repel  the  attempt  of  the  rebel  Confederacy  to  over 
throw  its  authority  by  force  of  arms.  Its  action  was  at  that 
time  wholly  defensive.  The  declarations  of  rebel  officials,  as 
well  as  the  language  of  the  Southern  press,  indicated  very 
clearly  their  intention  to  push  the  war  begun  at  Sumter  into 
the  North.  Jefferson  Davis  had  himself  declared,  more  than 
a  month  previous,  that  whenever  the  war  should  open,  the 
North  and  not  the  South  should  be  the  field  of  battle.  At  a 
popular  demonstration  held  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  on  hearing 
that  fire  had  been  opened  upon  Sumter,  L.  P.  Walker,  the  rebel 
Secretary  of  War,  had  said,  that  while  "no  man  could  tell 
where  the  war  would  end,  he  would  prophesy  that  the  flag 
which  now  flaunts  the  breeze  here,  would  float  over  the  dome- 
of  the  old  capitol  at  Washington  before  the  first  of  May," 
and  that  it  "  might  float  eventually  over  Faneuil  Hall  itself." 
6* 


130  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN  S    ADMINISTRATION. 

TIic  rebel  Government  had  gone  forward  with  great  vigor  to 
prepare  the  means  for  making  good  these  predictions.  Vol 
unteers  was  summoned  to  the  field.  Besides  garrisoning  the 
fortresses  in  their  possession  along  the  Southern  coast,  a  force 
of  nearly  20,000  men  was  pushed  rapidly  forward  to  Virginia. 
A  loan  of  eight  millions  of  dollars  was  raised,  and  Davis 
issued  a  proclamation  offering  letters  of  marque  to  all  persons 
who  might  desire  to  aid  the  rebel  Government  and  enrich 
themselves  by  depredations  upon  the  rich  and  extended  com 
merce  of  the  United  States.  The  South  thus  plunged  openly 
and  boldly  into  a  war  of  aggression  ;  and  the  President,  in 
strict  conformity  with  the  declaration  of  his  Inaugural,  put 
the  Government  upon  the  defensive,  and  limited  the  military 
operations  of  the  moment  to  the  protection  of  the  capital. 

The  effect  of  these  preliminary  movements  upon  the  Border 
Slave  States  was  very  decided.  The  assault  upon  Sumter 
greatly  excited  the  public  mind  throughout  those  States.  In 
Virginia  it  was  made  to  enure  to  the  benefit  of  the  rebels. 
The  State  Convention,  which  had  been  in  session  since  the 
13th  of  February,  was  composed  of  152  delegate?,  a  large 
majority  of  whom  were  Union  men.  The  -Inaugural  of  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  had  created  a  good  deal  of  excitement  among 
the  members,  and  a  very  animated  contest  liad  followed  as  to 
its  proper  meaning.  The  secessionists  insisted  that  it  an 
nounced  a  policy  of  coercion  towards  the  South,  and  had 
seized  the  occasion  to  urge  the  immediate  passage  of  an  ordi 
nance  of  secession.  This  gave  rise  to  a  stormy  debate,  in 
which  the  friends  of  the  Union  maintained  their  ascendency. 
The  news  of  the  attack  upon  Sumter  created  a  whirlwind  of 
excitement,  which  checked  somewhat  the  Union  movement ; 
and.  on  the  13th  of  April,  Messrs.  Preston,  Stuart,  and  Ran- 
•dolph,  who  had  been  sent  to  Washington  to  ascertain  the 
President's  intentions  towards  the  South,  sent  in  their  report, 
which  was  received  just  after  Governor  Pickens  of  South 


THE    PRESIDENT    AXD    THE    VIRGINIA    COMMISSIONERS.    131 

Carolina  bad  announced  the  attack  upon  Sumter,  and  had 
demanded  to  know  what  Virginia  intended  to  do  in  the  war 
they  had  just  commenced,  and  in  which  they  were  determined 
to  triumph  or  perish.  The  Commissioners  reported  that  the 
President  had  made  the  following  reply  to  their  inquiries  : 

To  //on.  Messrs.  Preston,  Stuart,  and  Randolph  : 

GENTLEMEN:  As  a  committee  of  the  Virginia  Convention,  now  in 
session,  you  present  me  a  preamble  and  resolution  in  these  words  : 

Whereas,  In  the  opinion  of  this  Convention,  the  uncertainty  which 

Erevails  in  the  public  mind  as  to  the  policy  which  the  Federal  Executive 
itends  to  pursue  towards  the  seceded  States,  is  extreriiely  injurious  to 
the  industrial  and  commercial  interests  of  the  country,  tends  to  keep  up  an 
excitement  which  is  unfavorable  to  the  adjustment  of  the  pending  diffi 
culties,  and  threatens  a  disturbance  of  the  public  peace ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  three  delegates  be  appointed  to  wait  on 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  present  to  him  this  preamble,  and 
respectfully  ask  him  to  communicate  to  this  Convention  the  policy  which 
the  Federal  Executive  intends  to  pursue  in  regard  to  the  Confederate 
States. 

In  answer  I  have  to  say,  that  having,  at  the  beginning  of  my  official 
term,  expressed  my  intended  policy  as  plainly  as  I  was  able,  it  is  with 
deep  regret  and  mortification  I  now  learn  there  is  great  and  injurious 
uncertainty  in  the  public  mind  as  to  what  that  policy  is,  and  what  course 
I  intend  to  pursue.  Not  having  as  yet  seen  occasion  to  change,  it  is  now 
my  purpose  to  pursue  the  course  marked  out  in  the  Inaugural  Address. 
I  commend  a  careful  consideration  of  the  whole  document  as  the  best 
expression  I  can  give  to  my  purposes.  As  1^  then  and  therein  said,  I 
now  repeat,  "  The  power  confided  in  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy, 
and  possess  property  and  places  belonging  to  the  Government,  and  to 
collect  the  duties  and  imposts ;  but  beyond  what  is  necessary  for  these 
objects  there  will  be  no  invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or  among  the 
people  anywhere."  By  the  words  "property  and  places  belonging  to 
the  Government,"  I  chiefly  allude  to  the  military  posts  and  property 
which  were  in  possession  of  the  Government  when  it  came  into  my  hands. 
But  if,  as  now  appears  to  be  true,  in  pursuit  of  a  purpose  to  drive  the 
United  States  authority  from  these  places,  an  unprovoked  assault  has 
been  made  upon  Fort  Sumter,  I  shall  hold  myself  at  liberty  to  repossess 
it,  if  I  can,  like  places  which  had  been  seized  before  the  Government  was 
devolved  upon  me ;  and  in  any  event  I  shall,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
repel  force  by  force.  In  case  it  proves  true  that  Fort  Sumter  has  been 
assaulted,  as  is  reported,  I  shall,  perhaps,  cause  the  United  States  mails 
to  be  withdrawn  from  all  the  States  which  claim  to  have  seceded,  believ 
ing  that  the  commencement  of  actual  war  against  the  Government  justi 
fies  and  possibly  demands  it.  I  scarcely  need  to  say  that  I  consider  the 


132 

military  posts  and  property  situated  within  the  States  which  claim  to 
have  seceded,  as  yet  belonging  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
as  much  as  they  did  before  the  supposed  secession.  Whatever  else  I 
may  do  for  the  purpose,  I  shall  not  attempt  to  collect  the  duties  and 
imposts  by  any  armed  invasion  of  any  part  of  the  country ;  not  meaning 
by  this,  however,  that  I  may  not  laud  a  force  deemed  necessary  to  re 
lieve  a  fort  upon  the  border  of  the  country.  From  the  fact  that  I  have 
quoted  a  part  of  the  Inaugural  Address,  it  must  not  be  inferred  that  I 
repudiate  any  other  part,  the  whole  of  which  I  reaffirm,  except  so  far  as 
what  I  now  say  of  the  mails  may  be  regarded  as  a  modification. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

On  the  17th,  two  days  after  this  report  was  presented,  and 
immediately  after  receiving  the  President's  proclamation  call 
ing  for  troops,  the  Convention  passed  an  ordinance  of  seces 
sion  by  a  vote  of  88  to  55  ;  and  Virginia,  being  thus  the  most 
advanced  member  of  the  rebel  Confederacy,  became  the  battle 
field  of  all  the  earlier  contests  which  ensued,  and  on  the  21st 
of  May  the  capital  of  the  rebel  government  was  transferred  to 
Richmond.  Very  strenuous  efforts  were  made  by  the  rebel 
authorities  to  secure  the  adhesion  of  Maryland,  Kentucky, 
Tennessee,  and  Missouri  to  the  Confederacy ;  but  the  wise 
forbearance  of  the  President  in  his  earlier  measures  had  checked 
these  endeavors,  and  held  all  those  States  but  Tennessee  aloof 
from  active  participation  in  the  secession  in jvomont. 

The  months  of  May  and  June  were  devoted  to  the  most 
active  and  vigorous  preparations  on  both  sides  for  the  contest 
which  was  seen  to  be  inevitable.  Over  a  hundred  thousand 
troops  had  been  raised  and  organized  in  the  rebel  States,  and 
the  great  mass  of  them  had  been  pushed  forward  toward  the 
Northern  border.  On  the  20th  of  April  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  seized  all  the  despatches  which  had  accu 
mulated  in  the  telegraph  offices  during  the  preceding  year, 
for  the  purpose  of  detecting  movements  in  aid  of  the  rebel 
conspiracy.  On  the  27th  of  April  the  blockade  of  rebel 
ports  was  extended  by  proclamation  to  the  ports  of  North 
Carolina  and  Virginia.  On  the  3d  of  May  the  President  is- 


INSTRUCTIONS   TO    OUR   MINISTERS    ABROAD.  133 

sued  a  proclamation  calling  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States  42,034  volunteers  for  three  years,  and  ordering  an  ad 
dition  of  22,114  officers  and  men  to  the  regular  army,  and 
18,000  seamen  to  the  navy.  And  on  the  16th,  by  another 
proclamation,  he  directed  the  commander  of  the  United  States 
forces  in  Florida  to  "permit  no  person  to  exercise  any  office 
or  authority  upon  the  islands  of  Key  West,  the  Tortugas, 
and  Santa  Rosa,  which  may  be  inconsistent  with  the  laws  and 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  authorizing  him,  at  the 
same  time,  if  he  shall  find  it  necessary,  to  suspend  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus,  and  to  remove  from  the  vicinity  of  the  United 
States  fortresses  all  dangerous  or  suspected  persons." 

One  of  the  first  duties  of  the  new  Administration  was  to 
define  the  position  to  be  taken  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  towards  foreign  nations  in  view  of  the  rebellion. 
While  it  is  impossible  to  enter  here  upon  this  very  wide 
branch  of  the  general  subject  at  any  considerable  length,  this 
history  would  be  incomplete  if  it  did  not  state,  in  official 
language,  the  attitude  which  the  President  decided  to  assume. 
That  is  very  distinctly  set  forth  in  the  letter  of  instructions 
prepared  by  the  Secretary  of  State  for  Mr.  Adams,  on  the 
eve  of  his  departure  for  the  court  of  St.  James,  and  dated 
April  10,  in  the  following  terms: 

Before  considering  the  arguments  you  are  to  use,  it  is  important  to 
indicate  those  which  you  are  not  to  employ  in  executing  that  mission  • 

JXnt.  The  President  has  noticed,  as  the  whole  American  people  have 

with  much  emotion,  the  expressions  of  good-will  and  friendship  towards 

ited  States,  and  of  concern  for  their  present  embarrassments 

ich  have  been  made  on  apt  occasions,  by  her  Majesty  and  her  minis- 

ers.     You  will  make  due  acknowledgment  for  these  manifestations  but 

;  the  same  time  you  will  not  rely  on  any  mere  sympathies  or  national 

kindness.     You  will  make  no  admissions  of  weakness  in  our  Constitu- 

on,  or  of  apprehension  on  the  part  of  the  Government.     You  will 

ather  prove,  as  you  easily  can,  by  comparing  the  history  of  our  country 

with  that  of  other  States,  that  its  Constitution  and  Government  are 

really  the  strongest  and  surest  which  have  ever  been  erected  for  the  safety 

>f  any  people.    You  will  in  no  case  listen  to  any  suggestions  of  com- 


134          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

promise  by  this  Government,  under  foreign  auspices,  with  its  discon 
tented  citizens.  If,  as  the  President  does  not  at  all  apprehend,  you 
shall  unhappily  find  her  Majesty's  Government  tolerating  the  application 
of  the  so-called  seceding  States,  or  wavering  about  it,  you  will  not  leave 
them  to  suppose  for  a  moment  that  they  can  grant  that  application  and 
remain  the  friends  of  the  United  States.  You  may  even  assure  them 
promptly,  in  that  case,  that  if  they  determine  to  recognize,  they  may  at 
the  same  time  prepare  to  enter  into  alliance  with  the  enemies  of  this 
republic.  You  alone  will  represent  your  country  at  London,  and  you 
will  represent  the  whole  of  it  there.  When  you  are  asked  to  divide  that 
duty  with  others,  diplomatic  relations  between  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain  and  this  Government  will  be  suspended,  and  will  remain  so  until 
it  shall  be  seen  which  of  the  two  is  most  strongly  intrenched  in  the  con 
fidence  of  their  respective  nations  and  of  mankind. 

You  will  not  be  allowed,  however,  even  if  you  were  disposed,  as  the  Pres 
ident  is  sure  you  will  not  be,  to  rest  your  opposition  to  the  application 
of  the  Confederate  States  on  the  ground  of  any  favor  this  Administra 
tion,  or  the  party  which  chiefly  called  it  into  existence,  proposes  to  show 
to  Great  Britain,  or  claims  that  Great  Britain  ought  to  show  them;  You 
will  not  consent  to  draw  into  debate  before  the  British  Government  any 
opposing  moral  principles  which  may  be  supposed  to  lie  at  the  founda 
tion  of  the  controversy  between  those  States  and  the  Federal  Union. 

You  will  indulge  in  no  expressions  of  harshness  or  disrespect,  or  even 
impatience,  concerning  the  seceding  States,  their  agents,  or  their  people. 
But  you  will,  on  the  contrary,  all  the  while  remember  that  those  States 
are  now,  as  they  always  heretofore  have  been,  and,  notwithstanding  their 
temporary  self-delusion,  they  must  always  continue  to  be,  equal  and 
honored  members  of  this  Federal  Union,  and  that  their  citizens  through 
out  all  political  misunderstandings  and  alienations  still  are  and  always 
must  be  our  kindred  and  countrymen.  In  short,  all  your  arguments  must 
belong  to  one  of  three  classes,  namely :  First.  Arguments  drawn  from 
the  principles  of  public  law  and  natural  justice,  which  regulate  the  inter 
course  of  equal  States.  Secondly.  Arguments  which  concern  equally  the 
honor,  welfare,  and  happiness  of  the  discontented  States,  and  the  honor, 
welfare,  and  happiness  of  the  whole  Union.  Thirdly.  Arguments  which 
are  equally  conservative  of  the  rights  and  interests,  and  even  sentiments 
of  the  United  States,  and  just  in  their  bearing  upon  the  rights,  interests, 
and  sentiments  of  Great  Britain  and  all  other  nations. 

Just  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Adams  at  bis  post,  the 
British  Government  determined,  acting  in  concert  with  that 
of  France,  to  recognize  the  rebels  as  a  belligerent  power. 
Against  this  recognition  our  Government  directed  Mr.  Adams 


RECOGNITION    OF   THE    REBELS    AS    BELLIGERENTS.    135 

to  make  a  decided  and  energetic  protest.  On  the  15th  of 
June  the  British  and  French  ministers  at  Washington  re 
quested  an  interview  with  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  pur 
pose  of  reading  to  him  certain  instructions  they  had  received 
on  this  subject  from  their  respective  governments.  Mr. 
Sevvard  declined  to  hear  them  officially  until  he  knew  the 
nature  of  the  document,  which  was  accordingly  left  with  him 
for  perusal,  and  he  afterwards  declined  altogether  to  hear  it 
read,  or  receive  official  notice  of  it.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Adams, 
on  the  19th,  he  thus  states  its  character  and  contents: 

That  paper  purports  to  contain  a  decision  at  which  the  British  Govern 
ment  has  arrived,  to  the  effect  that  this  country  is  divided  into  two 
belligerent  parties,  of  which  this  Government  represents  one,  and  that 
Great  Britain  assumes  the  attitude  of  a  neutral  between  them. 

This  Government  could  not,  consistently  with  a  just  regard  for  the  sov 
ereignty  of  the  United  States,  permit  itself  to  debate  these  novel  and 
extraordinary  positions  with  the  Government  of  her  Britannic  Majesty ; 
much  less  can  we  consent  that  that  Government  shall  announce  to  us  a 
decision  derogating  from  that  sovereignty,  at  which  it  has  arrived  with 
out  previously  conferring  with  us  upon  the  question.  The  United  States 
are  still  solely  and  exclusively  sovereign  within  the  territories  they  have 
lawfully  acquired  and  long  possessed,  as  they  have  always  been.  They 
are  at  peace  with  all  the  world,  as,  with  unimportant  exceptions,  they  have 
always  been.  They  are  living  under  the  obligations  of  the  law  of  nations, 
and  of  treaties  with  Great  Britain,  just  the  same  now  as  heretofore ;  they 
are,  of  course,  the  friend  of  Great  Britain,  and  they  insist  that  Great  Britain 
shall  remain  their  friend  now,  just  as  she  has  hitherto  been.  Great  Britain, 
by  virtue  of  these  relations,  is  a  stranger  to  parties  and  sections  in  this  coun 
try,  whether  they  are  loyal  to  the  United  States  or  not,  and  Great  Britain 
can  neither  rightfully  qualify  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States,  nor 
concede,  nor  recognize  any  rights  or  interests  or  power  of  any  party,  State, 
or  section,  in  contravention  to  the  unbroken  sovereignty  of  the  Federal 
Union.  What  is  now  seen  in  this  country  is  the  occurrence,  by  no  means 
peculiar,  but  frequent  in  all  countries,  more  frequent  even  in  Great 
Britain  than  here,  of  an  armed  insurrection  engaged  in  attempting  to 
overthrow  the  regularly  constituted  and  established  Government.  There 
is,  of  course,  the  employment  of  force  by  the  Government  to  suppress 
the  insurrection,  as  every  other  government  necessarily  employs  force  in 
such  cases.  But  these  incidents  by  no  means  constitute  a  state  of  war 
impairing  the  sovereignty  of  the  Government,  creating  belligerent  sec 
tions,  and  entitling  foreign  States  to  intervene,  or  to  act  as  neutrals 


136          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

between  them,  or  in  any  other  way  to  cast  off  their  lawful  obligations  to 
the  nation  thus  for  the  moment  disturbed.  Any  other  principle  than 
this  would  be  to  resolve  government  everywhere  into  a  thing  of  accident 
and  caprice,  and  ultimately  all  human  society  into  a  state  of  perpetual 
war. 

We  do  not  go  into  any  argument  of  fact  or  of  law  in  support  of  the 
positions  we  have  thus  assumed.  They  are  simply  the  suggestions  of  the 
instinct  of  self-defence,  the  primary  law  of  human  action — not  more  the 
law  of  individual  than  of  national  life. 


Similar  views  were  presented  for  the  consideration  of  the 
French  Emperor,  and,  indeed,  of  all  the  foreign  govern 
ments  with  which  we  held  diplomatic  intercourse.  The  action 
of  the  seceding  States  was  treated  as  rebellion,  purely  domes 
tic  in  its  character,  upon  the  nature  or  merits  of  which  it 
would  be  unbecoming  in  us  to  hold  any  discussion  with  any 
foreign  power.  The  President  pressed  upon  all  those  gov 
ernments  the  duty  of  accepting  this  view  of  the  question, 
and  of  abstaining,  consequently,  from  every  act  which  could 
be  construed  into  any  recognition  of  the  rebel  Confederacy, 
or  which  could  embarrass  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  in  its  endeavors  to  re-establish  its  rightful  authority. 
Especial  pains  were  taken,  by  the  most  emphatic  declarations, 
to  leave  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any  foreign  statesman  as  to 
the  purpose  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  accomplish 
that  result.  "  You  cannot  be  too  decided  or  explicit,"  was  the 
uniform  language  of  the  Secretary,  "  in  making  known  to  the 
government  that  there  is  not  now,  nor  has  there  been,  nor 
will  there  be,  any  the  least  idea  existing  in  this  Government  of 
suffering  a  dissolution  of  this  Union  to  take  place  in  any  way 
whatever."  Efforts  were  also  made  by  our  Government  to 
define,  with  the  precision  which  the  novel  features  of  the  case 
required,  the  law  of  nations  in  regard  to  neutral  rights,  and 
also  to  secure  a  general  concurrence  of  the  maritime  powers 
in  the  principles  of  the  Paris  Convention  of  1859  :  the  latter 
object  was,  however,  thwarted  by  the  demand  made  by  both 


RIGHTS    OF   NEUTRALS.  137 

France  and  England,  that  they  should  not  be  required  to  abide 
by  these  principles  in  their  application  to  the  internal  conflict 
which  was  going  on  in  the  United  States.  This  demand  the 
President  pronounced  inadmissible. 


138          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    EXTRA    SESSION    OF    CONGRESS,  AND  THE    MILITARY  EVENTS 
OF    THE    SUMMER    OF    1861. 

IN  pursuance  of  the  President's  proclamation  of  the  15th 
of  April,  Congress  met  in  extra  session  on  the  4th  of  July, 
1861.  The  Republicans  had  control  of  both  houses,  counting 
31  votes  out  of  48  in  the  Senate,  and  106  out  of  178  in  the 
House,  there  being,  moreover,  5  in  the  Senate  and  28  in  the 
House  who,  without  belonging  to  the  Republican  party,  sup 
ported  the  Administration  in  its  efforts  to  preserve  the  Union. 
Hon.  G.  A.  GROW  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House;  and, 
on  the  5th,  the  President  communicated  to  Congress  his  first 
annual  message  as  follows  : 

Fellow- Citizens  of  the  Senate  and 

JSbitse  of  Representatives : 

Having  been  convened  on  an  extraordinary  occasion,  as  authorized  by 
the  Constitution,  your  attention  is  not  called  to  any  ordinary  subject  of 
legislation. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  present  presidential  term,  four  months  ago, 
the  functions  of  the  Federal  Government  were  found  to  be  generally  sus 
pended  within  the  several  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama, 
Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Florida,  excepting  only  those  of  the  Post- 
Office  Department. 

Within  these  States  all  the  forts,  arsenals,  dock-yards,  custom-houses 
and  the  like,  including  the  movable  and  stationary  property  in  and  about 
them,  had  been  seized,  and  were  held  in  open  hostility  to  this  Govern 
ment,  excepting  only  Forts  Pickens,  Taylor,  and  Jefferson,  on  and  near 
the  Florida  coast,  and  Fort  Sumter,  in  Charleston  harbor,  South  Carolina. 
The  forts  thus  seized  had  been  put  in  improved  condition,  new  ones  had 
been  built,  and  armed  forces  had  been  organized  and  were  organizing,  all 
avowedly  with  the  same  hostile  purpose. 


FIKST   ANNUAL   MESSAGE.  139 

The  forts  remaining  in  the  possession  of  the  Federal  Government  in 
and  near  these  States  were  either  besieged  or  menaced  by  warlike  prepa 
rations,  and  especially  Fort  Sumter  was  nearly  surrounded  by  well- 
protected  hostile  batteries,  with  guns  equal  in  quality  to  the  best  of  its 
own,  and  outnumbering  the  latter  as  perhaps  ten  to  one.  A  dispropor 
tionate  share  of  the  Federal  muskets  and  rifles  had  somehow  found  their 
way  into  these  States,  and  had  been  seized  to  be  used  against  the  Govern 
ment.  Accumulations  of  the  public  revenue,  lying  within  them,  had 
been  seized  for  the  same  object.  The  Navy  was  scattered  in  distant  seas, 
leaving  but  a  very  small  part  of  it  within  the  immediate  reach  of  the 
Government.  Officers  of  the  Federal  Army  and  Navy  had  resigned  in 
great  numbers ;  and  of  those  resigning,  a  large  proportion  had  taken  up 
arms  against  the  Government.  Simultaneously,  and  in  connection  with 
all  this,  the  purpose  to  sever  the  Federal  Union  was  openly  avowed.  In 
accordance  with  this  purpose,  an  ordinance  had  been  adopted  in  each  of 
these  States,  declaring  the  States,  respectively,  to  be  separated  from  the 
National  Union.  A  formula  for  instituting  a  combined  government  of 
these  States  had  been  promulgated ;  and  this  illegal  organization,  in  the 
character  of  Confederate  States,  was  already  invoking  recognition,  aid, 
and  intervention  from  foreign  Powers. 

Finding  this  condition  of  things,  and  believing  it  to  be  an  imperative 
duty  upon  the  incoming  Executive  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  consum 
mation  of  such  attempt  to  destroy  the  Federal  Union,  a  choice  of  means 
to  that  end  became  indispensable.  This  choice  was  made,  and  was  de 
clared  in  the  Inaugural  Address.  The  policy  chosen  looked  to  the  exhaus 
tion  of  all  peaceful  measures  before  a  resort  to  any  stronger  ones.  It 
sought  only  to  hold  the  public  places  and  property  not  already  wrested 
from  the  Government,  and  to  collect  the  revenue,  relying  for  the  rest  on 
time,  discussion,  and  the  ballot-box.  It  promised  a  continuance  of  the 
mails,  at  Government  expense,  to  the  very  people  who  were  resisting  the 
Government ;  and  it  gave  repeated  pledges  against  any  disturbance  to 
any  of  the  people,  or  any  of  their  rights.  Of  all  that  which  a  President 
might  constitutionally  and  justifiably  do  in  such  a  case,  every  thing  was 
forborne,  without  which  it  was  believed  possible  to  keep  the  Government 
on  foot. 

On  the  5th  of  March  (the  present  incumbent's  first  full  day  in  office, 
a  letter  of  Major  Anderson,  commanding  at  Fort  Sumter,  written  on  the 
28th  of  February,  and  received  at  the  War  Department  on  the  4th  of 
March,  was  by  that  Department  placed  in  his  hands.  This  letter  ex 
pressed  the  professional  opinion  of  the  writer,  that  re-enforcements  could 
not  be  thrown  into  that  fort  within  the  time  for  his  relief,  rendered  ne 
cessary  by  the  limited  supply  of  provisions,  and  with  a  view  of  holding 
possession  of  the  same,  with  a  force  of  less  than  twenty  thousand  good 
and  well-disciplined  men.  This  opinion  was  concurred  in  by  all  the 


140 

officers  of  his  command,  and  their  memoranda  on  the  subject  were  made 
enclosures  of  Major  Anderson's  letter.  The  whole  was  immediately  laid 
before  Lieutenant-General  Scott,  who  at  once  concurred  with  Major 
Anderson  in  opinion.  On  reflection,  however,  he  took  full  time,  con 
sulting-  with  other  officers,  both  of  the  army  and  the  navy ;  and  at  the 
end  of  four  days  came  reluctantly,  but  decidedly,  to  the  same  conclusion 
as  before.  He  also  stated  at  the  same  time  that  no  such  sufficient  force 
was  then  at  the  control  of  the  Government,  or  could  be  raised  and 
brought  to  the  ground  within  the  time  when  the  provisions  in  the  fort 
would  be  exhausted.  In  a  purely  military  point  of  view,  this  reduced 
the  duty  of  the  Administration  in  the  case  to  the  mere  matter  of  getting 
the  garrison  safely  out  of  the  fort. 

It  was  believed,  however,  that  to  so  abandon  that  position,  under  the 
circumstances,  would  be  utterly  ruinous  ;  that  the  necessity  under  which 
it  was  to  be  done  would  not  be  fully  understood ;  that  by  many  it  would 
be  construed  as  a  part  of  a  voluntary  policy ;  that  at  home  it  would  dis 
courage  the  friends  of  the  Union,  embolden  its  adversaries,  and  go  far  to 
insure  to  the  latter  a  recognition  abroad ;  that,  in  fact,  it  would  be  our 
national  destruction  consummated.  This  could  not  be  allowed.  Star 
vation  was  not  yet  upon  the  garrison ;  and  ere  it  would  be  reached  Fort 
Pickens  might  be  re-enforced.  This  would  be  a  clear  indication  of  policy, 
and  would  better  enable  the  country  to  accept  the  evacuation  of  Fort 
Sumter  as  a  military  necessity.  An  order  was  at  once  directed  to  be  sent 
for  the  landing  of  the  troops  from  the  steamship  Brooklyn  into  Fort 
Pickens.  This  order  could  not  go  by  land,  but  must  take  the  longer  and 
slower  route  by  sea.  The  first  return  news  from  the  order  was  received 
just  one  week  before  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter.  The  news  itself  was  that 
the  officer  commanding  the  Sabine,  to  which  vessel  the  troops  had  been 
transferred  from  the  Brooklyn,  acting  upon  some  quasi  armistice  of  the 
late  Administration  (and  of  the  existence  of  which  the  present  Adminis 
tration,  up  to  the  time  the  order  was  despatched,  had  only  too  vague  and 
uncertain  rumors  to  fix  attention),  had  refused  to  land  the  troops.  To 
now  re-enforce  Fort  Pickens  before  a  crisis  would  be  reached  at  Fort 
Sumter  was  impossible — rendered  so  by  the  near  exhaustion  of  provisions 
in  the  latter-named  fort.  In  precaution  against  such  a  conjuncture,  the 
Government  had  a  few  days  before  commenced  preparing  an  expedition, 
as  well  adapted  as  might  be,  to  relieve  Fort  Sumter,  which  expedition 
was  intended  to  be  ultimately  used  or  not,  according  to  circumstances. 
The  strongest  anticipated  case  for  using  it  was  now  presented,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  send  it  forward.  As  had  been  intended  in  this  contingency, 
it  was  also  resolved  to  notify  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina  that  he 
might  expect  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  provision  the  fort ;  and  that, 
if  the  attempt  should  not  be  resisted,  there  would  be  no  effort  to  throw 
in  men,  arms,  or  ammunition,  without  further  notice,  or  in  case  of  an 


FIRST   ANNUAL   MESSAGE.  141 

attack  upon  the  fort.  This  notice  was  accordingly  given ;  whereupon 
the  fort  was  attacked  and  bombarded  to  its  fall,  without  even  awaiting 
the  arrival  of  the  provisioning  expedition. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  the  assault  upon  and  reduction  of  Fort  Sumter  was 
in  no  sense  a  matter  of  self-defence  upon  the  part  of  the  assailants.  They 
well  knew  that  the  garrison  in  the  fort  could  by  no  possibility  commit 
aggression  upon  them.  They  knew— they  were  expressly  notified— that 
the  giving  of  bread  to  the  few  brave  and  hungry  men  of  the  garrison 
was  ail  which  would  on  that  occasion  be  attempted,  unless  themselves, 
by  resisting  so  much,  should  provoke  more.  They  knew  that  this  Gov 
ernment  desired  to  keep  the  garrison  in  the  fort,  not  to  assail  them,  but 
to  maintain  visible  possession,  and  thus  to  preserve  the  Union  from 
actual  and  immediate  dissolution— trusting,  as  hereinbefore  stated,  to 
time,  discussion,  and  the  ballot-box  for  final  adjustment ;  and  they  as 
sailed  and  reduced  the  fort  for  precisely  the  reverse  object— to  drive  out 
the  visible  authority  of  the  Federal  Union,  and  thus  force  it  to  immediate 
dissolution.  That  this  was  their  object  the  Executive  well  understood ; 
and  having  said  to  them  in  the  Inaugural  Address,  "  You  can  have  no 
conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors,"  he  took  pains  not 
only  to  keep  this  declaration  good,  but  also  to  keep  the  case  so  free  from 
the  power  of  ingenious  sophistry  that  the  world  should  not  be  able  to 
misunderstand  it.  By  the  affair  at  Fort  Sumter,  with  its  surrounding 
circumstances,  that  point  was  reached.  Then  and  thereby  the  assailants 
of  the  Government  began  the  conflict  of  arms,  without  a  gun  in  sight, 
or  in  expectancy  to  return  their  fire,  save  only  the  few  in  the  fort,  sent 
to  that  harbor  years  before  for  their  own  protection,  and  still  ready  to 
give  that  protection  in  whatever  was  lawful.  In  this  act,  discarding  all 
else,  they  have  forced  upon  the  country  the  distinct  issue,  "immediate 
dissolution  or  blood." 

And  this  issue  embraces  more  than  the  fate  of  these  United  States.  It 
presents  to  the  whole  family  of  man  the  question,  whether  a  constitu 
tional  republic  or  democracy— a  government  of  the  people  by  the  same 
people— can  or  cannot  maintain  its  territorial  integrity  against  its  own 
domestic  foes.  It  presents  the  question,  whether  discontented  individuals, 
too  few  in  numbers  to  control  administration,  according  to  organic  law, 
in  any  case,  can  always,  upon  the  pretences  made  in  this  case,  or  on  any 
other  pretences,  or  arbitrarily,  without  any  pretence,  break  up  their 
Government,  and  thus  practically  put  an  end  to  free  government  upon 
the  earth.  It  forces  us  to  ask,  "  Is  there,  in  all  republics,  this  inherent 
and  fatal  weakness  ?"  "  Must  a  government,  of  necessity,  be  too  strong 
for  the  liberties  of  its  own  people,  or  too  weak  to  maintain  its  own  exist 
ence?" 

So  viewing  the  issue,  no  choice  was  left  but  to  call  out  the  war  power 


H2 

of  the  Government ;  and  so  to  resist  force  employed  for  its  destruction, 
by  force  for  its  preservation. 

The  call  was  made,  and  the  response  of  the  country  was  most  gratify 
ing,  surpassing  in  unanimity  and  spirit  the  most  sanguine  expectation. 
Yet  none  of  the  States  commonly  called  Slave  States,  except  Delaware, 
gave  a  regiment  through  regular  State  organization.  A  few  regiments 
have  been  organized  within  some  others  of  those  States  by  individual 
enterprise,  and  received  into  the  Government  service.  Of  course,  the 
seceded  States,  so  called  (and  to  which  Texas  had  been  joined  about  the 
time  of  the  inauguration),  gave  no  troops  to  the  cause  of  the  Union. 
The  Border  States,  so  called,  were  not  uniform  in  their  action,  some  of  them 
being  almost  for  the  Union,  while  in  others — as  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  and  Arkansas — the  Union  sentiment  was  nearly  repressed  and 
silenced.  The  course  taken  in  Virginia  was  the  most  remarkable — per 
haps  the  most  important.  A  convention,  elected  by  the  people  of  that 
State  to  consider  this  very  qnestion  of  disrupting  the  Federal  Union, 
was  in  session  at  the  capital  of  Virginia  when  Fort  Sumter  fell.  To  this 
body  the  people  had  chosen  a  large  majority  of  professed  Union  men. 
Almost  immediately  after  t.he  fall  of  Surnter  many  members  of  that 
majority  went  over  to  the  original  disunion  minority,  and  with  them 
adopted  an  ordinance  for  withdrawing  the  State  from  the  Union.  Whether 
this  change  was  wrought  by  their  great  approval  of  the  assault  upon 
Sumter,  or  their  great  resentment  at  the  Government's  resistance  to  that 
assault,  is  not  definitely  known.  Although  they  submitted  the  ordinance 
for  ratification  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  to  be  taken  on  a  day  then  some 
what  more  than  a  month  distant,  the  Convention  and  the  Legislature 
(which  was  also  in  session  at  the  same  time  and  place),  with  leading 
men  of  the  State  not  members  of  either,  immediately  commenced  acting 
as  if  the  State  were  already  out  of  the  Union.  They  pushed  military 
preparations  vigorously  forward  all  over  the  State.  They  seized  the 
United  States  armory  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  the  navy -yard  at  Gosport, 
near  Norfolk.  They  received — perhaps  invited — into  their  State  large 
bodies  of  troops,  with  their  warlike  appointments,  from  the  so-called 
seceded  States.  They  formally  entered  into  a  treaty  of  temporary  alli 
ance  and  co-operation  with  the  so-called  "  Confederate  States,"  and  sent 
members  to  their  Congress  at  Montgomery ;  and,  finally,  they  permitted 
the  insurrectionary  Government  to  be  transferred  to  their  capital  at  Rich 
mond. 

The  people  of  Virginia  have  thus  allowed  this  giant  insurrection  to 
make  its  nest  within  her  borders ;  and  this  Government  has  no  choice 
left  but  to  deal  with  it  where  it  finds  it.  And  it  has  the  less  regret,  as 
the  loyal  citizens  have  in  due  form  claimed  its  protection.  Those  loyal 
citizens  this  Government  is  bound  to  recognize  and  protect  as  being 
Virginia, 


FIRST   ANNUAL   MESSAGE.  143 

In  the  Border  States,  so-called— in  fact,  the  Middle  States— there  are 
those  who  favor  a  policy  which  they  call  "armed  neutrality" — that  is, 
an  arming  of  those  States  to  prevent  the  Union  forces  passing  one  way, 
or  the  disunion  the  other,  over  their  soil.  This  would  be  disunion  com- 
pleted.  Figuratively  speaking,  it  would  be  the  building  of  an  impassable 
wall  along  the  line  of  separation — and  yet  not  quite  an  impassable  one, 
for,  under  the  guise  of  neutrality,  it  would  tie  the  hands  of  Union  men, 
and  freely  pass  supplies  from  among  them  to  the  insurrectionists,  which 
it  could  not  do  as  an  op*en  enemy.  At  a  stroke  it  would  take  all  the 
trouble  off  the  hands  of  secession,  except  only  what  proceeds  from  the 
external  blockade.  It  would  do  for  the  disunionists  that  which  of  all 
things  they  most  desire — feed  them  well,  and  give  them' disunion  without 
a  struggle  of  their  own.  It  recognizes  no  fidelity  to  the  Constitution,  no 
obligation  to  maintain  the  Union ;  and  while  Very  many  who  have  fa 
vored  it  are  doubtless  loyal  citizens,  it  is,  nevertheless,  very  injurious  in 
effect. 

Recurring  to  the  action  of  the  Government,  it  may  be  stated  that  at 
first  a  call  was  made  for  seventy  five  thousand  militia;  and  rapidly  fol 
lowing  this,  a  proclamation  was  issued  for  closing  the  ports  of  the  insur 
rectionary  districts  by  proceedings  in  the  nature  of  a  blockade.  So  far 
all  was  believed  to  be  strictly  legal.  At  this  point  the  insurrectionists 
announced  their  purpose  to  enter  upon  the  practice  of  privateering. 

Other  calls  were  made  for  volunteers  to  serve  for  three  years,  unless 
sooner  discharged,  and  also  for  large  additions  to  the  regular  army  and 
navy.  These  measures,  whether  strictly  legal  or  not,  were  ventured  upon 
under  what  appeared  to  be  a  popular  demand  and  a  public  necessity ; 
trusting  then,  as  now,  that  Congress  would  readily  ratify  them.  It  is 
believed  that  nothing  has  been  done  beyond  the  constitutional  compe 
tency  of  Congress. 

Soon  after  the  first  call  for  militia,  it  was  considered  a  duty  to  authorize 
the  Commanding-General,  in  proper  cases,  according  to  his  discretion, 
to  suspend  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  or,  in  other  words, 
to  arrest  and  detain,  without  resort  to  the  ordinary  processes  and  forms 
of  law,  such  individuals  as  he  might  deem  dangerous  to  the  public  safety. 
This  authority  has  purposely  been  exercised  but  very  sparingly.  Never 
theless,  the  legality  and  propriety  of  what  has  been  done  under  it  are 
questioned,  and  the  attention  of  the  country  has  been  called  to  the 
proposition,  that  one  who  has  sworn  to  "  take  care  that  the  laws  be 
faithfully  executed,"  should  not  himself  violate  them.  Of  course,  some 
consideration  was  given  to  the  question  of  power  and  propriety  before 
this  matter  was  acted  upon.  The  whole  of  the  laws  which  were  required 
to  be  faithfully  executed  were  being  resisted,  and  failing  of  execution  in 
nearly  one-third  of  the  States.  Must  they  be  allowed  to  finally  fail  of  ex 
ecution,  even  had  it  been  perfectly  clear  that  by  the  use  of  the  niuaiis 
necessary  to  their  execution  some  single  law,  made  in  such  extreme 


144  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

tenderness  of  the  citizen's  liberty  that  practically  it  relieves  more  of  the 
guilty  than  of  the  innocent,  should  to  a  very  limited  extent  be  violated  ? 
To  state  the  question  more  directly :  Are  all  the  laws  but  one  to  go  unex 
ecuted,  and  the  Government  itself  go  to  pieces,  lest  that  one  be  violated? 
Even  in  such  a  case,  would  not  the  official  oath  be  broken  if  the  Gov 
ernment  should  be  overthrown,  when  it  was  believed  that  disregarding 
the  single  law  would  tend  to  preserve  it  ?  But  it  was  not  believed  that 
this  question  was  presented.  It  was  not  believed  that  any  law  was 
violated.  The  provision  of  the  Constitution  ttiat  "  the  privilege  of  the 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended  unless  when,  in  cases  of 
rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may  require  it,"  is  equivalent  to 
a  provision — is  a  provision — that  such  privilege  may  be  suspended  when, 
in  case  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  does  require  it.  It  was 
decided  that  we  have  a  case  of  rebellion,  and  that  the  public  safety  does 
require  the  qualified  suspension  of  the  privilege  of  the  writ  which  was 
authorized  to  be  made.  Now,  it  is  insisted  that  Congress,  and  not  the 
Executive,  is  vested  with  this  power.  But  the  Constitution  itself  is  silent 
as  to  which  or  who  is  to  exercise  the  power ;  and  as  the  provision  was 
plainly  made  for  a  dangerous  emergency,  it  cannot  be  believed  the 
frame rs  of  the  instrument  intended  that  in  every  case  the  danger  should 
run  its  course  until  Congress  could  be  called  together,  the  very  assembling 
of  which  might  be  prevented,  as  was  intended  in  this  case,  by  the  re 
bellion. 

No  more  extended  argument  is  now  offered,  as  an  opinion,  at  some 
length,  will  probably  be  presented  by  the  Attorney-General.  Whether 
there  shall  be  any  legislation  on  the  subject,  and,  if  any,  what,  is  sub 
mitted  entirely  to  the  better  judgment  of  Congress. 

The  forbearance  of  this  Government  had  been  so  extraordinary,  and  so 
long  continued,  as  to  lead  some  foreign  nations  to  shape  their  action 
as  if  they  supposed  the  early  destruction  of  our  national  Union  was 
probable.  While  this,  on  discovery,  gave  the  Executive  some  concern, 
he  is  now  happy  to  say  that  the  sovereignty  and  rights  of  the  United 
States  are  now  everywhere  practically  respected  by  foreign  powers  ;  and 
a  general  sympathy  with  the  country  is  manifested  throughout  the 
world. 

The  reports  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury,  War,  and  the  Navy, 
will  give  the  information  in  detail  deemed  necessary  and  convenient  for 
your  deliberation  and  action ;  while  the  Executive  and  all  the  Depart 
ments  will  stand  ready  to  supply  omissions,  or  to  communicate  new  facts 
considered  important  for  you  to  know. 

It  is  now  recommended  that  you  give  the  legal  means  for  making  this 
contest  a  short  and  decisive  one ;  that  you  place  at  the  control  of  the 
Government,  for  the  work,  as  least  four  hundred  thousand  men  and 
$400,000,000.  That  number  of  men  is  about  one-tenth  of  those  of  proper 
ages  within  the  regions  where,  apparently,  all  are  willing  to  engage ;  and 


THR  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  145 

the  sum  is  less  than  a  twenty-third  part  of  the  money  value  owned  by 
the  men  who  seem  ready  to  devote  the  whole.  A  debt  of  $600,000,000 
now,  is  a  less  sum  per  head  than  was  the  debt  of  our  Revolution  when 
we  came  out  of  that  struggle ;  and  the  money  value  in  the  country  now 
bears  even  a  greater  proportion  to  what  it  was  then,  than  does  the  popu 
lation.  Surely  each  man  has  as  strong  a  motive  now  to  preserve  our 
liberties,  as  each  had  then  to  establish  them. 

A  right  result,  at  this  time,  will  be  worth  more  to  the  world  than  ten 
times  the  men  and  ten  times  the  money.  The  evidence  reaching  us  from 
the  country  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  material  for  the  work  is  abundant, 
and  that  it  needs  only  the  hand  of  legislation  to  give  it  legal  sanction, 
and  the  hand  of  the  Executive  to  give  it  practical  shape  and  efficiency. 
One  of  the  greatest  perplexities  of  the  Government  is  to  avoid  receiving 
troops  faster  than  it  can  provide  for  them.  In  a  word,  the  people  will 
save  their  Government,  if  the  Government  itself  will  do  its  part  only 
indifferently  well. 

It  might  seem,  at  first  thought,  to  be  of  little  difference  whether  the 
present  movement  at  the  South  be  called  "secession,"  or  "rebellion." 
The  movers,  however,  will  understand  the  difference.  At  the  beginning, 
they  knew  they  could  never  raise  their  treason  to  any  respectable 
magnitude  by  any  name  which  implies  violation  of  law.  They  knew 
their  people  possessed  as  much  of  moral  sense,  as  much  of  devotion  to 
law  and  order,  and  as  much  pride  in,  and  reverence  for  the  history  and 
Government  of  their  common  country,  as  any  other  civilized  and  patriotic 
people.  They  knew  they  could  make  no  advancement  directly  in  the 
teeth  of  these  strong  and  noble  sentiments.  Accordingly,  they  com 
menced  by  an  insidious  debauching  of  the  public  mind.  They  invented 
an  ingenious  sophism,  which,  if  conceded,  was  followed  by  perfectly 
logical  steps,  through  all  the  incidents,  to  the  complete  destruction  of 
the  Union.  The  sophism  itself  is,  that  any  State  of  the  Union  may, 
consistently  with  the  national  Constitution,  and  therefore  lawfully  and 
peacefully,  withdraw  from  the  Union  without  the  consent  of  the  Union, 
or  of  any  other  State.  The  little  disguise  that  the  supposed  right  is  to 
be  exercised  only  for  just  cause,  themselves  to  be  the  sole  judges  of  its 
justice,  is  too  thin  too  merit  any  notice. 

With  rebellion  thus  sugar-coated  they  have  been  dragging  the  public 
mind  of  their  section  for  more  than  thirty  years,  and  until  at  length  they 
have  brought  many  good  men  to  a  willingness  to  take  up  arms  against 
the  Government  the  day  after  some  assemblage  of  men  have  enacted  the 
farcical  pretence  of  taking  their  State  out  of  the  Union,  who  could  have 
been  brought  to  no  such  thing  the  day  before. 

This  sophism  derives  much,  perhaps  the  whole,  of  its  currency  from 

the  assumption  that  there  is  some  omnipotent  and  sacred  supremacy 

pertaining  to  a  State— to  each  State  of  our  Federal  Union.     Our  States 

have  neither  more  nor  less  power  than  that  reserved  to  them  in  the 

7 


146 

Union  by  the  Constitution— no  one  of  them  ever  having  been  a  State  out 
of  the  Union.  The  original  ones  passed  into  the  Union  even  before  they 
cast  off  their  British  colonial  dependence;  and  the  new  ones  each  came 
into  the  Union  directly  from  a  condition  of  dependence,  excepting  Texas. 
And  even  Texas,  in  its  temporary  independence,  was  never  designated  a 
State.  The  new  ones  only  took  the  designation  of  States  on  coming  into 
the  Union,  while  that  name  was  first  adopted  by  the  old  ones  in  and  by 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Therein  the  "  United  Colonies"  were 
declared  to  be  "free  and  independent  States;"  but,  even  then,  the  ob 
ject  plainly  was  not  to  declare  their  independence  of  one  another,  or  of 
the  Union,  but  directly  the  contrary ;  as  their  mutual  pledge  and  their 
mutual  action  before,  at  the  time,  and  afterwards,  abundantly  show.  The 
express  plighting  of  faith  by  each  and  all  of  the  original  thirteen  in  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  two  years  later,  that  the  Union  shall  be  per 
petual,  is  most  conclusive.  Having  never  been  States,  either  in  substance 
or  in  name,  outside  of  the  Union,  whence  this  magical  omnipotence  of 
u  State  rights/'  asserting  a  claim  of  power  to  lawfully  destroy  the  Union 
itself?  Much  is  said  about  the  "  sovereignty"  of  the  States;  but  the 
word  even  is  not  in  the  national  Constitution ;  nor,  as  is  believed,  in  any 
of  the  State  constitutions.  What  is  "  sovereignty  "  in  the  political  sense 
of  the  term  ?  Would  it  be  far  wrong  to  define  it  "  a  political  community 
without  a  political  superior?"  Tested  by  this,  no  one  of  our  States,  ex 
cept  Texas,  ever  was  a  sovereignty.  And  even  Texas  gave  up  the  char 
acter  on  coming  into  the  Union ;  by  which  act  she  acknowledged  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  laws  and  treaties  of  the  United 
States  made  in  pursuance  of  the  Constitution,  to  be  for  her  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land.  The  States  have  their  status  in  the  Union,  and  they  have 
no  other  legal  status.  If  they  break  from  this,  they  can  only  do  so 
against  law  and  by  revolution.  The  Union,  and  not  themselves  sepa 
rately,  procured  their  independence  and  their  liberty.  By  conquest  or 
purchase  the  Union  gave  each  of  them  whatever  of  independence  or 
liberty  it  has.  The  Union  is  older  than  any  of  the  States,  and,  in  fact,  it 
created  them  as  States.  Originally  some  dependent  colonies  made  tho 
Union,  and,  in  turn,  the  Union  threw  off  their  old  dependence  for  them, 
and  made  them  States,  such  as  they  are.  Not  one  of  them  ever  had  a 
State  constitution  independent  of  the  Union.  Of  course,  it  is  not  for 
gotten  that  all  the  new  States  framed  their  constitutions  before  they  en 
tered  the  Union;  nevertheless  dependent  upon,  and  preparatory  to,  com 
ing  into  the  Union. 

Unquestionably  the  States  have  the  powers  and  rights  reserved  to  them 
in  and  by  the  national  Constitution ;  but  among  these,  surely,  are  not  in 
cluded  all  conceivable  powers,  however  mischievous  or  destructive  ;  but, 
at  most,  such  only  as  were  known  in  the  world,  at  the  time,  as  govern 
mental  powers  ;  and,  certainly,  a  power  to  destroy  the  Government  it 
self  had  never  been  known  as  a  governmental — as  a  merely  administra- 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  147 

tive  power.  This  relative  matter  of  national  power  and  State  rights,  as 
a  principle,  is  no  other  than  the  principle  of  generality  and  locality. 
Whatever  concerns  the  whole  should  be  confided  to  the  whole — to  the 
General  Government ;  while  whatever  concerns  only  the  State  should  be 
left  exclusively  to  the  State.  This  is  all  there  is  of  original  principle 
about  it.  Whether  the  national  Constitution  in  defining  boundaries  be 
tween  the  two  has  applied  the  principle  with  exact  accuracy,  is  not  to  be 
questioned.  We  are  all  bound  by  that  defining,  without  question. 

What  is  now  combated,  is  the  position  that  secession  is  consistent 
with  the  Constit'ution — is  lawful  and  peaceful.  It  is  not  contended  that 
there  is  any  express  law  for  it ;  and  nothing  should  ever  be  implied  as 
law  which  leads  to  unjust  or  absurd  consequences.  The  nation  pur 
chased  with  money  the  countries  out  of  which  several  of  these  States 
were  formed ;  is  it  just  that  they  shall  go  off  without  leave  and  with 
out  refunding  ?  The  nation  paid  very  large  sums  (in  the  aggregate, 
I  believe,  nearly  a  hundred  millions)  to  relieve  Florida  of  the  aboriginal 
tribes ;  is  it  just  that  she  shall  now  be  off  without  consent,  or  without 
making  any  return?  The  nation  is  now  in  debt  for  money  applied 
to  the  benefit  of  these  so-called  seceding  States  in  common  with  the 
rest ;  is  it  just  either  that  creditors  shall  go  unpaid,  or  the  remaining 
States  pay  the  whole  ?  A  part  of  the  present  national  debt  was  COD  tracted 
to  pay  the  old  debts  of  Texas  ;  is  it  just  that  she  shall  leave  and  pay  no 
part  of  this  herself? 

Again,  if  one  State  may  secede,  so  may  another ;  and  when  all  shall 
have  seceded,  none  is  left  to  pay  the  debts.  Is  this  quite  just  to 
creditors  ?  Did  we  notify  them  of  this  sage  view  of  ours  when  we  bor 
rowed  their  money  ?  If  we  now  recognize  this  doctrine  by  allowing  the 
seceders  to  go  in  peace,  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  we  can  do  if  others 
choose  to  go,  or  to  extort  terms  upon  which  they  will  promise  to  re 
main. 

The  seceders  insist  that  our  constitution  admits  of  secession.  They 
have  assumed  to  make  a  national  constitution  of  their  own,  in  which,  of 
necessity,  they  have  cither  discarded  or  retained  the  right  of  secession, 
as  they  insist  it  exists  in  ours.  If  they  have  discarded  it,  they  thereby 
admit  that,  on  principle,  it  ought  not  to  be  in  ours.  If  they  have  retained 
it,  by  their  own  construction  of  ours,  they  show  that  to  be  consistent 
they  must  secede  from  one  another  whenever  they  shall  find  it  the 
easiest  way  of  settling  their  debts,  or  effecting  any  other  selfish  or  unjust 
object.  The  principle  itself  is  one  of  disintegration,  and  upon  which  no 
Government  can  possibly  endure. 

If  all  the  States  save  one  should  assert  the  power  to  drive  that  one  out 
of  the  Union,  it  is  presumed  the  whole  class  of  seceder  politicians  would 
at  once  deny  the  power,  and  denounce  the  act  as  the  greatest  outrage 
upon  State  rights.  But  suppose  that  precisely  the  same  act,  instead  of 
being  cidled  "driving  the  one  out,"  should  be  called  "  the  seceding  of 


148 

the  others  from  that  one,"  it  would  be  exactly  what  the  seceders  claim  to 
do ;  unless,  indeed,  they  make  the  point  that  the  one,  because  it  is  a  mi 
nority,  may  rightfully  do  what  the  others,  because  they  are  a  majority, 
may  not  rightfully  do.  These  politicians  are  subtile  and  profound  on  the 
rights  of  minorities.  They  are  not  partial  to  that  power  which  made  the 
Constitution,  and  speaks  from  the  preamble,  calling  itself  "  We,  the 
People." 

It  may  well  be  questioned  whether  there  is  to-day  a  majority  of  the 
legally  qualified  voters  of  any  State,  except,  perhaps,  South  Carolina,  in 
favor  of  disunion.  There  is  much  reason  to  believe  that  the  Union  men 
arc  the  majority  in  many,  if  not  in  every  other  one,  of  the  so-called 
seceded  States.  The  contrary  has  not  been  demonstrated  in  any  one  of 
them.  It  is  ventured  to  aifirin  this  even  of  Virginia  and  Tennessee ;  for 
the  result  of  an  election  held  in  military  camps,  where  the  bayonets  are 
all  on  one  side  of  the  question  voted  upon,  can  scarcely  be  considered  as 
demonstrating  popular  sentiment.  At  such  an  election,  all  that  large 
class  who  are  at  once  for  the  Union  and  against  coercion  would  be  co 
erced  to  vote  against  the  Union. 

It  may  be  affirmed,  without  extravagance,  that  the  free  institutions  we 
enjoy  have  developed  the  powers  and  improved  the  condition  of  out- 
whole  people  beyond  any  example  in  the  world.  Of  this  we  now  have  a 
striking  and  an  impressive  illustration.  So  large  an  army  as  the  Govern 
ment  has  now  on  foot  was  never  before  known  without  a  soldier  in  it  but 
who  had  taken  his  place  there  of  his  own  free  choice.  But  more  than 
this ;  there  are  many  single  regiments  whose  members,  one  and  another, 
possess  full  practical  knowledge  of  all  the  arts,  sciences,  professions,  and 
whatever  else,  whether  useful  or  elegant,  is  known  in  the  world ;  and 
there  is  scarcely  one  from  which  there  could  not  be  selected  a  President, 
a  Cabinet,  a  Congress  and  perhaps  a  court,  abundantly  competent  to  ad 
minister  the  Government  itself.  Nor  do  I  say  this  is  not  true  also  in  the 
army  of  our  late  friends,  now  adversaries  in  this  contest ;  but  if  it  is,  so 
much  better  the  reason  why  the  Government  which  has  conferred  such 
benefits  on  both  them  and  us  should  not  be  broken  up.  Whoever,  in  any 
section,  proposes  to  abandon  such  a  Government,  would  do  well  to  con 
sider  in  deference  to  what  principle  it  is  that  he  does  it ;  what  better  he 
is  likely  to  get  in  its  stead ;  whether  the  substitute  will  give,  or  be  in 
tended  to  give,  so  much  of  good  to  the  people?  There  are  some  fore- 
shadowings  on  this  subject.  Our  adversaries  have  adopted  some  decla 
rations  of  independence,  in  which,  unlike  the  good  old  one,  penned  by 
Jctferson,  they  omit  the  words,  "all  men  are  created  equal."  Why? 
They  have  adopted  a  temporary  national  constitution,  in  the  preamble^of 
which,  unlike  our  good  old  one,  signed  by  Washington,  they  omit  "  We, 
the  People,"  and  substitute,  "  We,  the  deputies  of  the  sovereign  and  in 
dependent  States."  Why?  Why  this  deliberate  pressing  out  of  view 
the  rights  of  men  and  the  authority  of  the  people  ? 


149 

This  is  essentially  a  people's  contest.  On  the  side  of  the  Union  it  is  a 
struggle  for  maintaining  in  the  world  that  form  and  substance  of  govern 
ment  whose  leading  object  is  to  elevate  the  condition  of  men ;  to  lift 
artificial  weights  from  all  shoulders ;  to  clear  the  paths  of  laudable  pur 
suits  for  all;  to  afford  all  an  unfettered  start  and  a  fair  chance  in  the  race 
of  life.  Yielding  to  partial  and  temporary  departures,  from  necessity,  this 
is  the  leading  object  of  the  Government  for  whose  existence  we  contend. 

I  am  most  happy  to  believe  that  the  plain  people  understand  and  ap 
preciate  this.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  that  while  in  this  the  Government's 
hour  of  trial,  large  numbers  of  those  in  the  army  and  navy  who  have  been 
favored  with  the  offices  have  resigned  and  proved  false  to  the  hand  which 
had  pampered  them,  not  one  common  soldier  or  common  sailor  is  known 
to  have  deserted  his  flag. 

Great  honor  is  due  to  those  officers  who  remained  true,  despite  the  ex 
ample  of  their  treacherous  associates ;  but  the  greatest  honor,  and  most 
important  fact  of  all,  is  the  unanimous  firmness  of  the  common  soldiers 
and  common  sailors.  To  the  last  man,  so  far  as  known,  they  have  suc 
cessfully  resisted  the  traitorous  efforts  of  those  whose  commands  but  an 
hour  before  they  obeyed  as  absolute  law.  This  is  the  patriotic  insL  ict 
of  plain  people.  They  understand,  without  an  argument,  that  the  de-' 
stroying  the  Government  Which  was  made  by  Washington  means  no 
good  to  them. 

Our  popular  Government  has  often  been  called  an  experiment.  T\vo 
points  in  it  our  people  have  already  settled— the  successful  establishing 
and  the  successful  administering  of  it.  One  still  remains — its  successful 
maintenance  against  a  formidable  internal  attempt  to  overthrow  it.  It  is 
now  for  them  to  demonstrate  to  the  world  that  those  who  can  fairly  carry 
an  election  can  also  suppress  a  rebellion ;  that  ballots  are  the  rightful  and 
peaceful  successors  of  bullets ;  and  that  when  ballots  have  fairly  and  con 
stitutionally  decided,  there  can  be  no  successful  appeal  back  to  bullets  •, 
that  there  can  be  no  successful  appeal,  except  to  ballots  themselves,  at 
succeeding  elections.  Such  will  be  a  great  lesson  of  peace  ;  teaching 
men  that  what  they  cannot  take  by  an  election,  neither  can  they  take  by 
a  war ;  teaching  all  the  folly  of  being  the  beginners  of  a  war. 

Lest  there  be  some  uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  candid  men  as  to  what 
is  to  be  the  course  of  the  Government  towards  the  Southern  States  after 
the  rebellion  shall  have  been  suppressed,  the  Executive  deems  it  proper 
to  say,  it  will  be  his  purpose  then,  as  ever,  to  be  guided  by  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  laws ;  and  that  he  probably  will  have  no  different  under 
standing  of  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  Federal  Government  relatively 
to  the  rights  of  the  States  and  the  people  under  the  Constitution  than 
that  expressed  in  the  inaugural  address. 

He  desires  to  preserve  the  Government,  that  it  may  be  administered 
for  all,  as  it  was  administered  by  the  men  who  made  it.  Loyal  citizens 
everywhere  have  the  right  to  claim  this  of  their  Government,  and  the 


150          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Government  has  no  right  to  withhold  or  neglect  it.  It  is  not  perceived 
that  in  giving  it  there  is  any  coercion,  any  conquest,  or  any  subjugation, 
in  any  just  sense  of  those  terms. 

The  Constitution  provides,  and  all  the  States  have  accepted  the  provis 
ion,  that  "  the  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union 
a  republican  form  of  Government."  But  if  a  State  may  lawfully  go  out 
of  the  Union,  having  done  so  it  may  also  discard  the  republican  form  of 
Government;  so  that  to  prevent  its  going  out  is  an  indispensable  means 
to  the  end  of  maintaining  the  guarantee  mentioned;  and  when  an  end  is 
lawful  and  obligatory,  the  indispensable  means  to  it  are  also  lawful  and 
obligatory. 

It  was  with  the  deepest  regret  that  the  Executive  found  the  duty  of 
employing  the  war  power  in  defence  of  the  Government  forced  upon  him. 
He  could  but  perform  this  duty  or  surrender  the  existence  of  the  Govern 
ment.  No  compromise  by  public  servants  could  in  this  case  be  a  cure ; 
not  that  compromises  are  not  often  proper,  but  that  no  popular  Govern 
ment  can  long  survive  a  marked  precedent  that  those  who  carry  an  elec 
tion  can  only  save  the  Government  from  immediate  destruction  by  giving 
up  the  main  point  upon  which  the  people  gave  the  election.  The  people 
themselves,  and  not  their  servants,  can  safely  reverse  their  own  deliberate 
decisions. 

As  a  private  citizen  the  Executive  could  not  have  consented  that  these 
institutions  shall  perish ;  much  less  could  he,  in  betrayal  of  so  vast  and 
so  sacred  a  trust  as  these  free  people  have  confided  to  him.  He  felt  that 
he  had  no  moral  right  to  shrink,  or  even  to  count  the  chances  of  his  own 
life,  in  what  might  follow.  In  full  view  of  his  great  responsibility  he  has 
BO  far  done  what  he  has  deemed  his  duty.  You  will  now,  according  to 
your  own  judgment,  perform  yours.  He  sincerely  hopes  that  your  views 
and  your  action  may  so  accord  with  his  as  to  assure  all  faithful  citizens 
who  have  been  disturbed  in  their  rights  of  a  certain  and  speedy  restora 
tion  to  them,  under  the  Constitution  and  the  laws. 

And  having  thus  chosen  our  course,  without  guile  and  with  pure  pur 
pose,  let  us  renew  our  trust  in  God,  and  go  forward  without  fear  and 
with  manly  hearts. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

July  4,  1861. 

Congress  imitated  the  President  in  confining  its  attention 
exclusively  to  the  rebellion  and  the  means  for  its  suppression. 
The  zealous  and  enthusiastic  loyalty  of  the  people  met  a  prompt 
response  from  their  representatives.  The  Judiciary  Committee 
in  the  House  was  instructed  on  the  8th  to  prepare  a  bill  to 
confiscate  the  property  of  rebels  against  the  Government,  and 


ACTION    OF    CONGRESS. 


on  the  9th  a  resolution  was   adopted   (ayes  93,  noes  55),  de 
claring  it  to  be  "  no  part  of  the  duty  of  the  soldiers  of  the 
United  States  to  capture  and  return  fugitive  slaves."     A  bill 
was  promptly  introduced  to  declare  valid  all  the  acts  of  the 
President  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  previous  to  the 
meeting  of  Congress,  and  it  brought  on  a  general  discussion 
of  the  principles  involved  and  the  interests  concerned  in  the 
contest.     There  were  a  few  in  both  Houses,  with  John  C. 
Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  at  their  head,  who  still  insisted 
that  any  resort  by  the  Government  to  the  use  of  the  war 
power  against  the  rebels  was  unconstitutional,  and  could  only 
end  in  the  destruction  of  the  Union  ;  but  the  general  senti 
ment  of  both  Houses  fully  sustained  the  President  in  the  steps 
he  had  taken.    The.  subject  of  slavery  was  introduced  into  the 
discussion  commenced  by  Senator  Powell,  of  Kentucky,  who 
proposed  on  the  1 8th  to  amend  the  Army  Bill  by  adding  a 
section  that  no  part  of  the  army  should  be  employed  "in  sub 
jecting  or  holding  as  a  conquered  province  any  sovereign  state 
now  or  lately  one  of  the  United  States,  or  in  abolishing  or  in 
terfering  with   African  slavery  in   any  of  the   States."     The 
debate  which  ensued  elicited  the  sentiments  of  members  on 
this  subject.     Mr.  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  concurred  in  the  senti 
ment  that  the  war  was  "  not  to  be  waged  for  the  purpose  of 
subjugating  any  state  or  freeing  any  slave,  or  to  interfere  with 
the  social  or  domestic  institutions  of  any  State  or  any  people  ; 
it  was  to  preserve  this  Union,  to  maintain  the  Constitution  as 
it  is  in  all  its  clauses,  in  all  its  guarantees,  without  change  or 
limitation."     Mr.  Dixon,  of  Connecticut,  assented  to  this,  but 
also  declared  that  if  the  South  should  protract  the  war,  and 
u  it  should  turn  out  that  either  this  Government  or  slavery 
must  be  destroyed,  then  the  people  of  the  North— the  Con 
servative  people  of  the  North— would  say,  rather  than  let  the 
Government  perish,  let  slavery  perish."     Mr.  Lane,  of  Kansa<=, 
did  not  believe  that  slavery  could   survive  in  any  state  the 


152 

march  of  the  Union  armies.  These  seemed  to  be  the  senti 
ments  of  both  branches  of  Congress.  The  amendment  was  re 
jected  and  bills  were  passed  ratifying  the  acts  of  the  President, 
authorizing  him  to  accept  the  services  of  half  a  million  of  vol- 
lunteers,  and  placing  five  hundred  millions  of  dollars  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Government  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war. 

On  the  15th  of  July,  Mr.  McClernand,  a  democrat  from  Illi 
nois,  offered  a  resolution  pledging  the  House  to  vote  any 
amount  of  money  and  any  number  of  men  necerssary  to  sup 
press  the  rebellion,  and  restore  the  authority  of  the  Govern 
ment,  which  was  adopted  with  but  five  opposing  votes  ;  and 
on  the  22d  of  July,  Mr.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,  offered  the 
following  resolution,  defining  the  objects  of  the  war: 

Resolved  by  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  That  the  present  deplorable  civil  war  has  been  forced  upon  the 
country  by  the  disunionists  of  the  Southern  States,  now  in  arms  agaiuet 
the  constitutional  Government,  and  in  arms  around  the  capital ;  that  in 
this  national  emergency,  Congress,  banishing  all  feelings  of  mere  passion 
or  resentment,  will  recollect  only  its  duty  to  the  whole  country  ;  that 
this  war  is  not  waged  on  their  part  in  any  spirit  of  oppression,  or  for  any 
purpose  of  conquest  or  subjugation,  or  purpose  of  overthrowing  or  inter 
fering  with  the  rights  or  established  institutions  of  those  States,  but  to 
defend  and  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  preserve 
the  Union  with  all  the  dignity,  equality,  and  rights  of  the  several  States 
unimpaired ;  and  that  as  soon  as  these  objects  are  accomplished  the  war 
ought  to  cease. 

This  resolution  was  adopted  with  but  two  dissenting  votes. 
It  was  accepted  by  the  whole  country  as  defining  the  objects 
and  limiting  the  continuance  of  the  war,  and  was  regarded  with 
special  favor  by  the  loyal  citizens  of  the  Border  States,  whose 
sensitiveness  on  the  subject  of  slavery  had  been  skilfully  and 
zealously  played  upon  by  the  agents  and  allies  of  the  rebel  con 
federacy.  The  war  was  universally  represented  by  these  men  as 
waged  for  the  destruction  of  slavery,  and  as  aiming,  not  at  the 
preservation  of  the  Union,  but  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  ; 
and  there  was  great  danger  that  these  appeals  to  the  pride, 


SLAVERY   AND   CONFISCATION.  153 

the  interest,  and  the  prejudices  of  the  Border  Slave  States 
might  bring  them  to  join  their  fortunes  to  those  of  the  rebel 
lion.  The  passage  of  this  resolution,  with  so  great  a  degree 
of  unanimity,  had  a  very  soothing  effect  upon  the  apprehen 
sions  of  these  states,  and  contributed  largely  to  strengthen  the 
Government  in  its  contest  with  the  rebellion. 

The  sentiments  of  Congress  on  this  matter,  as  well  as  on 
the  general  subject  of  the  war,  were  still  further  developed  in 
the  debates  which  followed  the  introduction  to  the  House  of  a 
bill  passed  by  the  Senate  to  "  confiscate  property  used  for 
insurrectionary  purposes."  It  was  referred  to  the  Judiciary 
Committee  and  reported  back  with  an  amendment,  providing 
that  whenever  any  slave  should  be  required  or  permitted  by 
his  master  to  take  up  arms,  or  be  employed  in  any  fort, 
dock-yard,  or  in  any  military  service  in  aid  of  the  rebellion,  he 
should  become  entitled  to  his  freedom.  Mr.  Wickliffe  and 
Mr.  Burnett  of  Kentucky  at  once  contested  the  passage  of  the 
bill  on  the  ground  that  the  Government  had  no  right  to  inter 
fere  in  any  way  with  the  relation  existing  between  a  master 
and  his  slave ; — and  they  were  answered  by  the  northern  mem 
bers  with  the  argument  that  the  Government  certainly  had  a 
right  to  confiscate  property  of  any  kind  employed  in  the 
rebellion,  and  that  there  was  no  more  reason  for  protecting 
slavery  against  the  consequences  of  exercising  this  right,  than 
for  shielding  any  other  interest  that  might  be  thus  involved. 
The  advocates  of  the  bill  denied  that  it  was  the  intention  of 
the  law  to  emancipate  the  slaves,  or  that  it  would  bear  any 
such  construction  in  the  courts  of  justice.  They  repudiated 
the  idea  that  men  in  arms  against  the  Union  and  Constitution 
could  claim  the  protection  of  the  Constitution,  and  thus  derive 
from  that  instrument  increased  ability  to  secure  its  destruction  ; 
but  they  based  their  proposed  confiscation  of  slave  property 
solely  on  the  ground  that  it  was  a  necessary  means  to  the 
prosecution  of  the  war,  and  not  in  any  sense  the  object  for 
7* 


154 

which  the  war  was  waged.  After  a  protracted  debate,  that 
section  of  the  bill  which  related  to  this  subject  was  passed — 
ayes  60,  noes  48,  in  the  following  form  : 

That  whenever  hereafter,  during  the  present  insurrection  against  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  any  person  claimed  to  be  held  to  labor 
or  service,  under  the  laws  of  any  State,  shall  be  required  or  permitted 
by  the  person  to  whom  such  labor  or  service  is  claimed  to  be  due,  or  by 
the  lawful  agent  of  such  person,  to  take  up  arms  against  the  United 
States,  or  shall  be  required  or  permitted  by  the  person  to  whom  such 
service  or  labor  is  claimed  to  be  due,  or  his  lawful  agent,  to  work  or  to 
be  employed  in  or  upon  any  fort,  navy-yard,  dock,  armory,  ship,  or  in- 
trenchment,  or  in  any  military  or  naval  service  whatever,  against  the 
Government  and  lawful  authority  of  the  United  States,  then,  and  in 
every  such  case,  the  person  to  whom  such  service  is  claimed  to  be  due, 
shall  forfeit  his  claim  to  such  labor,  any  law  of  the  State,  or  of  the 
United  States,  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding ;  and  whenever  thefe- 
after  the  person  claiming  such  labor  or  service  shall  seek  to  enforce  his 
claim,  it  shall  be  a  full  and  sufficient  answer  to  such  claim  that  the  per 
son  whose  service  or  labor  is  claimed,  had  been  employed  in  hostile  ser 
vice  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  contrary  to  tho 
provisions  of  this  act. 

Congress  closed  its  extra  session  on  the  6th  of  August.  It 
had  taken  the  most  vigorous  and  effective  measures  for  the 
suppression  of  the  rebellion,  having  clothed  the  President  with 
even  greater  power  than  he  had  asked  for  in  the  prosecution 
of  the  v^ar,  and  avoided  with  just  fidelity  all  points  which 
could  divide  and  weaken  the  loyal  sentiment  of  the  country. 
The  people  responded  with  hearty  applause  to  the  patriotic 
action  of  their  representatives.  The  universal  temper  of  the 
country  was  one  of  buoyancy  and  hope.  Throughout  the  early 
part  of  the  summer  the  rebels  had  been  steadily  pushing  troops 
through  Virginia  to  the  borders  of  the  Potomac,  menacing  the 
national  capital  with  capture,  until  in  the  latter  part  of  June 
they  had  an  army  of  not  far  from  35,000  men,  holding  a  strong 
position  along  the  Bull  Run  creek, — its  left  posted  at  Win 
chester,  and  its  right  resting  at  Manassas.  It  was  determined 


TIIE    DEFEAT    AT    BULL    RUN.  155 

to  attack  this  force  and  drive  it  from  the  vicinity  of  Washing 
ton,  and  the  general  belief  of  the  country  was  that  this  would 
substantially  end  the  war.  The  national  array,  numbering 
about  30,000  men,  moved  from  the  Potomac,  on  the  16th  of 
July,  under  General  McDowell,  and  the  main  attack  was  made 
on  the  21st.  It  resulted  in  the  defeat,  with  a  loss  of  480 
killed  and  1,000  wounded,  of  our  forces,  and  their  falling  back, 
in  the  utmost  disorder  and  confusion,  upon  Washington.  Our 
army  was  completely  routed,  and  if  the  rebel  forces  had  known 
the  extent  of  their  success,  and  had  been  in  condition  to  avail 
themselves  of  it  with  vigor  and  energy,  the  Capital  would 
easily  have  fallen  into  their  hands. 

The  result  of  this  battle  took  the  whole  country  by  surprise. 
The  most  sanguine  expectations  of  a  prompt  and  decisive 
victory  had  been  universally  entertained ;  and  the  actual  issue 
first  revealed  to  the  people  the  prospect  of  a  long  and  bloody 
war.  But  the  public  heart  was  not  in  the  least  discouraged. 
On  the  contrary,  the  effect  \vas  to  rouse  still  higher  the 
courage  and  determination  of  the  people.  No  one  dreamed 
for  an  instant  of  submission.  The  most  vigorous  efforts  were 
made  to  reorganize  the  army,  to  increase  its  numbers  by 
volunteering,  and  to  establish  a  footing  for  national  troops  at 
various  points  along  the  rebel  coast.  On  the  28th  of  August 
Fort  Hatteras  was  surrendered  to  the  National  forces,  and  on 
the  31st  of  October  Port  Royal,  on  the  coast  of  South 
Carolina,  fell  into  possession  of  the  United  States.  On  the 
3d  of  December  Ship  Island,  lying  between  Mobile  and  New 
Orleans,  was  occupied.  Preparations  were  also  made  for  an 
expedition  against  New  Orleans,  and  by  a  series  of  combined 
movements  the  rebel  forces  were  driven  out  of  Western  Vir 
ginia,  Kentucky  and  Missouri — States  in  which  the  population 
had  from  the  beginning  of  the  contest  been  divided  in  senti 
ment  and  in  action. 

On  the  31st  of  October  General  Scott,  finding  himself  un- 


156  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADillXISTBATIOX. 

able,  in  consequence  of  illness  and  advancing  age,  to  take  the 
field  or  discharge  the  duties  imposed  by  the  enlarging  contest, 
resigned  his  position  as  commander  of  the  army,  in  the  fol 
lowing  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War  : 

HEAD-QUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY,  ) 
WASHINGTON,  October  31,  18G1. ) 
The  Hon.  S.  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War : 

SIR  :  For  more  than  three  years  I  have  been  unable,  from  a  hurt,  to 
mount  a  horse,  or  to  walk  more  than  a  few  paces  at  a  time,  and  that 
with  much  pain.  Other  and  new  infirmities — dropsy  and  vertigo — 
admonish  me  that  repose  of  mind  and  body,  with  the  appliances  of 
surgery  and  medicine,  are  necessary  to  add  a  little  more  to  a  life 
already  protracted  much  beyond  the  usual  span  of  man. 

It  is  under  such  circumstances — made  doubly  painful  by  the  unnatural 
and  unjust  rebellion  now  raging  in  the  Southern  States  of  our  (so  late) 
prosperous  and  happy  Union — that  I  am  compelled  to  request  that  my 
name  be  placed  on  the  list  of  army  officers  retired  from  active  service. 

As  this  request  is  founded  on  an  absolute  right,  granted  by  a  recent 
act  of  Congress,  I  am  entirely  at  liberty  to  say  it  is  with  deep  regret 
that  I  withdraw  myself,  in  these  momentous  times,  from  the  orders  of  a 
President  who  has  treated  me  with  distinguished  kindness  and  courtesy; 
whom  I  know,  upon  much  personal  intercourse,  to  be  patriotic,  without 
sectional  partialities  or  prejudices ;  to  be  highly  conscientious  in  the 
performance  of  every  duty,  and  of  unrivalled  activity  and  perseverance. 

And  to  you,  Mr.  Secretary,  whom  I  now  officially  address  for  the  last 
time,  I  beg  to  acknowledge  my  many  obligations,  for  the  uniform  high 
consideration  I  have  received  at  your  hands ;  and  have  the  honor  to 
remain,  sir,  with  high  respect,  your  obedient  servant. 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

President  LINCOLN  waited  upon  General  Scott  at  his  resi 
dence,  accompanied  by  his  Cabinet,  and  made  personal  ex 
pression  to  him  of  the  deep  regret  which  he,  in  common  with 
the  whole  country,  felt  in  parting  with  a  public  servant  so 
venerable  in  years  and  so  illustrious  for  the  services  he  had 
rendered.  He  also  issued  the  following  order : 

On  the  first  day  of  November,  1861,  upon  his  own  application  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  Brevet  Lieutenant-General  Win- 


TREATMENT    OF   THE    SLAVERY    QUESTION.  157 

field  Scott  is  ordered  to  be  placed,  and  hereby  is  placed,  upon  the  list 
of  retired  officers  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  without  reduction 
of  his  current  pay,  subsistence,  or  allowances. 

The  American  people  will  hear  with  sadness  and  deep  emotion  that 
General  Scott  has  withdrawn  from  the  active  control  of  the  army,  while 
the  President  and  unanimous  Cabinet  express  their  own  and  the  na 
tion's  sympathy  in  his  personal  affliction,  and  their  profound  sense  of 
the  important  public  services  rendered  by  him  to  his  country  during 
his  long  and  brilliant  career,  among  which  will  ever  be  gratefully  dis 
tinguished  his  faithful  devotion  to  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  and  the 
Flag,  when  assailed  by  parricidal  rebellion. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  command  of  the  army  then  devolved  by  appointment 
upon  Major-General  McClellan,  who  had  been  recalled  from 
Western  Virginia  after  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  and  had  de 
voted  himself  to  the  task  of  recruiting  the  army  in  front  of 
Washington,  and  preparing  it  for  the  defence  of  the  capital, 
and  for  a  fresh  advance  upon  the  forces  of  the  rebellion. 

It  cannot  have  escaped  attention  that  thus  far,  in  its  policy 
concerning  the  war,  the  government  had  been  very  greatly  in 
fluenced  by  a  desire  to  prevent  the  Border  Slave  States  from 
joining  the  rebel  confederacy.  Their  accession  would  have 
added  immensely  to  the  forces  of  the  rebellion,  and  would 
have  increased  very  greatly  the  labor  and  difficulty  of  its  sup 
pression.  The  administration  and  Congress  had,  therefore, 
avoided,  so  far  as  possible,  any  measures  in  regard  to  slavery 
which  conld  needlessly  excite  the  hostile  prejudices  of  the 
people  of  the  Border  States.  The  Confiscation  Act  affected 
only  those  slaves  who  should  be  "  required  or  permitted"  by 
their  masters  to  render  service  to  the  rebel  cause.  It  did  not 
in  any  respect  change  the  condition  of  any  others.  The  Pres 
ident,  in  the  executive  department,  acted  upon  the  same  prin 
ciple.  The  question  first  arose  in  Virginia,  simultaneously  at 
Fortress  Monroe  and  in  the  western  part  of  the  state.  On  the 
2Gth  of  May,  General  McClellan  issued  an  address  to  the  peo- 


158 

pie  of  the  district  under  his  command,  in  which  he  said  to 
them,  "  Understand  one  thing  clearly  :  not  only  will  we  ab 
stain  from  all  interference  with  your  slaves,  but  we  will,  on 
the  contrary,  with  an  iron  hand  crush  any  attempt  at  insurrec 
tion  on  their  part."  On  the  27th  of  May,  General  Butler,  in 
command  at  Fortress  Monroe,  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War 
that  he  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  the  number  of  slaves  that 
were  coming  in  from  the  surrounding  country  and  seeking 
protection  within  the  lines  of  his  camp.  lie  had  determined 
to  regard  them  as  contraband  of  war,  and  to  employ  their 
labor  at  a  fair  compensation,  against  which  should  be  charged 
the  expense  of  their  support — the  relative  value  to  be  adjusted 
afterwards.  The  Secretary  of  War,  in  a  letter  dated  May 
30th,  expressed  the  approval  by  the  Government  of  the  course 
adopted  by  General  Butler,  and  directed  him,  on  the  one 
hand,  to  "  permit  no  interference  by  the  persons  under  his 
command  with  the  relations  of  persons  held  to  service  under 
the  laws  of  any  state,"  and  on  the  other,  to  "  refrain  from  sur 
rendering  to  alleged  masters  any  such  persons  who  might 
come  within  his  lines." 

On  the  8th  of  August,  after  the  passage  of  the  Confiscation 
Act  by  Congress,  the  Secretary  of  War  again  wrote  to  General 
Butler,  setting  forth  somewhat  more  fully  the  views  of  the 
President  and  the  administration  upon  this  subject,  as  follows  : 

It  is  the  desire  of  the  President  that  all  existing  rights  in  all  the  States 
be  fully  respected  and  maintained.  The  war  now  prosecuted  on  the  part 
of  the  Federal  Government  is  a  war  for  the  Union  and  for  the  preserva 
tion  of  all  constitutional  rights  of  States  and  the  citizens  of  the  States 
in  the  Union.  Hence  no  question  can  arise  as  to  fugitives  from  service 
within  the  States  and  territories  in  which  the  authority  of  the  Union  is 
fully  acknowledged.  The  ordinary  forms  of  judicial  proceeding,  which 
muit  be  respected  by  military  and  civil  authorities  alike,  will  suffice  for 
the  enforcement  of  all  legal  claims.  But  in  States  wholly  or  partially 
under  insurrectionary  control,  where  the  laws  of  the  United  States  are 
so  for  opposed  and  resisted  that  they  cannot  be  effectually  enforced,  it 


THE   SLAVE    QUESTION.  159 

is  obvious  that  rights  dependent  on  the  execution  of  those  laws  must 
temporarily  fail ;  and  it  is  equally  obvious  that  rights  dependent  on  the 
laws  of  the  States  within  which  military  operations  are  conducted  must 
be  necessarily  subordinated  to  the  military  exigencies  created  by  the 
insurrection,  if  not  wholly  forfeited  by  the  treasonable  conduct  of  par 
ties  claiming  them.  To  this  general  rule  rights  to  services  can  form  no 
exception. 

The  act  of  Congress  approved  August  6th,  1861,  declares  that  if  per 
sons  held  to  service  shall  be  employed  in  hostility  to  the  United  States, 
the  right  to  their  services  shall  be  forfeited,  and  such  persons  shall  be 
discharged  therefrom.  It  follows  of  necessity  that  no  claim  can  be  re 
cognized  by  the  military  authorities  of  the  Union  to  the  services  of  such 
persons  when  fugitives. 

A  more  difficult  question  is  presented  in  respect  to  persons  escaping 
from  the  service  of  loyal  masters.  It  is  quite  apparent  that  the  laws  of 
the  State,  under  which  only  the  services  of  such  fugitives  can  be 
claimed,  must  needs  be  wholly,  or  almost  wholly  suspended,  as  to 
remedies,  by  the  insurrection  and  the  military  measures  necessitated  by 
it,  and  it  is  equally  apparent  that  the  substitution  of  military  for 
judicial  measures,  for  the  enforcement  of  such  claims,  must  be  attended 
by  great  inconveniences,  embarrassments,  and  injuries. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  seems  quite  clear  that  the  substantial 
rights  of  loyal  masters  will  be  best  protected  by  receiving  such  fugitives, 
as  well  as  fugitives  from  disloyal  masters,  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  and  employing  them  under  such  organizations  and  in  such  occu 
pations  as  circumstances  may  suggest  or  require.  Of  course  a  record 
should  be  kept,  showing  the  name  and  description  of  the  fugitives,  the 
name  and  the  character,  as  loyal  or  disloyal,  of  the  master,  and  such 
facts  as  may  be  necessary  to  a  correct  understanding  of  the  circum 
stances  of  each  case  after  tranquillity  shall  have  been  restored.  Upon 
the  return  of  peace,  Congress  will  doubtless  properly  provide  for  all  the 
persons  thus  received  into  the  service  of  the  Union,  and  for  just  com 
pensation  to  loyal  masters.  In  this  way  only,  it  would  seem,  can  the 
duty  and  safety  of  the  Government,  and  the  just  rights  of  all,  be  fully 
reconciled  and  harmonized. 

You  will  therefore  consider  yourself  as  instructed  to  govern  your 
future  action,  in  respect  to  fugitives  from  service,  by  the  principles 
herein  stated,  and  will  report  from  time  to  time,  and  at  least  twice  in 
each  month,  your  action  in  the  premises  to  this  Department.  You  will, 
however,  neither  authorize  nor  permit  any  interference,  by  the  troops 


160 

under  your  command,  with  the  servants  of  peaceful  citizens,  in  house  or 
field,  nor  will  you,  in  any  way,  encourage  such  servants  to  leave  the 
lawful  service  of  their  masters ;  nor  will  you,  except  in  cases  where  the 
public  safety  may  seem  to  require  it,  prevent  the  voluntary  return  of  any 
fugitive  to  the  service  from  which  he  may  have  escaped. 

The  same  policy  was  adopted  in  every  part  of  the  country, 
All  interference  with  the  internal  institutions  of  an}7  state  was 
expressly  forbidden  ;  but  the  Government  would  avail  itself  of 
the  services  of  a  portion  of  the  slaves,  taking  care  fully  to  pro 
vide  for  compensation  to  loyal  masters.  On  the  16th  of  Au 
gust,  Hon.  C.  B.  Smith,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  in  a  speech 
made  at  Providence,  R.  I.,  took  occasion  to  declare  the  policy 
of  the  administration  upon  this  subject.  Its  theory,  said  he, 
is  that  "  the  states  are  sovereign  within  their  spheres ;  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  has  no  more  right  to  inter 
fere  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  South  Carolina  than  it 
has  to  interfere  with  the  peculiar  institution  of  Rhode  Island 
whose  benefits  I  have  enjoyed." 

On  the  31st  of  August,  General  Fremont,  commanding  the 
western  department,  which  embraced  Missouri  and  a  part  of 
Kentucky,  issued  an  order  "  extending  and  declaring  estab 
lished  martial  law  throughout  the  state  of  Missouri,"  and 
declaring  that  "  the  property,  real  and  personal,  of  all  persons 
in  the  State  of  Missouri,  who  shall  take  up  arms  against  the 
United  States,  or  who  shall  be  directly  proven  to  have  taken 
an  active  part  with  their  enemies  in  the  field,  is  declared  to  be 
confiscated  to  the  public  use,  and  their  slaves,  if  any  they 
have,  are  hereby  declared  free  men"  The  President  regarded 
this  order  as  transcending  the  authority  vested  in  him  by  the 
Act  of  Congress,  and  wrote  to  General  Fremont,  calling  his 
attention  to  this  point,  and  requesting  him  to  modify  his 
proclamation  so  as  to  make  it  conform  to  the  law.  General 
Fremont,  desiring  to  throw  off  from  himself  the  responsibility 
of  changing  his  action,  desired  an  explicit  order — whereupon 
the  President  thus  addressed  him  : — 


GENERAL   FREMONT   AND   THE   PRESIDENT.  161 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  September  11,  1861. 
Major-General  JOHN  C.  FREMONT  : 

SIR  :  Yours  of  the  8th,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  2d  inst.,  was  just 
received  Assured  that  you  upon  the  ground  could  better  judge  of  the 
necessities  of  your  position  than  I  could  at  this  distance,  on  seeing  your 
proclamation  of  August  80,  I  perceived  no  general  objection  to  it ;  the 
particular  clause,  however,  in  relation  to  the  confiscation  of  property 
and  the  liberation  of  slaves  appeared  to  me  to  be  objectionable  in  its 
noil-conformity  to  the  act  of  Congress,  passed  the  6th  of  last  August, 
upon  the  same  subjects,  and  hence  I  wrote  you  expressing  my  wish  that 
that  clause  should  be  modified  accordingly.  Tour  answer  just  received 
expresses  the  preference  on  your  part  that  I  should  make  an  open  order 
for  the  modification,  which  I  very  cheerfully  do.  It  is  therefore 
ordered  that  the  said  clause  of  said  proclamation  be  so  modified,  held 
and  construed  as  to  conform  with,  and  not  to  transcend,  the  provisions 
on  the  same  subject  contained  in  the  act  of  Congress  entitled  "  An  act 
to  confiscate  property  used  for  insurrectionary  purposes,"  approved 
August  6,  1861,  and  the  said  act  be  published  at  length  with  thia 
order.  Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

These  views  of  the  Government  were  still  farther  enforced 
in  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  War  to  General  T.  W.  Sher 
man,  who  commanded  the  expedition  to  Port  Royal,  and  in 
orders  issued  by  General  Dix  in  Virginia  on  the  17th  of  Xo- 
veinber,  and  by  General  Halleck,  who  succeeded  General  Fre 
mont  in  the  western  department,  prohibiting  fugitive  slaves 
from  being  received  within  the  lines  of  the  army.  During  all 
this  time  strenuous  efforts  were  made  in  various  quarters  to 
induce  the  President  to  depart  from  this  policy,  and  not  only 
to  proclaim  a  general  emancipation  of  all  the  slaves,  but  to 
put  arms  in  their  hands  and  employ  them  in  the  field  against 
the  rebels.  But  they  were  ineffectual.  The  President  ad 
hered  firmly  and  steadily  to  the  policy  which  the  then  exist 
ing  circumstances  of  the  country,  in  his  judgment,  rendered 
wise  and  necessary ;  and  he  was  sustained  in  this  action  by 
the  public  sentiment  of  the  loyal  States,  and  by  the  great  body 


162  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

of  the  people  in  the  slave  States  along  the  border.  The 
course  which  he  pursued  at  that  time  contributed  largely, 
beyond  doubt,  to  strengthen  the  cause  of  the  Union  in  those 
Border  States,  and  especially  to  withdraw  Tennessee  from  her 
hastily  formed  connection  with  the  rebel  confederacy. 

In  the  early  part  of  November  an  incident  occurred  which 
threatened  for  a  time  to  involve  the  country  in  open  war  with 
England.  On  the  7th  of  that  month  the  British  mail  steamer 
Trent  left  Havana,  for  St.  Thomas,  having  on  board  Messrs. 
J.  M.  Mason,  and  John  Slidell,  on  their  way  as  commissioners 
from  the  Confederate  States  to  England  and  France.  On  the 
8th  the  Trent  was  hailed  from  the  U.  S.  frigate  San  Jacinto, 
Captain  Wilkes,  and  brought  to  by  a  shot  across  her  bows. 
Two  officers  and  about  twenty  armed  men  from  the  latter  then 
went  on  board  the  Trent,  searched  her,  and  toot  from  her  by 
force  and  against  the  protest  of  the  British  officers,  the  two 
rebel  commissioners,  with  Messrs.  Eustis  and  McFarland,  their 
secretaries,  who  were  brought  to  the  United  States  and  lodged 
in  Fort  Warren,  the  Trent  being  released  and  proceeding  on 
her  way.  The  most  intense  excitement  pervaded  the  country 
when  news  of  this  affair  was  received.  The  feeling  was  one 
of  admiration  at  the  boldness  of  Captain  Wilkes,  and  of  exult 
ation  at  the  capture  of  the  rebel  emissaries.  In  England  the 
most  intense  and  passionate  resentment  took  possession  of  the 
public  mind.  The  demand  for  instant  redress  was  universal, 
and,  in  obedience  to  it,  the  Government  at  once  ordered  troops 
to  Canada  and  the  outfit  of  vessels  of  war. 

Our  Government  met  the  matter  with  prompt  and  self-pos 
sessed  decision.  On  the  30th  of  November  Mr.  Seward 
wrote  to  Mr.  Adams  a  general  statement  of  the  facts  of  the 
case,  accompanied  by  the  assurance  that  "in  the  capture  of 
Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell  Captain  Wilkes  had  acted  without 
any  instructions  from  the  Government,"  and  that  our  Gov 
ernment  was  prepared  to  discuss  the  matter  in  a  perfectly  fair 


THE   TKEOT   AFFAIR.  163 

and  friendly  spirit  as  soon  as  the  ground  taken  by  the  British 
Government  should  be  made  known.  Earl  Russell,  under 
the  same  date,  wrote  to  Lord  Lyons,  rehearsing  the  facts  of 
the  case,  and  saying  that  the  British  Government  was  "  willing 
to  believe  that  the  naval  officer  who  committed  the  aggression 
was  not  acting  in  compliance  with  any  authority  from  his 
Government,"  because  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
"  must  be  fully  aware  that  the  British  Government  could  not 
allow  such  an  affront  to  the  national  honor  to  pass  without  full 
reparation."  Earl  Russell  trusted,  therefore,  that  when  the 
matter  should  be  brought  under  its  notice  the  United  States 
Government  would,  "  of  its  own  accord,  offer  to  the  British 
Government  such  redress  as  alone  could  satisfy  the  British 
nation,  namely,  the  liberation  of  the  four  gentlemen  and  their 
delivery  to  the  British  minister,  that  they  may  again  be  placed 
under  British  protection,  and  a  suitable  apology  for  the 
aggression  which  has  been  committed."  In  a  subsequent  note 
Lord  Lyons  was  instructed  to  wait  seven  days  after  its  delivery 
for  a  reply  to  this  demand,  and  in  case  no  answer,  or  any  other 
answer  than  a  compliance  with  its  terms,  should  be  given  by 
the  expiration  of  that  time,  he  was  to  leave  Washington  with 
the  archives  of  the  legation,  and  repair  immediately  to 
Lonclon. 

On  the  26th  of  December  the  Secretary  of  State,  by  direc 
tion  of  the  President,  sent  a  reply  to  this  dispatch,  in  which 
the  whole  question  was  discussed  at  length,  and  with  conspic 
uous  ability.  The  Government  decided  that  the  detention  of 
the  vessel  and  the  removal  from  her  of  the  emissaries  of  the 
rebel  confederacy,  was  justifiable  by  the  laws  of  war  and  the 
practice  and  precedents  of  the  British  Government;  but  that 
in  assuming  to  decide  upon  the  liability  of  these  persons  to 
capture  for  hirns^p  instead  of  sending  them  before  a  legal 
tribunal  where  a  regular  trial  could  be  had,  Captain  Wilkes 
had  departed  from  the  rule  of  international  law  uniformly 


164          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

asserted  by  the  American  Government,  and  forming  part  of  its 
most  cherished  policy.  The  Government  decided,  therefore, 
that  the  four  persons  in  question  would  be  "  cheerfully  liber 
ated."  This  decision,  sustained  by  the  reasoning  advanced 
in  its  support,  commanded  the  immediate  and  universal  ac 
quiescence  of  the  American  people ;  while  in  England  it  was 
received  with  hearty  applause  by  the  friends  of  this  country, 
especially  as  it  silenced  the  clamors  and  disappointed  the 
hostile  hopes  of  its  enemies.  The  French  Government  had 
joined  that  of  England  in  its  representations  upon  this  subject, 
and  the  decision  of  our  Government  was  received  there  with 
equal  satisfaction.  The  effect  of  the  incident,  under  the  just 
and  judicious  course  adopted  by  the  Administration,  was 
eminently  favorable  to  the  United  States, — increasing  the 
general  respect  for  its  adherence  to  sound  principles  of  public 
law,  and  silencing  effectually  the  slander  that  its  Government 
was  too  weak  to  disappoint  or  thwart  a  popular  clamor.  One 
of  the  immediate  fruits  of  the  discussion  was  the  prompt  rejec 
tion  of  all  demands  for  recognizing  the  independence  of  the 
Confederate  States. 


MEETING    OF    OONGBESS PRESIDENT'S   MESSAGE.     165 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE    REGULAR    SESSION    OF    CONGRESS,    DEC.    1861. THE    MES 
SAGE. DEBATES,    ETC. 

CONGRESS  met  in  regular  session  (the  second  of  the  thirty- 
seventh  Congress)  on  the  2d  of  December,  1861.  On  the 
next  day  the  President  sent  in  his  Annual  Message,  as  follows : 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  OP  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OP  REPRESENTATIVES: 

In  the  midst  of  unprecedented  political  troubles,  we  have  cause  of 
great  gratitude  to  God  for  unusual  good  health,  and  most  abundant 
harvests. 

You  will  not  be  surprised  to  learn  that,  in  the  peculiar  exigencies  of 
the  times,  our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations  has  been  attended  with 
profound  solicitude,  chiefly  turning  upon  our  own  domestic  affairs. 

A  disloyal  portion  of  the  American  people  have,  during  the  whole 
year,  been  engaged  in  an  attempt  to  divide  and  destroy  the  Union.  A 
nation  which  endures  factious  domestic  division,  is  exposed  to  disrespect  • 
abroad ;  and  one  party,  if  not  both,  is  sure,  sooner  or  later,  to  invoke 
foreign  intervention. 

Nations  thus  tempted  to  interfere  are  not  always  able  to  resist  the 
counsels  of  seeming  expediency  and  ungenerous  ambition,  although 
measures  adopted  under  such  influences  seldom  fail  to  be  unfortunate 
and  injurious  to  those  adopting  them. 

The  disloyal  citizens  of  the  United  States  who  have  offered  the  ruin 
of  our  country,  in  return  for  the  aid  and  comfort  which  they  have  in 
voked  abroad,  have  received  less  patronage  and  encouragement  than 
they  probably  expected.  If  it  were  just  to  suppose,  as  the  insurgents 
have  seemed  to  assume,  that  foreign  nations,  in  this  case,  discarding  all 
moral,  social,  and  treaty  obligations,  would  act  solely  and  selfishly  for 
the  most  speedy  restoration  of  commerce,  including  especially  the  ac 
quisition  of  cotton,  th^^nations  appear,  as  yet,  not  to  have  seen  their 
way  to  their  object  more  directly,  or  clearly,  through  the  destruction, 
than  through  the  preservation,  of  the  Union.  If  we  could  dare  to  be 
lieve  that  foreign  nations  are  actuated  by  no  higher  principle  than  this, 


166  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

I  am  quite  sure  a  sound  argument  could  be  made  to  show  them  that 
they  can  reach  their  aim  more  readily  and  easily  by  aiding  to  crush  this 
rebellion,  than  by  giving  encouragement  to  it. 

The  principal  lever  relied  on  by  the  insurgents  for  exciting  foreign 
nations  to  hostility  against  us,  as  already  intimated,  is  the  embarrass 
ment  of  commerce.  Those  nations,  however,  not  improbably,  saw  from, 
the  first,  that  it  was  the  Union  which  made,  as  well  our  foreign  as  our 
domestic  commerce.  They  can  scarcely  have  failed  to  perceive  that  the 
effort  for  disunion  produced  the  existing  difficulty ;  and  that  one  strong 
nation  promises  more  durable  peace,  and  a  more  extensive,  valuable, 
and  reliable  commerce,  than  can  the  same  nation  broken  into  hostile 
fragments. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  review  our  discussions  with  foreign  States  ; 
because  whatever  might  be  their  wishes  or  dispositions,  the  integrity  of 
our  country  and  the  stability  of  our  Government  mainly  depend,  not 
upon  them,  but  on  the  loyalty,  virtue,  patriotism,  and  intelligence  of 
the  American  people.  The  correspondence  itself,  with  the  usual  reser 
vations,  is  herewith  submitted. 

I  venture  to  hope  it  will  appear  that  we  have  practised  prudence  and 
liberality  towards  foreign  powers,  averting  causes  of  irritation ;  and  with 
firmness  maintaining  our  own  rights  and  honor. 

Since,  however,  it  is  apparent  that  here,  as  in  every  other  State, 
foreign  dangers  necessarily  attend  domestic  difficulties,  I  recommend 
that  adequate  and  ample  measures  be  adopted  for  maintaining  the  pub 
lic  defences  on  every  side.  While,  under  this  general  recommendation, 
provision  for  defending  our  sea-coast  line  readily  occurs  to  the  mind,  I 
also,  in  the  same  connection,  ask  the  attention  of  Congress  to  our  great 
lakes  and  rivers.  It  is  believed  that  some  fortifications  and  depots  of  arms 
and  munitions,  with  harbor  and  navigation  improvements,  all  at  well- 
selected  points  upon  these,  would  be  of  great  importance  to  the  national 
defence  and  preservation.  I  ask  attention  to  the  views  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  expressed  in  his  report  upon  the  same  general  subject. 

I  deem  it  of  importance  that  the  loyal  regions  of  East  Tennessee  and 
Western  North  Carolina  should  be  connected  with  Kentucky  and  other 
faithful  parts  of  the  Union  by  railroad.  I,  therefore,  recommend,  as  a 
military  measure,  that  Congress  provide  for  the  construction  of  such 
road  as  speedily  as  possible.  ^» 

Kentucky  will  no  doubt  co-operate,  and,  tlm>ugh  her  Legislature, 
make  the  most  judicious  selection  of  a  line.  The  northern  terminus 
must  connect  with  some  existing  railroad,  and  whether  the  route  shall 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  167 

be  from  Lexington  or  Nicholasville  to  the  Cumberland  Gap.  or  from 
Lebanon  to  the  Tennessee  line,  in  the  direction  of  Knoxville,  or  on  some 
still  different  line,  can  easily  be  determined.  Kentucky  and  the  General 
Government  co-operating,  the  work  can  be  completed  in  a  very  short 
time,  and  when  done  it  will  be  not  only  of  vast  present  usefulness,  but 
also 'a  valuable  permanent  improvement  worth  its  cost  in  all  the  future. 
Some  treaties,  designed  chiefly  for  the  interests  of  commerce,  and 
having  no  grave  political  importance,  have  been  negotiated,  and  will  be 
submitted  to  the  Senate  for  their  consideration.  Although  we  have 
failed  to  induce  some  of  the  commercial  Powers  to  adopt  a  desirable 
melioration  of  the  rigor  of  maritime  war,  we  have  removed  all  obstruc 
tions  from  the  way  of  this  humane  reform,  except  such  as  are  merely  of 
temporary  and  accidental  occurrence. 

I  invite  your  attention  to  the  correspondence  between  her  Britaunic 
Majesty's  Minister,  accredited  to  this  Government,  and  the  Secretary  of 
State,  relative  to  the  detention  of  the  British  ship  Perthshire  in  June 
last  by  the  United  States  steamer  Massachusetts,  for  a  supposed  breach 
of  the  blockade.  As  this  detention  was  occasioned  by  an  obvious  mis 
apprehension  of  the  facts,  and  as  justice  requires  that  we  should  com 
mit  no  belligerent  act  not  founded  in  strict  right  as  sanctioned  by  public 
law,  I  recommend  that  an  appropriation  be  made  to  satisfy  the  reason 
able  demand  of  the  owners  of  the  vessel  for  her  detention. 

I  repeat  the  recommendation  of  my  predecessor  in  his  annual  message 
to  Congress  in  December  last  in  regard  to  the  disposition  of  the  surplus 
which  will  probably  remain  after  satisfying  the  claims  of  American 
citizens  against  China,  pursuant  to  the  awards  of  the  commissioners 
under  the  act  of  the  3d  of  March,  1859. 

If,  however,  it  should  not  be  deemed  advisable  to  carry  that  recom 
mendation  into  effect,  I  would  suggest  that  authority  be  given  for  in 
vesting  the  principal  over  the  proceeds  of  the  surplus  referred  to  in 
good  securities,  with  a  view  to  the  satisfaction  of  such  other  just  claim 
of  our  citizens  against  China  as  are  not  unlikely  to  arise  hereafter  in  the 
course  of  our  extensive  trade  with  that  Empire. 

By  the  act  of  the  5th  of  August  last,  Congress  authorized  the  Presi 
dent  to  instruct  the  commanders  of  suitable  vessels  to  defend  themselves 
against  and  to  capture  pirates.  This  authority  has  been  exercised  in  a 
single  instance  only. 

For  the  more  effectutl  protection  of  oar  extensive  and  valuable  com 
merce  in  the  Eastern  seas,  especially,  it'  seems  to  me  that  it  would  also 
be  advisable  to  authorize  the  commanders  of  sailing-vessels  to  recapture 


1G8  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

any  prizes  which  pirates  may  make  of  the  United  States  vessels  and 
their  cargoes,  and  the  Consular  Courts  established  by  law  in  Eastern 
countries  to  adjudicate  the  cases  in  the  event  that  this  should  not  be 
objected  to  by  the  local  authorities. 

If  any  good  reason  exists  why  we  should  persevere  longer  in  with 
holding  our  recognition  of  the  independence  and  sovereignty  of  Hayti 
and  Liberia,  I  am  unable  to  discern  it.  Unwilling,  however,  to  in 
augurate  a  novel  policy  in  regard  to  them  without  the  approbation  of 
Congress,  I  submit  for  your  consideration  the  expediency  of  an  appro 
priation  for  maintaining  a  Charge  d*  Affaires  near  each  of  those  new 
States.  It  does  not  admit  of  doubt  that  important  commercial  advantages 
might  be  secured  by  favorable  treaties  with  them. 

The  operations  of  the  Treasury  during  the  period  which  has  elapsed 
since  your  adjournment  have  been  conducted  with  signal  success.  The 
patriotism  of  the  people  has  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Government 
the  large  means  demanded  by  the  public  exigencies.  Much  of  the 
national  loan  has  been  taken  by  citizens  of  the  industrial  classes,  whose 
confidence  in  their  country's  faith,  and  zeal  for  their  country's  deliver 
ance  from  its  present  peril,  have  induced  them  to  contribute  to  the 
support  of  the  Government  the  whole  of  their  limited  acquisitions.  This 
fact  imposes  peculiar  obligations  to  economy  and  disbursement  and 
energy  in  action.  The  revenue  from  all  sources,  including  loans  for  the 
financial  year  ending  on  the  30th  of  June,  1861,  was  $86,835.900  27 ; 
and  the  expenditures  for  the  same  period,  including  payments  on  account 
of  the  public  debt,  were  $84,578,034  47,  leaving  a  balance  in  the 
treasury,  on  the  1st  of  July,  of  $2,257,065  80  for  the  first  quarter  of  the 
financial  year  ending  on  September  30,  1861.  The  receipts  from  all 
sources,  including  the  balance  of  July  1,  were  $102,532,509  27,  and  the 
expenses  $98,239,733  09,  leaving  a  balance,  on  the  1st  of  October, 
1861,  of  $4,292,776  18. 

Estimates  for  the  remaining  three-quarters  of  the  year  and  for  the 
financial  year  of  1863,  together  with  his  views  of  the  ways  and  means 
for  meeting  the  demands  contemplated  by  them,  will  be  submitted  to 
Congress  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  It  is  gratifying  to  know 
that  the  expenses  made  necessary  by  the  rebellion  are  not  beyond  the 
resources  of  the  loyal  people,  and  to  believe  that  the  same  patriotism 
which  has  thus  far  sustained  the  Government  will  continue  to  sustain  it 
till  peace  and  union  shall  again  bless  the  land.  %  respectfully  refer  to 
the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  V/ar  for  information  respecting  the 
numerical  strength  of  the  army,  and  for  recommendation^  having  in 


169 

view  an  increase  of  its  efficiency,  and  the  well-being  of  the  various 
branches  of  the  service  intrusted  to  his  care.  It  is  gratifying  to  know 
that  the  patriotism  of  the  people  has  proved  equal  to  the  occasion,  and 
that  the  number  of  troops  tendered  greatly  exceed  the  force  which 
Congress  authorized  me  to  call  into  the  field.  I  refer  with  pleasure  to 
these  portions  of  his  report  which  make  allusion  to  the  creditable  degree 
of  discipline  already  attained  by  our  troops,  and  to  the  excellent  sani 
tary  condition  of  the  entire  army.  The  recommendation  of  the  Secre 
tary  for  an  organization  of  the  militia  upon  a  uniform  basis  is  a  subject 
of  vital  importance  to  the  future  safety  of  the  country,  and  is  commended 
to  the  serious  attention  of  Congress.  The  large  addition  to  the  regular 
army,  in  connection  with  the  defection  that  has  so  considerably  dimin 
ished  the  number  of  its  officers,  gives  peculiar  importance  to  his  recom 
mendation  for  increasing  the  corps  of  cadets  to  the  greatest  capacity  of 
the  Military  Academy. 

By  mere  omission  I  presume  Congress  has  failed  to  provide  chaplains 
for  the  hospitals  occupied  by  the  volunteers.  This  subject  was  brought 
to  my  notice,  and  I  was  induced  to  draw  up  the  form  of  a  letter,  one 
copy  of  which,  properly  addressed,  has  been  delivered  to  each  of  the 
persons,  and  at  the  dates  respectively  named  and  stated  in  a  schedule, 
containing,  also,  the  form  of  the  letter  marked  A,  and  herewith  trans 
mitted.  These  gentlemen.  I  understand,  entered  upon  the  duties 
designated  at  the  times  respectively  stated  in  the  schedule,  and  have 
labored  faithfully  therein  ever  since.  I  therefore  recommend  that  they 
be  compensated  at  the  same  rate  as  chaplains  in  the  army.  I  further 
suggest  that  general  provision  be  made  for  chaplains  to  serve  at  hospi 
tals,  as  well  as  with  regiments. 

The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  presents,  in  detail,  the  oper 
ations  of  that  branch  of  the  service,  the  activity  and  energy  which  have 
characterized  its  administration,  and  the  results  of  measures  to  increase 
its  efficiency  and  power.  Such  have  been  the  additions,  by  construction 
and  purchase,  that  it  may  almost  be  said  a  navy  has  been  created  and 
brought  into  service  since  our  difficulties  commenced. 

Besides  blockading  our  extensive  coast,  squadrons  larger  than  ever 
before  assembled  under  our  flag  have  been  put  afloat,  and  performed 
deeds  which  have  increased  our  naval  renown. 

I  would  invite  special  attention  to  the  recommendation  of  the  Secretary 
for  a  more  perfect  organization  of  the  navy,  by  introducing  additional 
grades  in  the  service. 

The  present  organization  is  defective  and  unsatisfactory,  and  the  sug- 


170          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

gestions  submitted  by  the  department  will,  it  is  believed,  if  adopted,  ob 
viate  the  difficulties  alluded  to,  promote  harmony,  and  increase  the  effi 
ciency  of  the  navy. 

There  are  three  vacancies  on  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court — two 
by  the  decease  of  Justices  Daniel  and  McLean,  and  one  by  the  resigna 
tion  of  Justice  Campbell.  I  have  so  far  forborne  making  nominations  to 
fill  these  vacancies  for  reasons  which  I  will  now  state.  Two  of  the  out 
going  judges  resided  within  the  States  now  overrun  by  revolt;  so  that 
if  successors  were  appointed  in  the  same  localities,  they  could  not  now 
serve  upon  their  circuits ;  and  many  of  the  most  competent  men  there 
probably  would  not  take  the  personal  hazard  of  accepting  to  serve,  even 
here,  upon  the  supreme  bench.  I  have  been  unwilling  to  throw  all  the 
appointments  northward,  thus  disabling  myself  from  doing  justice  to  the 
South  on  the  return  of  peace;  although  I  may  remark  that  to  transfer 
to  the  North  one  which  has  heretofore  been  in  the  South,  would  not, 
with  reference  to  territory  and  population,  be  unjust. 

During  the  long  and  brilliant  judicial  career  of  Judge  McLean,  his  cir 
cuit  grew  into  an  empire — altogether  too  large  for  any  one  judge  to  give 
the  courts  therein  more  than  a  nominal  attendance — rising  in  population 
from  one  million  four  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  and  eighteen,  in 
1830,  to  six  million  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  thousand  four  hundred 
and  five,  in  1860. 

Besides  this,  the  country  generally  has  outgrown  our  present  judicial 
system.  If  uniformity  was  at  all  intended,  the  system  requires  that  all 
the  States  shall  be  accommodated  with  Circuit  Courts,  attended  by  su 
preme  judges,  while,  in  fact,  Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Flor 
ida,  Texas,  California,  and  Oregon,  have  never  had  any  such  courts. 
Nor  can  this  well  be  remedied  without  a  change  of  the  system;  because 
the  adding  of  judges  to  the  Supreme  Court,  enough  for  the  accommoda 
tion  of  all  parts  of  the  country  with  Circuit  Courts,  would  create  a  court 
altogether  too  numerous  for  a  judicial  body  of  any  sort.  And  the  evil, 
if  it  be  one,  will  increase  as  new  States  come  into  the  Union.  Circuit 
Courts  are  useful,  or  they  are  not  useful.  If  useful,  no  State  should  be 
denied  them ;  if  not  useful,  no  State  should  have  them.  Let  them  be 
provided  for  all,  or  abolished  as  to  all. 

Three  modifications  occur  to  me,  either  of  which,  I  think,  would  be 
an  improvement  upon  our  present  system.  Let  the  Supreme  Court  be 
of  convenient  number  in  every  event.  Then,  first,  let  the  whole  country 
be  divided  into  circuits  of  convenient  size,  the  supreme  judges  to  serve 
in  a  number  of  them  corresponding  to  their  own  number,  and  indepen- 


MESSAGE.  171 

dent  circuit  judges  be  provided  for  all  the  rest.  Or,  secondly,  let  the 
supreme  judges  be  relieved  from  circuit  duties,  and  circuit  judges  pro 
vided  for  all  the  circuits.  Or,  thirdly,  dispense  with  circuit  courts  alto 
gether,  leaving  the  judicial  functions  wholly  to  the  district  courts  and  an 
independent  Supreme  Court. 

I  respectfully  recommend  to  the  consideration  of  Congress  the  present 
condition  of  the  statute  laws,  with  the  hope  that  Congress  will  be  able 
to  find  an  easy  remedy  for  many  of  the  inconveniences  and  evils  which 
constantly  embarrass  those  engaged  in  the  practical  administration  of 
them.  Since  the  organization  of  the  Government,  Congress  has  enacted 
some  five  thousand  acts  and  joint  resolutions,  which  fill  more  than  six 
thousand  closely-printed  pages,  and  are  scattered  through  many  vol 
umes.  Many  of  these  acts  have  been  drawn  in  haste  and  without  suffi 
cient  caution,  so  that  their  provisions  are  often  obscure  in  themselves, 
or  in  conflict  with  each  other,  or  at  least  so  doubtful  as  to  render  it  very 
difficult  for  even  the  best-informed  persons  to  ascertain  precisely  what 
the  statute  law  really  is. 

It  seems  to  me  very  important  that  the  statute  laws  should  be 
made  as  plain  and  intelligible  as  possible,  and  be  reduced  to  as  small  a 
compass  as  may  consist  writh  the  fulness  and  precision  of  the  will  of  the 
legislature  and  the  perspicuity  of  its  language.  This,  wrell  done,  would, 
I  think,  greatly  facilitate  the  labors  of  those  whose  duty  it  is  to  assist  in 
the  administration  of  the  laws,  and  would  be  a  lasting  benefit  to  the 
people,  by  placing  before  them,  in  a  more  accessible  and  intelligible 
form,  the  laws  which  so  deeply  concern  their  interests  and  their  duties. 

I  am  informed  by  some  whose  opinions  I  respect,  that  all  the  acts  of 
Congress  now  in  force,  and  of  a  permanent  and  general  nature,  might  be 
revised  and  re-written,  so  as  to  be  embraced  in  one  volume  (or,  at  most, 
two  volumes)  of  ordinary  and  convenient  size.  And  I  respectfully 
recommend  to  Congress  to  consider  of  the  subject,  and,  if  my  suggestion 
be  approved,  to  devise  such  plan  as  to  their  wisdom  shall  seem  most 
proper  for  the  attainment  of  the  end  proposed. 

One  of  the  unavoidable  consequences  of  the  present  insurrection  is  tho 
entire  suppression,  in  many  places,  of  all  the  ordinary  means  of  admin 
istering  civil  justice  by  the  officers,  and  hi  the  forms  of  existing  law. 
This  is  the  case,  in  whole  or  in  part,  in  all  the  insurgent  States;  and  as 
our  armies  advance  upon  and  take  possession  of  parts  of  those  States, 
the  practical  evil  becomes  more  apparent.  There  are  no  courts  nor  offi 
cers  to  whom  the  citizens  of  other  States  may  apply  for  the  enforcement 
of  their  lawful  claims  against  citizens  of  the  insurgent  States ;  and  there 


172  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

is  a  vast  amount  of  debt  constituting  such  claims.  Some  have  estimated 
it  as  high  as  two  hundred  million  dollars,  due,  in  large  part,  from  insur 
gents  in  open  rebellion  to  loyal  citizens  who  are,  even  now,  making  great 
sacrifices  in  the  discharge  of  their  patriotic  duty  to  support  the  Govern 
ment. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  have  been  urgently  solicited  to  establish, 
by  military  power,  courts  to  administer  summary  justice  in  such  cases. 
I  have  thus  far  declined  to  do  it,  not  because  I  had  any  doubt  that  the 
end  proposed — the  collection  of  the  debts — was  just  and  right  in  itself, 
but  because  I  have  been  unwilling  to  go  beyond  the  pressure  of  neces 
sity  in  the  unusual  exercise  of  power.  But  the  powers  of  Congress,  I 
suppose,  are  equal  to  the  anomalous  occasion,  and  therefore  I  refer  the 
whole  matter  to  Congress,  with  the  hope  that  a  plan  may  be  devised  for 
the  administration  of  justice  in  all  such  parts  of  the  insurgent  States  and 
Territories  as  may  be  under  the  control  of  this  Government,  whether  by 
a  voluntary  return  to  allegiance  and  order,  or  by  the  power  of  our  arms; 
this,  however,  not  to  be  a  permanent  institution,  but  a  temporary  sub 
stitute,  and  to  cease  as  soon  as  the  ordinary  courts  can  be  re-established 
in  peace. 

It  is  important  that  some  more  convenient  means  should  be  provided, 
if  possible,  for  the  adjustment  of  claims  against  the  Government,  espe 
cially  in  view  of  their  increased  number  by  reason  of  the  war.  It  is  as 
much  the  duty  of  Government  to  render  prompt  justice  against  itself,  in 
favor  of  citizens,  as  it  is  to  administer  the  same  between  private  indi 
viduals.  The  investigation  and  adjudication  of  claims,  in  their  nature 
belong  to  the  judicial  department ;  besides,  it  is  apparent  that  the  atten 
tion  of  Congress  will  be  more  than  usually  engaged,  for  some  time  to 
come,  with  great  national  questions.  It  was  intended,  by  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  Court  of  Claims,  mainly  to  remove  this  branch  of  business 
from  the  halls  of  Congress;  but  while  the  court  has  proved  to  be  an  ef 
fective  and  valuable  means  of  investigation,  it  in  great  degree  fails  to 
effect  the  object  of  its  creation,  for  want  of  power  to  make  its  judgments 
final. 

Fully  aware  of  the  delicacy,  not  to  say  the  danger,  of  the  subject,  I 
commend  to  your  careful  consideration  whether  this  power  of  making 
judgments  final  may  not  properly  be  given  to  the  court,  reserving  the 
right  of  appeal  on  questions  of  law  to  the  Supreme  Court,  with  such 
other  provisions  as  experience  may  have  shown  to  be  necessary. 

I  ask  attention  to  the  report  of  the  Postmaster-General,  the  following 
being  a  summary  statement  of  the  condition  of  the  department : 


The  revenue  from  all  sources  during  the  fiscal  year  ending  Jui/e  30, 
1?61,  including  the  annual  permanent  appropriation  of  seven  hundred 
thousand  dollars  for  the  transportation  of  "  free  mail  matter,"  was  nine 
million,  forty-nine  thousand,  two  hundred  and  ninety-six  dollars  and 
forty  cents,  being  about  two  per  cent,  less  than  the  revenue  for  1860. 

The  expenditures  were  thirteen  million,  six  hundred  and  six  thousand, 
seven  hundred  and  fifty-nine  dollars  and  eleven  cents,  showing  a  de 
crease  of  more  than  eight  per  cent,  as  compared  with  those  of  the  pre 
vious  year,  and  leaving  an  excess  of  expenditure  over  the  revenue  for 
the  last  fiscal  year  of  four  million,  five  hundred  and  fifty-seven  thousand, 
four  hundred  and  sixty-two  dollars  and  seventy-one  cents. 

The  gross  revenue  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1863,  is  estimated  at 
an  increase  of  four  per  cent,  on  that  of  1861,  making  eight  million,  six 
hundred  and  eighty-three  thousand  dollars,  to  which  should  be  added 
the  earnings  of  the  department  in  carrying  free  matter,  viz. :  seven  hun 
dred  thousand  dollars,  making  nine  millions  three  hundred  and  eighty- 
three  thousand  dollars. 

The  total  expenditures  for  1863  are  estimated  at  twelve  million,  five 
hundred  and  twenty-eight  thousand  dollars,  leaving  an  estimated  de 
ficiency  of  three  million,  one  hundred  and  forty-five  thousand  dollars  to 
be  supplied  from  the  Treasury,  in  addition  to  the  permanent  appropria 
tion. 

The  present  insurrection  shows,  I  think,  that  the  extension  of  this 
district  across  the  Potomac  River,  at  the  time  of  establishing  the  Capitol 
here,  was  eminently  wise,  and  consequently  that  the  relinquishment  of 
that  portion  of  it  which  lies  within  the  State  of  Virginia  was  unwise  and 
dangerous.  I  submit  for  your  consideration  the  expediency  of  regaining 
that  part  of  the  district,  and  the  restoration  of  the  original  boundaries 
thereof,  through  negotiations  with  the  State  of  Virginia. 

The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  with  the  accompanying 
documents,  exhibits  the  condition  of  the  several  branches  of  the  public 
business  pertaining  to  that  department.  The  depressing  influences  of 
the  insurrection  have  been  especially  felt  in  the  operations  of  the  Patent 
and  General  Land  Offices.  The  cash  receipts  from  the  sales  of  public 
lands  during  the  past  year  have  exceeded  the  expenses  of  our  land  sys 
tem  only  about  two  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  sales  have  been 
entirely  suspended  in  the  Southern  States,  while  the  interruptions  to  the 
business  of  the  country,  and  the  diversion  of  large  numbers  of  men  from 
labor  to  military  service,  have  obstructed  settlements  in  the  new  States 
and  territories  of  the  Northwest. 


174 

The  receipts  of  the  Patent  Office  have  declined  in  nine  months  about 
one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  rendering  a  large  reduction  of  the  force 
employed  necessary  to  make  it  self-sustaining. 

The  demands  upon  the  Pension  Office  will  be  largely  increased  by  the 
insurrection.  Numerous  applications  for  pensions,  based  upon  the  cas 
ualties  of  the  existing  war,  have  already  been  made.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  many  who  are  now  upon  the  pension  rolls,  and  in  receipt  of 
the  bounty  of  the  Government,  are  in  the  ranks  of  the  insurgent  army, 
or  giving  them  aid  and  comfort.  The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  has  directed 
a  suspension  of  the  payment  of  the  pensions  of  such  persons  upon  proof 
of  their  disloyalty.  I  recommend  that  Congress  authorize  that  officer 
to  cause  the  names  of  such  persons  to  be  stricken  from  the  pension 
rolls. 

The  relations  of  the  Government  with  the  Indian  tribes  have  been 
greatly  disturbed  by  the  insurrection,  especially  in  the  southern  super- 
intendency  and  in  that  of  New  Mexico.  The  Indian  country  south  of 
Kansas  is  in  the  possession  of  insurgents  from  Texas  and  Arkansas. 
The  agents  of  the  United  States  appointed  since  the  4th  of  March  for 
this  superintendency  have  been  unable  to  reach  their  posts,  while  the 
most  of  those  who  were  in  office  before  that  time  have  espoused  the 
insurrectionary  cause,  and  assume  to  exercise  the  powers  of  agents  by 
virtue  of  commissions  from  the  insurrectionists.  It  has  been  stated  in  the 
public  press  that  a  portion  of  those  Indians  have  been  organized  as  a 
military  force,  and  are  attached  to  the  army  of  the  insurgents.  Although 
the  Government  has  no  official  information  upon  this  subject,  letters 
have  been  written  to  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  by  several  promi 
nent  chiefs,  giving  assurance  of  their  loyalty  to  the  United  States,  and 
expressing  a  wish  for  the  presence  of  Federal  troops  to  protect  them.  Tt 
is  believed  that  upon  the  repossession  of  the -country  by  the  Federal 
forces,  the  Indians  will  readily  cease  all  hostile  demonstrations,  and  re 
sume  their  former  relations  to  the  Government. 

Agriculture,  confessedly  the  largest  interest  of  the  nation,  has  not  a 
department,  nor  a  bureau,  but  a  clerkship  only,  assigned  to  it  in  the 
Government.  While  it  is  fortunate  that  this  great  interest  is  so  inde 
pendent  in  its  nature  as  to  not  have  demanded  and  extorted  more  from 
the  Government,  I  respectfully  ask  Congress  to  consider  whether  some 
thing  more  cannot  be  given  voluntarily  with  general  advantage. 

Annual  reports  exhibiting  the  condition  of  our  agriculture,  commerce, 
and  manufactures,  would  present  a  fund  of  information  of  great  practical 
value  to  the  country.  While  I  make  no  suggestion  as  to  details,  I  ven- 


175 

ture  the  opinion  that  an  agricultural  and  statistical  bureau  might  profit 
ably  be  organized. 

The  execution  of  the  laws  for  the  suppression  of  the  African  slave-trade 
has  been  conlided  to  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  It  is*  a  subject  of 
gratulation  that  the  efforts  which  have  been  made  for  the  suppression  of 
this  inhuman  traffic  have  been  recently  attended  with  unusual  success. 
Five  vessels  being  fitted  out  for  the  slave-trade  have  been  seized  and  con 
demned.  Two  mates  of  vessels  engaged  in  the  trade,  and  one  person  in 
equipping  a  vessel  as  a  slaver,  have  been  convicted  and  subjected  to  the 
penalty  of  fine  and  imprisonment,  and  one  captain,  taken  with  a  cargo 
of  Africans  on  board  his  vessel,  has  been  convicted  of  the  highest  grade 
of  offence  under  our  laws,  the  punishment  of  which  is  death. 

The  Territories  of  Colorado,  Dakotah,  and  Nevada,  created  by  the  last 
Congress,  have  been  organized,  and  civil  administration  has  been  inau 
gurated  therein  under  auspices  especially  gratifying,  when  it  is  consid 
ered  that  the  leaven  of  treason  was  found  existing  in  some  of  these  new 
countries  when  the  Federal  officers  arrived  there. 

The  abundant  natural  resources  of  these  Territories,  with  the  security 
and  protection  afforded  by  organized  government,  will  doubtless  invite 
to  them  a  large  immigation  when  peace  shall  restore  the  business  of  the 
country  to  its  accustomed  channels.  I  submit  the  resolutions  of  the 
Legislature  of  Colorado,  which  evidence  the  patriotic  spirit  of  the  people 
of  the  Territory.  So  far  the  authority  of  the  United  States  has  been  up 
held  in  all  the  Territories,  as  it  is  hoped  it  will  be  in  the  future.  I  com 
mend  their  interests  and  defence  to  the  enlightened  and  generous  care 
of  Congress. 

I  recommend  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  Congress  the  interests 
of  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  insurrection  has  been  the  cause  of 
much  suffering  and  sacrifice  to  its  inhabitants,  and  as  they  have  no  rep 
resentative  in  Congress,  that  body  should  not  overlook  their  just  claims 
upon  the  Government. 

At  your  late  session  a  joint  resolution  was  adopted  authorizing  the 
President  to  take  measures  for  facilitating  a  proper  representation  of  the 
industrial  interests  of  the  United  States  at  the  exhibition  of  the  indus 
try  of  all  nations  to  be  holden  at  London  in  the  year  1862.  I  regret  to 
say  I  have  been  unable  to  give  personal  attention  to  this  subject — a 
subject  at  once  so  interesting  in  itself,  and  so  extensively  and  intimately 
connected  with  the  material  prosperity  of  the  world.  Through  the  Sec 
retaries  of  State  and  of  the  Interior  a  plan  or  system  has  been  devised 
and  partly  matured,  and  which  will  be  laid  before  you. 


176  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTEATION". 

Under  and  by  virtue  of  the  act  of  Congress  entitled  "An  act  to  con 
fiscate  property  used  for  insurrectionary  purposes,"  approved  August 
6,  1861,  the  legal  claims  of  certain  persons  to  the  labor  and  service  of 
certain  other  persons  have  become  forfeited ;  and  numbers  of  the  latter, 
thus  liberated,  are  already  dependent  on  the  United  States,  and  must  bo 
provided  for  in  some  way.  Besides  this,  it  is  not  impossible  that  some 
of  the  States  will  pass  similar  enactments  for  their  own  benefit  respec 
tively,  and  by  operation  of  which  persons  of  the  same  class  will  be 
thrown  upon  them  for  disposal  In  such  case  I  recommend  that  Con 
gress  provide  for  accepting  such  persons  from  such  States,  according  to 
some  mode  of  valuation,  in  lieu,  pro  tanto,  of  direct  taxes,  or  upon  somo 
other  plan  to  be  agreed  on  with  such  States  respectively ;  that  such 
persons,  on  such  acceptance  by  the  General  Government,  be  at  once 
deemed  free  ;  and  that,  in  any  event,  steps  be  taken  for  colonizing  both 
classes  (or  the  one  first  mentioned,  if  the  other  shall  not  be  brought 
into  existence)  at  some  place  or  places  in  a  climate  congenial  to  them.  It 
might  be  well  to  consider,  too,  whether  the  free  colored  people  already 
In  the  United  States  could  not,  so  far  as  individuals  may  desire,  be  in 
cluded  in  such  colonization. 

To  carry  out  the  plan  of  colonization  may  involve  the  acquiring  of 
territory,  and  also  the  appropriation  of  money  beyond  that  to  be  ex 
pended  in  the  territorial  acquisition.  Having  practised  the  acquisition 
of  territory  for  nearly  sixty  years,  the  question  of  constitutional  power 
to  do  so  is  no  longer  an  open  one  with  us.  The  power  was  questioned 
at  first  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  who,  however,  in  the  purchase  of  Louisiana, 
yielded  his  scruples  on  the  plea  of  great  expediency.  If  it  be  said  that 
the  only  legitimate  object  of  acquiring  territory  is  to  furnish  homes  for 
white  men,  this  measure  effects  that  object;  for  the  emigration  of  colored 
men  leaves  additional  room  for  white  men  remaining  or  coming  here. 
Mr.  Jefferson,  however,  placed  the  importance  of  procuring  Louisiana 
more  on  political  and  commercial  grounds  than  on  providing  room  for 
population. 

On  this  whole  proposition,  including  the  appropriation  of  money  with 
the  acquisition  of  territory,  does  not  the  expediency  amount  to  absolute 
necessity — that,  without  which  the  Government  itself  cannot  be  perpet 
uated? 

The  war  continues.  In  considering  the  policy  to  be  adopted  for  sup 
pressing  the  insurrection,  I  have  been  anxious  and  careful  that  the  in 
evitable  conflict  for  this  purpose  shall  not  degenerate  into  a  violent  ana 
remorseless  revolutionary  struggle. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  177 

In  the  exercise  of  my  best  discretion  I  have  adhered  to  the  blockade 
of  the  ports  held  by  the  insurgents,  instead  of  putting  in  force  by  proc 
lamation  the  law  of  Congress  enacted  at  the  late  session  for  closing 
those  ports. 

So,  also,  obeying  the  dictates  of  prudence,  as  well  as  the  obligations 
of  law,  instead  of  transcending  I  have  adhered  to  the  act  of  Congress  to 
confiscate  property  used  for  insurrectionary  purposes.  If  a  new  law 
upon  the  same  subject  shall  be  proposed,  its  propriety  will  be  duly  con 
sidered.  The  Union  must  be  preserved ;  and  hence  all  indispensable 
means  must  be  employed.  "We  should  not  be  in  haste  to  determine  that 
radical  and  extreme  measures,  which  may  reach  the  loyal  as  well  as  the 
disloyal, 'are  indispensable. 

The  inaugural  address  at  the  beginning  of  the  Administration,  and 
the  message  to  Congress  at  the  late  special  session,  were  both  mainly 
devoted  to  the  domestic  controversy  out  of  which  the  insurrection  and 
consequent  war  have  sprung.  Nothing  now  occurs  to  add  or  subtract 
to  or  from  the  principles  or  general  purposes  stated  and  expressed  in 
those  documents. 

The  last  ray  of  hope  for  preserving  the  Union  peaceably  expired  at 
the  assault  upon  Fort  Sumter ;  and  a  general  review  of  what  has  oc 
curred  since  may  not  be  unprofitable.  What  was  painfully  uncertain 
then  is  much  better  defined  and  more  distinct  now;  and  the  progress  of 
events  is  plainly  in  the  right  direction.  The  insurgents  confidently 
claimed  a  strong  support  from  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line ;  and  the 
fnends  of  the  Union  were  not  free  from  apprehension  on  the  point. 
This,  however,  was  soon  settled  definitely,  and  on  the  right  side.  South 
of  the  line,  noble  little  Delaware  led  off  right  from  the  first.  Maryland 
was  made  to  seem  against  the  Union.  Our  soldiers  were  assaulted, 
bridges  were  burned,  and  railroads  torn  up  within  her  limits ;  and  we 
were  many  days,  at  one  time,  without  the  ability  to  bring  a  single  regi 
ment  over  her  soil  to  the  capital.  Now  her  bridges  and  railroads  are 
repaired  and  open  to  the  Government ;  she  already  gives  seven  regiments 
to  the  cause  of  the  Union,  and  none  to  the  enemy ;  and  her  people,  at  a 
regular  election,  have  sustained  the  Union  by  a  larger  majority  and  a 
larger  aggregate  vote  than  they  ever  before  gave  to  any  candidate  or 
any  question.  Kentucky,  too,  for  some  time  in  doubt,  is  now  decidedly 
and.  I  think,  unchangeably  ranged  on  the  side  of  the  Union.  Missouri 
is  comparatively  quiet,  and,  I  believe,  cannot  again  be  overrun  by  the 
insurrectionists.  These  three  States  of  Maryland,  Kentucky,  and  Mis 
souri,  neither  of  which  would  promise  a  single  soldier  at  first,  have  now 


178          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

an  aggregate  of  not  less  than  forty  thousand  in  the  field  for  the  Union ; 
while  of  their  citizens,  certainly  not  more  than  a  third  of  that  number, 
and  they  of  doubtful  whereabouts  and  doubtful  existence,  are  in  arms 
against  it.  After  a  somewhat  bloody  struggle  of  months,  winter  closes 
on  the  Union  people  of  Western  Virginia,  leaving  them  masters  of  their 
own  country. 

An  insurgent  force  of  about  fifteen  hundred,  for  months  dominating 
the  narrow  peninsular  region  constituting  the  counties  of  Accomac  and 
Northampton,  and  known  as  Eastern  Shore  of  Virginia,  together  with 
some  contiguous  parts  of  Maryland,  have  laid  down  their  arms;  and  the 
people  there  have  renewed  their  allegiance  to,  and  accepted  the  protec 
tion  of,  the  old  flag.  This  leaves  no  armed  insurrectionist  north  of  the 
Potomac,  or  east  of  the  Chesapeake. 

Also  we  have  obtained  a  footing  at  each  of  the  isolated  points  on  the 
southern  coast  of  Hatteras,  Port  Royal,  Tybee  Island,  near  Savannah, 
and  Ship  Island ;  and  we  likewise  have  some  general  accounts  of  popu 
lar  movements  in  behalf  of  the  Union  in  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee. 

These  things  demonstrate  that  the  cause  of  the  Union  is  advancing 
steadily  and  certainly  southward. 

Since  your  last  adjournment  Lieutenant-General  Scott  lias  retired  from 
the  head  of  the  army.  During  his  long  life  the  nation  has  not  been  un 
mindful  of  his  merit ;  yet,  on  calling  to  mind  how  faithfully,  ably,  and 
brilliantly  he  has  served  the  country,  from  a  time  far  back  in  our  his 
tory,  when  few  of  the  now  living  had  been  born,  and  thenceforward 
continually,  I  cannot  but  think  we  are  still  his  debtors.  I  submit, 
therefore,  for  your  consideration  what  farther  mark  of  recognition  is 
due  to  him,  and  to  ourselves  as  a  grateful  people. 

With  the  retirement  of  General  Scott  came  the  executive  duty  of  ap 
pointing  in  his  stead  a  general-in-chief  of  the  army.  It  is  a  fortimate 
circumstance  that  neither  in  council  nor  country  was  there,  so  far  as  I 
know,  any  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  proper  person  to  be  selected. 
The  retiring  chief  repeatedly  expressed  his  judgment  in  favor  of  General 
McClellan  for  the  position ;  and  in  this  the  nation  seemed  to  give  a 
unanimous  concurrence.  The  designation  of  General  McClellan  is,  there 
fore,  in  considerable  degree,  the  selection  of  the  country  as  well  as  of 
the  Executive ;  and  hence  there  is  better  reason  to  hope  there  will  be 
given  him  the  confidence  and  cordial  support  thus,  by  fair  implica 
tion,  promised,  and  without  which  he  cannot,  with  so  full  efficiency, 
serve  the  country. 

It  has  been  said  that  one  bad  general  is  better  than  two  good  ones : 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  179 

and  the  saying  is  true,  if  taken  to  mean  no  more  than  that  an  army  is 
better  directed  by  a  single  mind,  though  inferior,  than  by  two  superior 
ones  at  variance  and  cross-purposes  with  each  other. 

And  the  same  is  true  in  all  joint  operations  wherein  those  engaged 
can  have  none  but  a  common  end  in  view,  and  can  differ  only  as  to  the 
choice  of  means.  In  a  storm  at  sea,  no  one  on  board  can  wish  the  ship 
to  sink ;  and  yet  not  unfrequently  all  go  down  together,  because  too 
many  will  direct,  and  no  single  mind  can  be  allowed  to  control. 

It  continues  to  develop  that  the  insurrection  is  largely,  if  not  exclu 
sively  a  war  upon  the  first  principle  of  popular  government — the  rights 
of  the  people.  Conclusive  evidence  of  this  is  found  in  the  most  grave 
and  maturely-considered  public  documents,  as  well  as  in  the  general 
tone  of  the  insurgents.  In  those  documents  we  find  the  abridgment  of 
the  existing  right  of  suffrage,  and  the  denial  to  the  people  of  all  right  to 
participate  in  the  selection  of  public  officers,  except  the  legislative, 
boldly  advocated,  with  labored  arguments  to  prove  that  large  control  of 
the  people  in  government  is  the  source  of  all  political  evil.  Monarchy 
itself  is  sometimes  hinted  at  as  a  possible  refuge  from  the  power  of  the 
people. 

In  my  present  position,  I  could  sc&rcely  be  justified  were  I  to  omit 
raising  a  warning  voice  against  this  approach  of  returning  despotism. 

It  is  not  needed,  nor  fitting  here,  that  a  general  argument  should  be 
made  in  favor  of  popular  institutions ;  but  there  is  one  point,  with  its 
connections,  not  so  hackneyed  as  most  others,  to  which  I  ask  a  brief  at 
tention.  It  is  the  effort  to  place  capital  on  an  equal  footing  with,  if  not 
above,  labor,  in  the  structure  of  government.  It  is  assumed  that  labor 
is  available  only  in  connection  with  capital ;  that  nobody  labors  unless 
somebody  else,  owning  capital,  somehow  by  the  use  of  it  induces  him 
to  labor.  This  assumed,  it  is  next  considered  whether  it  is  best  that 
capital  shall  hire  laborers,  and  thus  induce  them  to  work  by  their  own 
consent,  or  buy  them,  and  drive  them  to  it  without  their  consent. 
Having  proceeded  so  far,  it  is  naturally  concluded  that  all  laborers  are 
either  hired  laborers,  or  what  we  cah1  slaves.  And  further,  it  is  as 
sumed  that  whoever  is  once  a  hired  laborer  is  fixed  in  that  condition  for 
life. 

Now,  there  is  no  such  relation  between  capital  and  labor  as  assumed ; 
nor  is  there  any  such  thing  as  a  free  man  being  fixed  for  life  in  the  con 
dition  of  a  hired  laborer.  Both  these  assumptions  are  false,  and  all  in 
ferences  from  them  are  groundless. 

Labor  is  prior  to  and  independent  of  capital.     Capital  is  only  the  fruit 


180  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

of  labor,  and  could  never  have  existed  if  labor  had  not  first  existed. 
Labor  is  the  superior  of  capital,  and  deserves  much  the  higher  consider 
ation.  Capital  has  its  rights,  which  are  as  worthy  of  protection  as  any 
other  rights.  Nor  is  it  denied  that  there  is,  and  probably  always  will 
be,  a  relation  between  labor  and  capital,  producing  mutual  benefits. 
The  error  is  in  assuming  that  the  whole  labor  of  community  exists  with 
in  that  relation.  A  few  men  own  capital,  and  those  few  avoid  labor 
themselves,  and,  with  their  capital,  hire  or  buy  another  few  to  labor  for 
them.  A  large  majority  belong  to  neither  class — neither  work  for 
others,  nor  have  others  working  for  them.  In  most  of  the  Southern 
States,  a  majority  of  the  whole  people  of  all  colors  are  neither  slaves 
nor  masters ;  while  in  the  Northern,  a  large  majority  are  neither  hirers 
nor  hired.  Men,  with  their  families — wives,  sons,  and  daughters — 
work  for  themselves,  on  their  farms,  in  their  houses,  and  in  their  shops, 
taking  the  whole  product  to  themselves,  and  asking  no  favors  of  capital 
on  the  one  hand,  nor  of  hired  laborers  or  slaves  on  the  other.  It  is  not 
forgotten  that  a  considerable  number  of  persons  mingle  their  own  labor 
with  capital — that  is,  they  labor  with  their  own  hands,  and  also  buy  or 
hire  others  to  labor  for  them ;  but  this  is  only  a  mixed,  and  not  a 
distinct  class.  No  principle  stated  is  disturbed  by  the  existence  of  this 
mixed  class. 

Again :  as  has  already  been  said,  there  is  not  of  necessity  any  such 
thing  as  the  free  hired  laborer  being  fixed  to  that  condition  for  life. 
Many  independent  men  everywhere  in  these  States,  a  few  years  back 
in  their  lives,  \vere  hired  laborers.  The  prudent,  penniless  beginner  in 
the  world  labors  for  wages  awhile,  saves  a  surplus  with  which  to  buy 
tools  or  land  for  himself,  then  labors  on  his  owo  account  another  while, 
and  at  length  hires  another  new  beginner  to  help  him.  This  is  the  just, 
and  generous,  and  prosperous  system,  which  opens  the  way  to  all, 
gives  hope  to  all,  and  consequent  energy,  and  progress,  and  improve 
ment  of  condition  to  all.  No  men  living  are  more  worthy  to  be  trusted 
than  those  who  toil  up  from  poverty — none  less  inclined  to  take  or 
touch  aught  which  they  have  not  honestly  earned.  Let  them  beware  of 
surrendering  a  political  power  which  they  already  possess,  and  which,  if 
suiTendered,  will  surely  be  used  to  close  the  door  of  advancement 
against  such  as  they,  and  to  fix  new  disabilities  and  burdens  upon  them, 
till  all  of  liberty  shall  be  lost.  „> 

From  the  first  taking  of  our  national  census  to  the  last  are  seventy 
years ;  and  we  find  our  population,  at  the  end  of  the  period,  eight  timea 
as  great  as  it  was  at  the  beginning.  The  increase  of  those  other  tilings 


DISPOSITION    OF    CONGRESS.  181 

which  meu  deem  desirable  has  been  even  greater.  TVe  thus  have,  at 
one  vie\v,  what  the  popular  principle,  applied  to  Government  through 
the  machinery  of  the  States  and  the  Union,  has  produced  in  a  given 
tune  ;  and  also  what,  if  firmly  maintained,  it  promises  for  the  future. 
There  are  already  among  us  those  who,  if  the  Union  be  preserved,  will 
live  to  see  it  contain  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions.  The  struggle  of 
to-day  is  not  altogether  for  to-day  ;  it  is  for  a  vast  future  also.  With  a 
reliance  on  Providence,  all  the  more  firm  and  earnest,  let  us  proceed  in 
the  great  task  which  events  have  devolved  upon  us. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  actual  condition  of  the  country  and  the  progress  of  the 
war,  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  are  very  clearly  stated  in 
this  document ;  and  the  principles  upon  which  the  President 
had  based  his  conduct  of  public  affairs  are  set  forth  with  groat 
distinctness  and  precision.  On  the  subject  of  interfering  with 
slavery,  the  President  had  adhered  strictly  to  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  act  passed  by  Congress  at  its  extra  session ;  but 
he  very  distinctly  foresaw  that  it  might  become  necessary,  as 
a  means  of  quelling  the  rebellion  and  preserving  the  Union,  to 
resort  to  a  much  more  vigorous  policy  than  was  contemplated 
by  that  act.  While  he  threw  out  a  timely  caution  against 
undue  haste  in  the  adoption  of  extreme  measures,  he  promised 
full  arid  careful  consideration  of  any  new  law  which  Congress 
might  consider  it  wise  and  expedient  to  pass. 

It  very  soon  became  evident  that  Congress  was  disposed  to 
make  very  considerable  advances  upon  the  legislation  of  the 
extra  session.  The  resistance  of  the  rebels  had  been  more 
vigorous  and  effective  than  was  anticipated,  and  the  defeat  at 
Bull  Run  had  exasperated,  as  well  as  aroused,  the  public 
mind.  The  forbearance  of  the  Government  in  regard  to  slav 
ery  had  not  only  failed  to  soften  the  hostility  of  the  rebels,  but 
had  been  represented  to  Europe  by  the  rebel  authorities  as 
proving  a  determination  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to 
protect  and  perpetuate  slavery  by  restoring  the  authority  of 
the  Constitution  which  guaranteed  its  safety ;  and  the  acts  of 


182 

the  extra  session,  especially  the  Crittenden  resolution,  defining 
and  limiting  the  objects  of  the  war,  were  quoted  in  rebel  dis 
patches  to  England,  for  that  purpose.  It  was  known  also  that 
within  the  Hues  of  the  rebel  array,  slaves  were  freely  employed 
in  the  construction  of  fortifications,  and  that  they  contributed, 
in  this  and  other  ways,  very  largely  to  the  strength  of  the  in 
surrection.  The  whole  country,  under  the  influence  of  these 
facts,  began  to  regard  slavery  as  not  only  the  cause  of  the 
rebellion,  but  as  the  main  strength  of  its  armies  and  tho 
bond  of  union  for  the  rebel  forces ; — and  Congress,  represent 
ing  and  sharing  this  feeling,  entered  promptly  and  zealously 
upon  such  measures  as  it  would  naturally  suggest.  Resolu 
tions  at  the  very  outset  of  the  session  were  offered,  calling  on 
the  President  to  emancipate  slaves  whenever  and  wherever 
such  action  would  tend  to  weaken  the  rebellion  ;  and  the  gen 
eral  policy  of  the  Government  upon  this  subject  became  the 
theme  of  protracted  and  animated  debate.  The  orders  issued 
by  the  generals  of  the  army,  especially  McClellan,  Halleck,  and 
Dix,  by  which  fugitive  slaves  were  prohibited  from  coming 
within  the  army  lines,  were  severely  censured.  All  the  res 
olutions  upon  these  topics  were,  however,  referred  to  appro 
priate  committees,  generally  without  specific  instructions  as 
to  the  character  of  their  action  upon  them. 

Early  in  the  session  a  strong  disposition  was  evinced  in 
some  quarters  to  censure  the  Government  for  its  arbitrary 
arrests  of  persons  in  the  loyal  States,  suspected  of  aiding  the 
rebels,  its  suppression  of  disloyal  presses,  and  other  acts  which 
it  had  deemed  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  country :  and  a 
sharp  debate  took  place  in  the  Senate  upon  a  resolution  of 
inquiry  and  implied  censure  offered  by  Mr.  Trumbull,  of 
Illinois.  The  general  feeling,  however,  was  so  decidedly  in 
favor  of  sustaining  the  President,  that  the  resolution  was 
referred  to  the  Judiciary  Committee,  by  a  vote  of  25  to  17. 

On  the  19th  of  December,  in  the  Senate,  a  debate  on  the 


SLAVERY    IX    TERRITORIES    AND    DIST.  COLUMBIA.       183 

relation  of  slavery  to  the  rebellion  arose  upon  a  resolution 
offered  by  Mr.  Willey,  of  Virginia,  who  contested  the  opinion 
that  slavery  was  the  cause  of  the  war,  and  insisted  that  the 
rebellion  had  its  origin  in  the  hostility  of  the  Southern  politi 
cal  leaders  to  the  democratic  principle  of  government ;  he 
believed  that  when  the  great  body  of  the  Southern  people 
came  to  see  the  real  purpose  and  aim  of  the  rebellion,  they 
would  withdraw  their  support,  and  restore  the  Union.  No 
action  was  taken  on  the  resolution,  which  merely  gave  occa 
sion  for  debate.  A  resolution  was  adopted  in  the  House, 
forbidding  the  employment  of  the  army  to  return  fugitive 
slaves  to  their  owners ;  and  a  bill  was  passed  in  both  Houses, 
declaring  that  hereafter  there  shall  be  "  neither  slavery  nor 
involuntary  servitude  in  any  of  the  Territories  of  the  United 
States,  now  existing,  or  which  may  at  any  time  be  formed  or 
acquired  by  the  United  States,  otherwise  than  in  the  punish 
ment  of  Crimea  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con 
victed." 

In  the  Senate,  on  the  18th  of  March,  a  bill  was  taken  up  to 
abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia ;  and  an  amend 
ment  was  offered,  directing  that  those  thus  set  free  should  be 
colonized  out  of  the  United  States.  The  policy  of  coloni 
zation  was  fully  discussed  in  connection  with  the  general 
subject,  the  senators  from  the  Border  States  opposing  the  bill 
itself,  mainly  on  grounds  of  expediency,  as  calculated  to  do 
harm  under  the  existing  circumstances  of  the  country.  The 
bill  was  passed,  with  an  amendment  appropriating  money  to 
be  used  by  the  President  in  colonizing  such  of  the  emanci 
pated  slaves  as  might  wish  to  leave  the  country.  It  received 
in  the  Senate  29  votes  in  its  favor  and  14  against  it.  In  the 
House  it  passed  by  a  vote  of  92  to  38. 

President  Lincoln  sent  in  the  following  Message,  announcing 
his  approval  of  the  bill : 


184 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  OP  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES: 

The  act  entitled  "  An  act  for  the  release  of  certain  persons  held  to 
service  or  labor  in  this  District  of  Columbia,"  has  this  day  been  approved 
and  signed. 

I  have  never  doubted  the  constitutional  authority  of  Congress  to 
abolish  slavery  in  this  District ;  and  I  have  ever  desired  to  see  the 
national  capital  freed  from  the  institution  in  some  satisfactory  way. 
Hence  there  has  never  b-.-.  n  in  my  mind  any  question  upon  the  subject 
except  the  one  of  expediency,  arising  in  view  of  all  the  circumstances. 
If  there  be  matters  within  and  about  this  act  which  might  have  taken  a 
course  or  shape  more  satisfactory  to  my  judgment,  I  do  not  attempt  to 
specify  them.  I  am  gratified  that  the  two  principles  of  compensation 
and  colonization  are  both  recognized  and  practically  applied  in  the  act. 

In  the  matter  of  compensation,  it  is  provided  that  claims  may  be 
presented  within  ninety  days  from  the  passage  of  the  act,  "  but  not 
thereafter;"  and  there  is  no  saving  for  minors,  femmes  covert,  insane,  or 
absent  persons.  I  presume  this  is  an  omission  by  mere  oversight,  and 
I  recommend  that  it  be  supplied  by  an  amendatory  or  supplemental  act. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

April  16,  1862. 

On  the  6th  of  March  the  President  sent  to  Congress  the 
following  Message  on  the  subject  of  aiding  such  slaveholding 
States  as  might  take  measures  to  emancipate  their  slaves  : 

WASHINGTON.  March  6,  1862. 
FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES: 

I  recommend  the  adopiion  of  a  joint  resolution  by  your  honorable 
body,  which  shall  be,  substantially,  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  United  States,  in  order  to  co-operate  with  any 
State  which  may  adopt  gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  give  to  such  State 
pecuniary  aid,  to  be  used  by  such  State,  in  its  discretion,  to  compensate 
it  for  the  inconvenience,  public  and  private,  produced  by  such  change  of 
system. 

If  the  proposition  contained  in  the  resolution  does  not  meet  the 
approval  of  Congress  and  the  country,  there  is  an  end  of  it.  But  if  it 
does  command  such  approval,  I  deem  it  of  importance  that  the  States 
and  people  immediately  interested  should  be  at  once  distinctly  notified 
of  the  fact,  so  that  they  may  begin  to  consider  whether  to  accept  or 
reject  it. 

The  Federal  Government  would  find  its  highest  interest  in  such  a 


PROPOSED    AID   TO    EMANCIPATION   BY   SLAVE    STATES.    185 

measure  as  one  of  the  most  important  means  of  self-preservation.  The 
leaders  of  the  existing  rebellion  entertain  the  hope  that  this  Government 
will  ultimately  be  forced  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  some  part 
of  the  disaffected  region,  and  that  all  the  Slave  States  north  of  such 
part  will  then  say,  "The  Union  for  which  we  have  struggled  being 
already  gone,  we  now  choose  to  go  with  the  Southern  section."  To 
deprive  them  of  this  hope  substantially  ends  the  rebellion ;  and  the 
initiation  of  emancipation  deprives  them  of  it,  and  of  all  the  States 
initiating  it. 

The  point  is  not  that  all  the  States  tolerating  slavery  would  very 
soon,  if  at  all,  initiate  emancipation ;  but  while  the  offer  is  equally  made 
to  all,  the  more  Northern  shall,  by  such  initiation,  make  it  certain  to 
the  more  Southern  that  in  no  event  will  the  former  ever  join  the  latter 
in  their  proposed  Confederacy.  I  say  initiation,  because,  in  my  judg 
ment,  gradual  and  not  sudden  emancipation  is  better  for  alL 

In  the  mere  financial  or  pecuniary  view,  any  member  of  Congress 
with  the  census  or  an  abstract  of  the  Treasury  report  before  him,  can, 
readily  see  for  himself  how  very  soon  the  current  expenditures  of  this 
war  would  purchase,  at  a  fair  valuation,  all  the  slaves  in  any  named 
State. 

Such  a  proposition  on  the  part  of  the  General  Government  sets  up  no 
claim  of  a  right  by  the  Federal  authority  to  interfere  with  slavery  within 
State  limits— referring  as  it  does  the  absolute  control  of  the  subject,  in 
each  case,  to  the  State  and  the  people  immediately  interested.  It  is 
proposed  as  a  matter  of  perfectly  free  choice  to  them. 

In  the  annual  Message,  last  December,  I  thought  fit  to  say  "  the 
Union  must  be  preserved,  and  hence  all  indispensable  means  must  be 
employed."  I  said  this,  not  hastily  but  deliberately.  "War  has  been 
made,  and  continues  to  be  an  indispensable  means  to  this  end.  A 
practical  reacknowledgment  of  the  national  authority  would  render  the 
war  unnecessary,  and  it  would  at  once  cease.  But  resistance  continues, 
and  the  war  must  also  continue ;  and  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  all  the 
incidents  which  may  attend,  and  all  the  ruin  which  may  follow  it. 
Such  as  may  seem  indispensable,  or  may  obviously  promise  great 
efficiency  towards  ending  the  struggle,  must  and  will  come. 

The  proposition  now  made  (though  an  ofl'er  only)  I  hope  it  may  be 
esteemed  no  offence  to  ask  whether  the  pecuniary  consideration  tendered 
would  not  be  of  more  value  to  the  States  and  private  persons  concerned 
than  would  the  institution  and  property  in  it,  in  the  present  aspect  of 
affairs.  While  it  is  true  that  the  adoption  of  the  proposed  resolution 


186 

would  be  merely  initiatory,  and  not  within  itself  a  practical  measure,  it 
is  recommended  in  the  hope  that  it  would  lead  to  important  practical 
results. 

In  full  view  of  my  great  responsibility  to  my  God  and  my  country, 
I  earnestly  beg  the  attention  of  Congress  and  the  people  to  the  subject. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

This  Message  indicates  very  clearly  the  tendency  of  the 
President's  reflections  upon  the  general  relations  of  slavery  to 
the  rebellion.  He  had  most  earnestly  endeavored  to  arouse 
the  people  of  the  Southern  States  to  a  contemplation  of  the 
fact  that,  if  they  persisted  in  their  effort  to  overthrow  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  the  fate  of  slavery  would  sooner 
or  later  inevitably  be  involved  in  the  conflict.  The  time  was 
steadily  approaching  when,  in  consequence  of  their  obstinate- 
persistence  in  the  rebellion,  this  result  would  follow ;  and  the 
President,  with  wise  forethought,  sought  anxiously  to  recon 
cile  the  shock  which  the  contest  would  involve,  with  the  order 
of  the  country  and  the  permanent  prosperity  of  all  classes  of 
the  people.  The  general  feeling  of  the  country  at  that  time 
was  in  harmony  with  this  endeavor.  The  people  were  still 
disposed  to  exhaust  every  means  which  justice  would  sanction, 
to  withdraw  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  from  the  dis 
astrous  war  into  which  they  had  been  plunged  by  their  lead 
ers,  and  they  welcomed  this  suggestion  of  the  President  as 
likely  to  produce  that  result,  if  any  effort  in  that  direction 
could. 

In  pursuance  of  the  recommendation  of  the  Message,  Mr. 
R.  Conkling,  of  New  York,  introduced,  in  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  on  the  10th  of  March,  the  following  resolution: 

Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  United  States  ought  to  co-operate  with 
any  State  which  may  adopt  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery,  giving  to 
such  State  pecuniary  aid,  to  be  used  by  such  State  in  its  discretion,  to 
compensate  for  the  inconveniences,  public  and  private,  produced  by  such 
a  change  of  system. 


THE  DEBATE  IX  CONGRESS.  187 

The  debate  on  this  resolution  illustrated  the  feelings  of  the 
country  on  the  subject.  It  was  vehemently  opposed  by  the 
sympathizers  with  secessiou  from  both  sections,  as  an  uncon 
stitutional  interference  with  slavery,  and  hesitatingly  sup 
ported  by  the  anti-slavery  men  of  the  North,  as  less  decided 
in  its  hostility  than  they  had  a  right  to  expect.  The  sen 
timent  of  the  more  moderate  portion  of  the  community  was 
expressed  by  Mr.  Fisher,  of  Delaware,  who  regarded  it  as  an 
olive-branch  of  peace  and  harmony  and  good  faith  presented 
by  the  North,  and  as  well  calculated  to  bring  about  a  peaceful 
solution  and  settlement  of  the  slavery  question.  It  was 
adopted  in  the  House  by  a  vote  of  89  to  31.  Coming  up  in 
the  Senate  on  the  24th  of  March,  it  was  denounced  in  strong 
terms  by  Mr.  Saulsbury,  of  Delaware,  and  others — Mr.  Davis, 
of  Kentucky,  opposing  the  terms  in  which  it  was  couched,  but 
approving  its  general  tenor.  It  subsequently  passed,  receiv 
ing  32  votes  in  its  favor,  and  but  10  against  it.  This  resolu 
tion  was  approved  by  the  President  on  the  10th  of  April.  It 
was  generally  regarded  by  the  people  and  by  the  President 
himself  as  rather  an  experiment  than  as  a  fixed  policy — as 
intended  to  test  the  temper  of  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States,  and  offer  them  a  way  of  escape  from  the  evils  and 
embarrassments  with  which  slavery  had  surrounded  them, 
rather  than  set  forth  a  distinct  line  of  conduct  which  was  to 
be  pressed  upon  the  country  at  all  hazards.  This  character, 
indeed,  was  stamped  upon  it  by  the  fact  that  its  practical  ex 
ecution  was  made  to  depend  wholly  on  the  people  of  the 
Southern  States  themselves.  It  recognized  their  complete 
control  over  slavery,  within  their  own  limits,  and  simply  ten 
dered  them  the  aid  of  the  General  Government  in  any  steps 
they  might  feel  inclined  to  take  to  rid  themselves  of  it. 

The  President  was  resolved  that  the  experiment  should  have 
a  full  and  a  fair  trial;  and  while  he  would  not,  on  the  one 
hand,  permit  its  effect  to  be  impaired  by  the  natural  im- 


188  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

patience  of  those  among  his  friends  who  were  warmest  and 
most  extreme  in  their  hostility  to  slavery,  he,  on  the  other 
hand,  lost  no  opportunity  to  press  the  proposition  on  the 
favorable  consideration  of  the  people  of  the  Border  Slave  States. 
On  the  9th  of  May,  General  Hunter,  who  commanded  the 
department  of  South  Carolina,  which  included  also  the  States 
of  Georgia  and  Florida,  issued  an  order  declaring  all  the  slaves 
within  that  department  to  be  thenceforth  "forever  free." 
This  was  done  not  from  any  alleged  military  necessity,  growing 
out  of  the  operations  in  his  department,  but  upon  a  theoreti 
cal  incompatibility  between  slavery  and  martial  law.  The 
President"thereupon  at  once  issued  the  following  proclama 
tion  : 

Whereas,  There  appears  in  the  public  prints  what  purports  to  be  a 
proclamation  of  Major-General  Hunter,  in  the  words  and  figures 

following : 

HEAD-QUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH,  [ 
HILTON  HEAD,  S.  C.,  May  9,  1862.        f 
General  Order,  No.  11. 

The  three  States  of  Georgia,  Florida,  and  South  Carolina,  comprising1 
the  Military  Department  of  the  South,  having  deliberately  declared 
themselves  no  longer  under  the  United  States  of  America,  and  having 
taken  up  arms  against  the  United  States,  it  becomes  a  military  necessity 
to  declare  them  under  martial  law. 

This  was  accordingly  done  on  the  25th  day  of  April,  1862.     Slavery  and 
martial  law  in  a  free  country  are  altogether  incompatible.     The  persons 
in  these  States — Georgia,  Florida,  and  South  Carolina — heretofore  held 
as  slaves,  are  therefore  declared  forever  free. 
[OFFICIAL.] 

Signed,  DAVID  HUNTER, 

Mnjor-General  Commanding. 
F,D.  W.  SMITH,  Acting  Assistant  Adj't  General. 

And,  wJiereas,  the  same  is  producing  some  excitement  and  misunder 
standing,  therefore  T,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States, 
proclaim  and  declare  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  had  no 
knowledge  or  belief  of  an  intention  on  the  part  of  General  Hunter  to 
issue  such  proclamation,  nor-  has  it  yet  any  authentic  information  that 
the  document  is  genuine ;  and,  further,  that  neither  General  Hunter  nor 
any  other  commander  or  person  has  been  authorized  by  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  to  make  proclamation  declaring  the  slaves  of  any 
State  free,  and  that  the  supposed  proclamation  now  in  question,  whether 
genuine  or  false,  is  altogether  void  so  far  as  respects  such  declaration. 


THE  PRESIDENT  AXD  GENERAL  HUNTEK.       189 

3  further  make  known  that,  whether  it  be  competent  for  me,  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  to  declare  the  slaves  of  any 
State  or  States  free ;  and  whether  at  any  time,  or  in  any  case,  it  shall 
have  become  a  necessity  indispensable  to  the  maintenance  of  the  Gov 
ernment  to  exercise  such  supposed  power,  are  questions  which,  under 
my  responsibility,  I  reserve  to  myself,  and  which  I  cannot  feel  justified 
in  leaving  to  the  decision  of  commanders  in  the  field. 

These  are  totally  different  questions  from  those  of  police  regulations 
in  armies  or  in  camps. 

On  the  sixth  day  of  March  last,  by  a  special  Message,  I  recommended 
to  Congress  the  adoption  of  a  joint  resolution,  to  be  substantially  as 
follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  United  States  ought  to  co-operate  with  any  State 
which  may  adopt  a  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery,  giving  to  such  State 
earnest  expression  to  compensate  for  its  inconveniences,  public  and 
private,  produced  by  such  change  of  system. 

The  resolution  in  the  language  above  quoted  was  adopted  by  large 
majorities  in  both  branches  of  Congress,  and  now  stands  an  authentic, 
definite,  and  solemn  proposal  of  the  Xation  to  the  States  and  people 
most  interested  in  the  subject  matter.  To  the  people  of  these  States 
now,  I  mostly  appeal.  I  do  not  argue — I  beseech  you  to  make  the 
arguments  for  yourselves.  You  cannot,  if  you  would,  be  blind  to  the 
signs  of  the  times. 

I  beg  of  you  a  calm  and  enlaiged  consideration  of  them,  ranging,  if  it 
may  be,  far  above  partisan  and  personal  politics. 

This  proposal  makes  common  cause  for  a  common  object,  casting  no 
reproaches  upon  any.  It  acts  not  the  Pharisee.  The  change  it  con 
templates  would  come  gently  as  the  dews  of  Heaven,  not  rending  or 
wrecking  any  thing.  "Will  you  not  embrace  it  ?  So  much  good  has  not 
been  done  by  one  effort  in  all  past  time,  as  in  the  Providence  of  God  it 
is  now  your  high  privilege  to  do.  May  the  vast  future  not  have  to 
lament  that  you  have  neglected  it. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the  seal 
of  the  United  States  to  be  hereunto  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  "Washington  this  19th  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-two,  and  of  the  in 
dependence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty-sixth. 

(Signed)  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President : 

W.  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 


190 

This  proclamation  silenced  the  clamorous  denunciation  by 
which  its  enemies  had  assailed  the  Administration  on  the 
strength  of  General  Hunter's  order,  and  renewed  the  confi 
dence,  which  for  the  moment  had  been  somewhat  impaired,  in 
the  President's  adherence  to  the  principles  of  action  he  had 
laid  down.  Nothing  practical,  hovvever,  was  done  in  any  of 
the  Border  States  indicating  any  disposition  to  act  upon  his 
suggestions  and  avail  themselves  of  the  aid  which  Congress  had 
offered.  The  members  of  Congress  from  those  States  had 
taken  no  steps  towards  inducing  action  in  regard  to  it  on  the 
part  of  their  constituents.  Feeling  the  deepest  interest  in  the 
adoption  of  some  measure  which  should  permanently  detach 
the  Border  Slave  States  from  the  rebel  Confederacy,  and  be 
lieving  that  the  plan  he  had  recommended  would  tend  to 
accomplish  that  object,  President  LINCOLN  sought  a  conference 
with  the  members  of  Congress  from  those  States,  and  on  the 
12th  of  July,  when  they  waited  upon  him  at  the  executive 
mansion,  he  addressed  them  as  follows : 

GENTLEMEN  :  After  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  now  near,  I  shall 
have  no  opportunity  of  seeing  you  for  several  months.  Believing  that 
you  of  the  Border  States  hold  more  power  for  good  than  any  other 
equal  number  of  members,  I  feel  it  a  duty  which  I  cannot  justifiably 
waive  to  make  this  appeal  to  you. 

I  intend  no  reproach  or  complaint  when  I  assure  you  that,  in  my 
opinion,  if  you  all  had  voted  for  the  resolution  in  the  gradual  emancipa 
tion  Message  of  last  March  the  war  would  now  be  substantially  ended- 
And  the  plan  therein  proposed  is  yet  one  of  the  most  potent  and  swift 
means  of  ending  it.  Let  the  States  which  are  in  rebellion  see  definitely 
and  certainly  that  in  no  event  will  the  States  you  represent  ever  join 
their  proposed  Confederacy,  and  they  cannot  much  longer  maintain  the 
contest.  But  you  cannot  divest  them  of  their  hope  to  ultimately  have 
you  with  them  so  long  as  you  show  a  determination  to  perpetuate  the 
institution  within  your  own  States.  Beat  them  at  elections,  as  you 
have  overwhelmingly  done,  and,  nothing  daunted,  they  still  claim  you 
as  their  own.  You  and  I  know  what  the  lever  of  their  power  is. 
Break  that  lever  before  their  faces,  and  they  can  shake  you  no  more  for 
ever. 


THE    BORDER    STATE    REPRESENTATIVES.  191 

Most  of  you  have  treated  me  with  kindness  and  consideration,  and  I 
trust  you  will  not  now  think  I  improperly  touch  what  is  exclusively 
your  own,  when,  for  the  sake  of  the  whole  country,  I  ask,  Can  you,  for 
your  States,  do  better  than  to  take  the  course  I  urge?  Discarding 
punctilio  and  maxims  adapted  to  more  manageable  times,  and  looking 
dnly  to  the  unprecedentedly  stern  facts  of  our  case,  can  you  do  better  in 
any  possible  event?  You  prefer  that  the  constitutional  relation  of  the 
States  to  the  nation  shall  be  practically  restored  without  disturbance  of 
the  institution  :  and  if  this  were  done,  my  -whole  duty,  in  this  respect, 
under  the  Constitution  and  my  oath  of  office,  would  be  performed.  But 
it  is  not  done,  and  we  are  trying  to  accomplish  it  by  war.  The  incidents 
of  the  war  cannot  be  avoided.  If  the  war  continues  long,  as  it  must  if 
the  object  be  not  sooner  attained,  the  institution  in  your  States  will  be 
extinguished  by  mere  friction  and  abrasion — by  the  mere  incidents  of 
the  war.  It  will  be  gone,  and  you  will  have  nothing  valuable  in  lieu  of 
it.  Much  of  its  value  is  gone  already.  How  much  better  for  you  and 
for  your  people  to  take  the  step  which  at  once  shortens  the  war,  and 
secures  substantial  compensation  for  that  which  is  sure  to  be  wholly 
lost  in  any  other  event !  How  much  better  to  thus  save  the  money 
which  else  we  sink  forever  in  the  war !  How  much  better  to  do  it 
while  we  can,  lest  the  war  ere  long  render  us  pecuniarily  unable  to  do 
it !  How  much  better  for  you,  as  seller,  and  the  nation,  as  buyer,  to 
sell  out  and  buy  out  that  without  which  the  war  could  never  have  been, 
than  to  sink  both  the  thing  to  be  sold  and  the  price  of  it  in  cutting  one 
another's  throats ! 

I  do  not  speak  of  emancipation  at  once,  but  of  a  decision  at  once  to 
emancipate  gradually.  Room  in  South  America  for  colonization  can  be 
obtained  cheaply,  and  in  abundance,  and  when  numbers  shall  be  large 
enough  to  be  company  and  encouragement  for  one  another,  the  freed 
people  will  not  be  so  reluctant  to  go. 

I  am  pressed  with  a  difficulty  not  yet  mentioned — one  which  threatens 
division  among  those  who,  united,  are  none  too  strong.  An  instance  of 
it  is  known  to  you.  General  Hunter  is  an  honest  man.  He  was,  and  I 
hope  still  is,  my  friend.  I  valued  him  none  the  less  for  his  agreeing 
with  me  in  the  general  wish  that  all  men  everywhere  could  be  free.  He 
proclaimed  all  men  free  within  certain  States,  and  I  repudiated  the  proc 
lamation.  He  expected  more  good  and  less  harm  from  the  measure 
than  I  could  believe  would  follow.  Yet,  in  repudiating  it,  I  gave  dissat 
isfaction,  if  not  offence,  to  many  whose  support  the  country  cannot 
afford  to  lose.  And  this  is  not  the  end  of  it.  The  pressure  in  this 


192  PEESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

direction  is  still  upon  me,  and  is  increasing.  By  conceding  what  I  now 
ask  you  can  relieve  me,  and,  much  more,  can  relieve  the  country  in  this 
important  point. 

Upon  these  considerations  I  have  again  begged  your  attention  to  the 
Message  of  March  last.  Before  leaving  the  Capitol,  consider  and  discuss 
it  among  yourselves.  You  are  patriots  and  statesmen,  and  as  such  I 
pray  you  consider  this  proposition ;  and  at  the  least  commend  it  to  the 
consideration  of  your  States  and  people.  As  you  would  perpetuate 
popular  government  for  the  best  people  in  the  world,  I  beseech  you  that 
you  do  in  nowise  omit  this.  Our  common  country  is  in  great  peril,  de 
manding  the  loftiest  views  and  boldest  action  to  bring  a  speedy  relief. 
Once  relieved,  its  form  of  government  is  saved  to  the  world ;  its  beloved 
history  and  cherished  memories  are  vindicated,  and  its  happy  future 
fully  assured  and  rendered  inconceivably  grand.  To  you,  more  than  to 
any  others,  the  privilege  is  given  to  assure  that  happiness  and  swell 
that  grandeur,  and  to  link  your  own  names  therewith  forever. 

The  members  to  whom  the  President  thus  appealed  were 
divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  merits  of  the  proposition  which 
he  had  laid  before  them.  A  majority  of  them  submitted  an 
elaborate  reply,  in  which  they  dissented  from  the  President's 
opinion  that  the  adoption  of  this  policy  would  terminate  the 
war  or  serve  the  Union  cause.  They  held  it  to  be  his  duty 
to  avoid  all  interference,  direct  or  indirect,  with  slavery  in  the 
Southern  States,  and  attributed  much  of  the  stubborn  hostility 
which  the  South  had  shown  in  prosecuting  the  war,  to  the  fact 
that  Congress  had  departed  in  various  instances  from  the 
spirit  and  objects  for  which  the  war  ought  to  be  prosecuted  by 
the  Government.  A  minority  of  those  members,  not  being 
able  to  concur  in  this  reply,  submitted  one  of  their  own,  in 
which  they  thus  set  forth  their  view  of  the  motives  of  the 
President  in  the  course  he  had  adopted,  and  expressed  their 
substantial  concurrence  in  its  justice  and  wisdom : 

"We  believe  that  the  whole  power  of  the  Government,  upheld  and 
sustained  by  all  the  influences  and  means  of  all  loyal  men  in  all 
sections  and  of  all  parties,  is  essentially  necessary  to  put  down  the 
rebellion  and  preserve  the  Union  and  the  Constitution.  We  understand 


THE  BOEDER  STATE  KEPLY.  193 

your  appeal  to  us  to  bave  been  made  for  the  purpose  of  securing  this 
result.  A  very  large  portion  of  the  people  in  the  Northern  States 
believe  that  slavery  is  the  "lever  power  of  the  rebellion."  It  matters 
not  whether  this  opinion  is  well-founded  or  not.  The  belief  does  exist, 
and  we  have  to  deal  with  things  as  they  are,  and  not  as  we  would  have 
them  be.  In  consequence  of  the  existence  of  this  belief,  we  understand 
that  an  immense  pressure  is  brought  to  bear  for  the  purpose  of  striking 
down  this  institution  through  the  exercise  of  military  authority.  The 
Government  cannot  maintain  this  great  struggle  if  the  support  and  in 
fluence  of  the  men  who  entertain  these  opinions  be  withdrawn.  Neither 
can  the  Government  hope  for  early  success  if  the  support  of  that  element 
called  "  conservative"  be  withdrawn. 

Such  being  the  condition  of  things,  the  President  appeals  to  the 
Border  State  men  to  step  forward  and  prove  their  patriotism  by  making 
the  first  sacrifice.  No  doubt,  like  appeals  have  been  made  to  extreme 
men  in  the  North  to  meet  us  half  way,  in  order  that  the  whole  moral, 
political,  pecuniary,  and  physical  force  of  the  nation  may  be  firmly  and 
earnestly  united  in  one  grand  effort  to  save  the  Union  and  the  Con 
stitution. 

Believing  that  such  were  the  motives  that  prompted  your  address, 
and  such  the  results  to  which  it  looked,  we  cannot  reconcile  it  to  our 
sense  of  duty,  in  this  trying  hour,  to  respond  in  a  spirit  of  fault-finding 
or  querulousness  over  the  things  that  are  past.  "We  are  not  disposed 
to  seek  for  the  cause  of  present  misfortunes  in  the  errors  and  wrongs 
of  others  who  propose  to  unite  with  us  in  a  common  purpose.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  we  meet  your  address  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  was 
made,  and,  as  loyal  Americans,  declare  to  you  and  to  the  world,  that 
there  is  no  sacrifice  that  we  are  not  ready  to  make  to  save  the  Govern 
ment  and  institutions  of  our  fathers.  That  we,  few  of  us  though  there 
may  be,  will  permit  no  men,  from  the  North  or  from  the  South,  to  go 
further  than  we  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  great  work  before  us. 
That,  in  order  to  carry  out  these  views,  we  will,  so  far  as  may  be  in 
our  power,  ask  the  people  of  the  Border  States  calmly,  deliberately, 
and  fairly  to  consider  your  recommendations.  We  are  the  more  em 
boldened  to  assume  this  position  from  the  fact  now  become  history, 
that  the  leaders  of  the  Southern  rebellion  have  offered  to  abolish  slavery 
amongst  them  as  a  condition  to  foreign  intervention  in  favor  of  their 
independence  as  a  nation. 

If  they  can  give  up  slavery  to  destroy  the  Union,  we  can  surely  ask 
our  people  to  consider  the  question  of  emancipation  to  save  the  Union. 
9 


194  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

Hon.  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  on  the  16th  of  July 
submitted  to  the  President  his  views  of  the  question,  in  which 
he  thus  set  forth  his  appreciation  of  the  motives  which  had 
induced  him  to  make  ttoe  proposition  in  question  to  the  South 
ern  States  : 

Your  whole  administration  gives  the  highest  assurance  that  you 
are  moved,  not  so  much  from  a  desire  to  see  all  men  everywhere  made 
free,  as  from  a  desire  to  preserve  free  institutions  for  the  benefit  of 
men  already  free ;  not  to  make  slaves  free  men,  but  to  prevent  free  men 
from  being  made  slaves ;  not  to  destroy  an  institution  which  a  portion 
of  us  only  consider  bad,  but  to  save  an  institution  which  we  all  alike 
consider  good.  I  am  satisfied  that  you  would  not  ask  from  any  of  your 
fellow-citizens  a  sacrifice  not  in  your  judgment  imperatively  required 
by  the  safety  of  the  country.  This  is  the  spirit  of  your  appeal,  and  I 
respond  to  it  in  the  same  spirit. 

Determined  to  leave  undone  nothing  which  it  was  in  his 
power  to  do  to  effect  the  object  he  had  so  much  at  heart,  the 
President  on  the  12th  of  July  sent  into  Congress  a  Message 
transmitting  the  draft  of  a  bill  upon  the  subject,  as  follows  : 

Fellow- Citizens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : — Herewith 
is  the  draft  of  the  bill  to  compensate  any  State  which  may  abolish 
slavery  within  its  limits,  the  passage  of  which,  substantially  as  presented, 

I  respectfully  and  earnestly  recommend. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Ik  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Gongrcu  assembled : — That  whenever  the  President  of 
the  United  States  shall  be  satisfied  that  any  State  shall  have  lawfully 
abolished  slavery  within  and  throughout  such  State,  either  immediately 
or  gradually,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  President,  assisted  by  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  to  prepare  and  deliver  to  each  State  an  amount  of 
six  per  cent,  interest-bearing  bonds  of  the  United  States,  equal  to  the  ag 
gregate  value  at  —  dollars  per  head  of  all  the  slaves  within  such  State  as 
reported  by  the  census  of  1800 ;  the  whole  amount  for  any  one  State  to  be 
delivered  at  once,  if  the  abolishment  be  immediate,  or'in  equal  annual 
installments,  if  it  be  gradual,  interest  to  begin  running  on  each  bond  at 
the  time  of  delivery,  and  not  before. 

And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  if  any  State,  having  so  received  any  such 
bonds,  shall  at  anytime  afterwards  by  law  reintroduce  or  tolerate  slavery 
within  its  limits,  contrary  to  the  act  (if  abolishment  upon  which  such 
bonds  shall  have  been  received,  said  bonds  so  received  by  said  State  shall 
at  once  be  null  and  void,  in  whosesoever  hands  they  may  be,  and  such 
State  shall  refund  to  the  United  States  all  interest  which  may  have  been 
paid  on  such  bonds. 


THE   FINANCES.  195 

The  bill  was  referred  to  a  Committee,  but  no  action  was 
taken  upon  it  in  Congress,  nor  did  any  of  the  Border  States 
respond  to  the  President's  invitation.  The  proposition,  how 
ever,  served  a  most  excellent  purpose  in  testing  the  sentiment 
of  both  sections  of  the  country,  and  in  preparing  the  way  for 
the  more  vigorous  treatment  of  the  subject  of  slavery  which 
the  blind  and  stubborn  prejudices  of  the  slaveholding  com 
munities  were  rapidly  rendering  inevitable. 

Two  other  subjects  of  importance  engaged  the  attention 
and  received  the  action  of  Congress  during  this  session  ;  the 
provision  of  a  currency,  and  the  amendment  of  the  law  to  con 
fiscate  the  property  of  rebels.  A  bill  authorizing  the  issue  of 
Treasury  notes  to  the  amount  of  $150,000,000,  and  making 
them  a  legal  tender  in  all  business  transactions,  was  reported 
in  the  House  by  the  Finance  Committee,  of  which  lion.  E.  G. 
Spaulding,  of  New  York,  was  Chairman,  and  taken  up  for 
discussion  on  the  17th  of  June.  It  was  advocated  mainly  on 
the  score  of  necessity,  and  was  opposed  on  the  ground  of 
its  alleged  unconstitutionally.  The  division  of  sentiment  on 
the  subject  was  not  a  party  one,  some  of  the  warmest  friends 
and  supporters  of  the  administration  doubting  whether  Con 
gress  had  the  power  to  make  any  thing  but  silver  and  gold  a 
legal  tender  in  the  payment  of  debts.  The  same  bill  provided 
for  a  direct  tax,  involving  stamp  duties,  taxes  upon  incomes, 
etc.,  sufficient  with  the  duties  upon  imports  to  raise  $150,000,- 
000  per  annum,  and  also  for  the  establishment  of  a  system  of 
free  banking  by  which  bank  notes  to  be  circulated  as  currency 
might  be  issued  upon  the  basis  of  stocks  of  the  United  States 
deposited  as  security.  The  bill  was  discussed  at  length,  and 
was  finally  adopted  by  a  vote  93  to  59.  In  the  Senate  it  en 
countered  a  similar  opposition,  but  passed  by  a  vote  of  30  to  7, 
a  motion  to  strike  out  the  legal  tender  clause  having  been 
previously  rejected,  17  voting  in  favor  of  striking  it  out,  and  22 
against  it. 


196  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN  S    ADMINISTRATION. 

The  subject  of  confiscating  the  property  of  rebels  excited 
still  deeper  interest.  A  bill  for  that  purpose  was  taken  up  in 
the  Senate,  on  the  25th  of  February,  for  discussion.  By  one 
of  its  sections  all  the  slaves  of  any  person,  anywhere  in  the 
United  States,  aiding  the  rebellion,  were  declared  to  be  forever 
free,  and  subsequent  sections  provided  for  colonizing  slaves 
thus  enfranchised.  The  bill  was  advocated  on  the  ground  that 
in  no  other  way  could  the  property  of  rebels,  in  those  States 
where  the  judicial  authority  of  the  United  States  had  been  over 
borne,  be  reached ;  while  it  was  opposed  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
unconstitutional,  and  that  it  would  tend  to  render  the  Southern 
people  still  more  united  and  desperate  in  their  rebellion.  By 
the  confiscation  act  of  the  previous  session,  a  slave  who  had 
been  employed  in  aiding  the  rebellion  was  declared  to  be  free, 
but  the  fact  that  he  had  been  thus  employed  must  be  shown  by 
due  judicial  process;  by  this  bill  all  the  slaves  of  any  person 
who  had  been  thus  engaged  were  set  free  without  the  interven 
tion  of  any  judicial  process  whatever.  This  feature  of  the  bill 
was  warmly  opposed  by  some  of  the  ablest  and  most  reliable 
of  the  supporters  of  the  Administration  as  a  departure  from  all 
recognized  rules  of  proceeding,  and  as  a  direct  interference 
with  slavery  in  the  States,  in  violation  of  the  most  solemn 
pledge  of  the  Government,  the  Republican  party,  and  indi 
vidual  supporters  of  the  Administration.  Senator  Collamer, 
of  Vermont,  urged  this  view  of  the  case  with  great  cogency, 
citing  Mr.  Sumncr's  opinion  expressed  on  the  25th  of  Febru 
ary,  1861,  when,  on  presenting  a  memorial  to  the  Senate  in 
favor  of  abolishing  slavery,  he  had  added :  "  In  offering  it,  I 
take  this  occasion  to  declare  most  explicitly  that  I  do  not 
think  that  Congress  has  any  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
a  State;"  and  quoting  also  Senator  Fessen..ten's  declaration  in 
the  debate  on  abolishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
when  he  said  :  "  I  have  held,  and  I  hold  to-day,  and  I  say 
to-day  what  I  have  &aid  in  my  place  before,  that  the  Congress 


THE    CONFISCATION    BILL.  197 

of  the  United  States,  or  the  people  of  the  United  States 
through  the  Congress,  under  the  Constitution  as  it  now  ex 
ists,  have  no  right  whatever  to  touch  by  legislation  the  insti 
tution  of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists  by  law."  Mr. 
Sherman's  opinion,  expressed  in  the  same  debate,  that  "  we 
ou<rht  religiously  to  adhere  to  the  promises  we  made  to  the 
people  of  this  country  when  Mr.  LINCOLN  was  elected  Presi 
dent — We  ought  to  abstain  religiously  from  all  interference 
with  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  Slave  or  the  Free  States," 
was  also  quoted,  and  Mr.  Collamer  said  he  did  not  see  how  it 
was  possible  to  pass  the  bill  in  its  present  form  without  giving 
the  world  to  understand  that  they  had  violated  those  pledges, 
and  had  interfered  with  slavery  in  the  States.  Mr.  Collamer 
accordingly  offered  an  amendment  to  the  bill,  obviating  the 
objections  he  had  urged  against  it;  and  this,  with  other 
amendments  offered  by  other  Senators,  was  referred  to  a  Select 
Committee,  which  subsequently  reported  a  bill  designed,  as 
the  Chairman,  Mr.  Clark,  of  New  Hampshire,  explained,  to 
harmonize  the  various  shades  of  opinion  upon  the  subject,  and 
secure  the  passage  of  some  measure  which  should  meet  the 
expectations  of  the  country  and  the  emergency  of  the  case. 
The  first  section  o£  this  bill  provided,  that  every  person  who 
should  hereafter  commit  the  crime  of  treason  against  the 
United  States,  and  be  adjudged  guilty  thereof,  should  suffer 
death,  and  all  his  slaves,  if  any,  be  declared  and  made  free  ; 
or  he  should  he  imprisoned  not  less  than  five  years,  and  fined 
not  less  than  ten  thousand  dollars,  and  all  his  slaves,  if  any, 
be  declared  and  made  free. 

The  distinctive  feature  of  this  section,  as  distinguished  from 
the  corresponding  section  of  the  original  bill,  consisted  in  the 
fact  that  a  trial  and  conviction  were  required  before  any  per 
son  guilty  of  treason  could  be  punished,  either  by  death,  im 
prisonment,  or  the  forfeiture  of  his  property.  It  was  opposed 
on  the  one  hand,  by  Mr.  Trumbull,  of  Illinois,  on  the  ground 


198 

that  it  "  made  treason  easy" — and  on  the  other,  by  Mr.  Davis, 
of  Kentucky,  because  it  set  slaves  free.  Mr.  Sumner  offered 
a  substitute  to  the  whole  bill,  which  in  his  judgment  did  not 
go  far  enough  in  giving  the  country  the  advantage  of  the 
"  opportunity  which  God,  in  his  beneficence,  had  afforded"  it 
for  securing  universal  emancipation.  Mr.  Powell,  of  Kentucky, 
moved  to  strike  out  the  eleventh  section,  which  authorized  the 
President  to  "  employ  as  many  persons  of  African  descent  as 
he  might  deem  necessary  and  proper  for  the  suppression  of 
the  rebellion,  and  to  organize  and  use  them  in  such  manner  as 
he  might  judge  best  for  the  public  welfare," — but  his  motion 
was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  11  to  25.  While  the  bill  was  thus 
denounced  by  one  class  of  Senators  as  too  violent  in  its 
method  of  dealing  with  the  rebels,  it  was  resisted  with  still 
greater  vehemence  by  another  class  as  entirely  defective  in 
that  respect.  Mr.  Sumner  was  especially  severe  in  his  cen 
sure  of  Senators  who  proposed,  he  said,  "  when  the  life  of 
our  Republic  is  struck  at,  to  proceed  as  if  by  an  indictment 
in  a  criminal  court."  His  remarks  gave  rise  to  considerable 
personal  discussion — which  was  interrupted  by  the  receipt 
of  a  similar  bill  which  had  been  passed  by  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  and  which  was  decidedly  more  in  harmony  with 
the  extreme  views  of  Mr.  Sumner  and  his  friends,  than  the 
Senate  bill.  It  assumed  that  the  rebels  were  to  be  treated 
like  a  foreign  enemy,  without  regard  to  the  limitations  and 
requirements  of  the  Constitution,  and  that  Congress,  instead 
of  the  President,  had  the  supreme  and  exclusive  control  of 
the  operations  of  the  war.  This  bill  on  coming  before  the 
Senate  was  set  aside,  and  the  bill  which  had  been  reported  by 
the  Senate  Committee  substituted  in  its  place,  by  a  vote  of 
21  to  17,  and  the  latter  was  finally  passed;  ayes  28,  noes 
13.  The  House  did  not  concur  in  this  amendment  to  its  own 
bill ;  but  on  receiving  the  report  of  a  Committee  of  Confer 
ence  which  made  some  amendments  to  the  Senate  bill,  it  was 


THE   NEW    CONFISCATION   BILL. 

passed,  as  amended,  by  both  Houses  and  sent  to  the  President 
for  his  signature. 

The  provisions  of  this  bill  were  as  follows: 

SECTION  1  enacted  that  every  person  who  should  after  its  passage 
commit  the  crime  of  treason  against  the  United  States,  and  be  adjudged 
guilty  thereof,  should  suffer  death,  and  all  his  slaves,  if  any,  should  be 
declared  and  made  free:  or  he  should  be  imprisoned  for  not  less  than 
five  years,  and  fined  not' less  than  $10,000,  and  all  his  slaves  made  free. 
SECTION  2  declared  that  if  any  person  shall  hereafter  incite,  assist, 
or  engage  in  any  rebellion  against  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
or  the  laws  thereof,  or  give  aid  or  comfort  thereto,  or  to  any  existing 
rebellion,  and  be  convicted  thereof,  he  shall  be  imprisoned  for  ten  years 
or  less,  fined  not  more  than  $10,000,  and  all  his  slaves  shall  be  set  free. 
SECTION  3.  Every  person  guilty  of  these  offences  shall  be  forever 
disqualified  to  hold  any  office  under  the  United  States. 

SECTION  4.  This  act  was  not  to  affect  the  prosecution,  conviction,  or 
punishment  of  any  person  guilty  of  treason  before  the  passage  of  the 
act,  unless  convicted  under  it. 

SECTION  5  made  it  the  duty  of  the  President  to  seize  and  apply  to  the 
use  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  all  the  property  of  persons  who 
had  served  as  officers  of  the  rebel  army,  or  had  held  certain  civil  offices 
under  the  rebel  Government,  or  in  the  rebel  States,  provided  they  had 
taken  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  rebel  authorities,  and  also  of  persons 
who,  having  property  in  any  of  the  loyal  States,  shall  hereafter  give  aid 
to  the  rebellion. 

SECTION  6  prescribed  that  if  any  other  persons  being  engaged  in  the 
rebellion  should  not,  within  sixty  days  after  public  proclamation  duly 
made  by  the  President,  cease  to  aid  the  rebellion,  all  their  property 
should  be  confiscated  in  the  same  manner. 

SECTION  7  directed  that  proceedings  in  rem  should  be  instituted 
in  the  name  of  the  United  States  in  the  court  of  the  district  within  which 
such  property  might  be  found,  and  if  said  property,  whether  real  or  per 
sonal,  should  be  found  to  belong  to  any  person  engaged  in  rebellion,  it 
should  be  condemned  as  enemies'  property,  and  become  the  property  of 
the  United  States. 

SECTION  8  gave  the  several  District  Courts  of  the  United  States  au 
thority  and  power  to  make  such  orders  as  these  proceedings  might  re 
quire. 

SECTION  9  enacted  that  all  slaves  of  persons  who  shall  hereafter  be 


200  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

engaged  in  rebellion  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or 
who  shall  in  any  way  give  aid  or  comfort  thereto,  escaping  from  such 
persons,  and  taking  refuge  within  the  lines  of  the  army,  and  all  slaves 
captured  from  such  persons  or  deserted  by  them  and  coming  under  the 
control  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  all  slaves  of  such 
persons  found,  or  being  within  any  place  occupied  by  rebel  forces,  and 
afterwards  occupied  by  the  forces  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  deemed 
captives  of  war,  and  shall  be  forever  free  of  their  servitude,  and  not 
again  held  as  slaves. 

SECTION  10  enacted  that  no  slave  escaping  into  another  State  should 
be  delivered  up,  unless  the  claimant  should  make  oath  that  the  owner 
or  master  of  such  slave  had  never  borne  arms  against  the  United  States, 
or  given  any  aid  and  comfort  to  the  rebellion ;  and  every  person  in  the 
military  service  of  the  United  States  was  prohibited  from  deciding  on 
the  validity  of  any  claim  to  the  services  of  any  escaped  slave,  on  pain  of 
dismissal. 

SECTION  1 1  authorized  the  President  to  employ  as  many  persons  of 
African  descent  as  he  might  deem  necessary  and  proper  for  the  suppres 
sion  of  the  rebellion,  and  to  organize  and  use  them  as  he  might  deem 
best  for  the  public  welfare. 

SECTION  12  authorized  the  President  to  make  provision  for  the  col 
onization,  with  their  own  consent,  of  persons  freed  under  this  act,  to 
some  country  beyond  the  limits  of  the  United  'states,  having  first  ob 
tained  the  consent  of  the  Government  of  said  country  to  their  protection 
and  settlement,  with  all  the  privileges  of  free  men. 

SECTION  13  authorized  the  President  at  any  time  hereafter,  by  proc 
lamation,  to  extend  to  persons  who  may  have  participated  in  this  Re 
bellion,  pardon  and  amnesty,  with  such  exceptions,  and  at  such  time,  and 
on  such  conditions  as  he  might  deem  expedient  for  the  public  welfare. 

SECTION  14  gave  the  Courts  of  the  United  States  authority  to  insti 
tute  such  proceedings,  and  issue  such  orders  as  might  be  necessary  to 
carry  this  act  into  effect. 

It  soon  came  to  be  understood  that  the  President  had  ob 
jections  to  certain  portions  of  the  bill  which  would  probably 
prevent  him  from  signing  it,  A  joint  resolution  was  at  once 
passed  in  the  House,  providing  that  the  bill  should  be  so  con 
strued  "as  not  to  apply  to  any  acts  done  prior  to  its  passage; 
nor  to  include  any  member  of  a  State  legislature,  or  judge  of 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  ACTION  AND  OPINIONS.        201 

any  State  court  who  has  not,  in  accepting  or  entering  upon 
his  office,  taken  an  oath  to  support  the  constitution  of  the  so- 
called  Confederate  States  of  America."  When  this  reached 
the  Senate,  Mr.  Clark,  of  New  Hampshire,  offered  the  follow 
ing,  to  be  added  to  the  resolution : 

Xor  shall  any  punishment  or  proceedings  under  said  act  be  so  con 
strued  as  to  work  a  forfeiture  of  the  real  estate  of  the  offender  beyond 
his  natural  life. 

This  provision  encountered  a  sharp  opposition,  Mr.  Trum- 
bull,  of  Illinois,  insisting  that  the  forfeiture  of  real  estate  for 
life  only  would  amount  to  nothing,  and  other  Senators  object 
ing  to  being  influenced  in  their  action  by  the  supposed  opin 
ions  of  the  President.  Mr.  Clark  also  proposed  another  amend 
ment,  authorizing  the  President,  in  granting  an  amnesty,  to 
restore  to  the  offender  any  property  which  might  have  been 
seized  and  condemned  under  this  act.  The  resolutions  and 
amendments  were  passed  by  the  Senate,  and  received  the 
concurrence  of  the  House.  On  the  17th  of  July  Presi 
dent  LINCOLN  sent  in  the  following  message,  announcing  that 
he  had  signed  the  bill,  and  specifying  his  objections  to  the 
act  in  its  original  shape  : 

Fellow-  Citizens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

Considering  the  bill  for  "An  act  to  suppress  insurrection,  to  punish 
treason  and  rebellion,  to  seize  and  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels,  and 
for  other  purposes,"  and  the  joint  resolution  explanatory  of  said  act 
as  being  substantially  one,  I  have  approved  and  signed  both. 

Before  I  was  informed  of  the  resolution,  I  had  prepared  the  draft  of 
a  message,  stating  objections  to  the  bill  becoming  a  law,  a  copy  of  which 
draft  is  herewith  submitted  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

July  12,  1862. 

[Copy.] 
Fdlow-  Citizens  of  the  House  of  Representatives : 

I  herewith  return  to  the  honorable  body,  in  which  it  originated,  the 
bill  for  an  act  entitled  "  An  act  to  suppress  treason  and  rebellion,  to 
9* 


202 

seize  and  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels,  and  for  other  purposes," 
together  with  my  objections  to  its  becoming  a  law. 

Their  is  much  in  the  bill  to  which  I  perceive  no  objection.  It  is 
wholly  prospective  ;  and  it  touches  neither  person  nor  property  of  any 
loyal  citizen,  in  which  particular  it  is  just  and  proper. 

The  first  and  second  sections  provide  for  the  conviction  and  punish 
ment  of  persons  who  shall  be  guilty  of  treason,  and  persons  who  shall 
"  incite,  set  on  foot,  assist,  or  engage  in  any  rebellion  or  insurrection 
against  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  or  the  laws  thereof,  or  shall 
give  aid  or  comfort  thereto,  or  shall  engage  in  or  give  aid  and  com  Tort 
to  any  such  existing  rebellion  or  insurrection."  By  fair  construction, 
persons  within  those  sections  are  not  punished  without  regular  trials 
in  duly  constituted  courts,  under  the  forms  and  all  the  substantial  pro 
visions  of  law  and  the  Constitution  applicable  to  their  several  cases. 
To  this  I  perceive  no  objection ;  especially  as  such  persons  would  be 
within  the  general  pardoning  power,  and  also  the  special  provision  for 
pardon  and  amnesty  contained  in  this  act. 

It  is  also  provided  that  the  slaves  of  persons  convicted  under  these 
sections  shall  be  free.  I  think  there  is  an  unfortunate  form  of  expres 
sion,  rather  than  a  substantial  objection,  in  this.  It  is  startling  to  say 
that  Congress  can  free  a  slave  within  a  State,  and  yet  if  it  were  said  the 
ownership  of  a  slave  had  first  been  transferred  to  the  nation,  and  Con 
gress  hud  then  liberated  him,  the  difficulty  would  at  once  vanish.  And 
this  is  the  real  case.  The  traitor  against  the  General  Government  for 
feits  his  slave  at  least  as  justly  as  he  does  any  other  property  ;  and  he 
forfeits  both  to  the  Government  against  which  he  offends.  The  Gov 
ernment,  so  far  as  there  can  be  ownership,  thus  owns  the  forfeited 
slaves,  and  the  question  for  Congress  in  regard  to  them  is,  "  Shall  they 
be  made  free  or  sold  to  new  masters  ?"  I  perceive  no  objection  to 
Congress  deciding  in  advance  that  they  shall  be  free.  To  the  high 
honor  of  Kentucky,  as  I  am  informed,  she  is  the  owner  of  some  slaves 
by  escheat,  and  has  sold  none,  but  liberated  all.  I  hope  the  same  is  true 
of  some  other  States.  Indeed,  I  do  not  believe  it  will  be  physically 
possible  for  the  General  Government  to  return  persons  so  circumstanced 
to  actual  slavery.  I  believe  there  would  be  physical  resistance  to  it, 
which  could  neither  be  turned  aside  by  argument  nor  driven  away  by 
force.  In  this  view  I  have  no  objection  to  this  feature  of  the  bill. 
Another  matter  involved  in  these  two  sections,  and  running  through 
other  parts  of  the  act,  will  be  noticed  hereafter. 

I  perceive  no  objections  to  the  third  or  fourth  sections. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  203 

So  far  as  I  wish  to  notice  the  fifth  and  sixth  sections,  they  may  be 
considered  together.  That  the  enforcement  of  these  sections  would  do 
no  injustice  to  the  persons  embraced  within  them  is  clear.  That  those 
who  make  a  causeless  war  should  be  compelled  to  pay  the  cost  of  it  is 
too  obviously  just  to  be  called  in  question.  To  give  governmental  pro 
tection  to  the  property  of  persons  who  have  abandoned  it,  and  gone  on 
a  crusade  to  overthrow  the  same  Government,  is  absurd,  if  considered 
in  the  mere  light  of  justice.  The  severest  justice  may  not  always  be 
the  best  policy.  The  principle  of  seizing  and  appropriating  the  prop 
erty  of  the  person  embraced  within  these  sections  is  certainly  not  very 
objectionable,  but  a  justly  discriminating  application  of  it  would  be  very 
difficult,  and,  to  a  great  extent,  impossible.  And  would  it  not  be  wise 
to  place  a  power  of  remission  somewhere,  so  that  these  persons  may 
know  they  have  something  to  lose  by  persisting  and  something  to  gain 
by  desisting  ?  I  am  not  sure  whether  such  power  of  remission  is  or 
is  not  in  section  thirteen.  Without  any  special  act  of  Congress,  I  think 
our  military  commanders,  when,  in  military  phrase,  "  they  are  within 
the  enemy's  country,"  should,  in  an  orderly  manner,  seize  and  use 
whatever  of  real  or  personal  property  may  be  necessary  or  convenient 
for  their  commands;  at  the  same  time  preserving,  in  some  way,  the 
evidence  of  what  they  do. 

What  I  have  said  in  regard  to  slaves,  while  commenting  on  the  first 
and  second  sections,  is  applicable  to  the  ninth,  with  the  difference  that 
no  provision  is  made  in  the  whole  act  for  determining  whether  a  partic 
ular  individual  slave  does  or  does  not  fall  within  the  classes  defined  hi 
that  section.  He  is  to  be  free  upon  certain  conditions ;  but  whether 
those  conditions  do  or  do  not  pertain  to  him,  no  mode  of  ascertaining 
is  provided.  This  could  be  easily  supplied. 

To  the  tenth  section  I  make  no  objection.  The  oath  therein  required 
seems  to  be  proper,  and  the  remainder  of  the  section  is  substantially 
identical  with  a  law  already  existing. 

The  eleventh  section  simply  assumes  to  confer  discretionary  power 
upon  the  Executive.  Without  the  law,  I  have  no  hesitation  to  go  as  far 
in  the  direction  indicated  as  I  may  at  any  time  deem  expedient.  And  I 
am  ready  to  say  now,  I  think  it  is  proper  for  our  military  commanders 
to  employ,  as  laborers,  as  many  persons  of  African  descent  as  can  be 
used  to  advantage. 

The  twelfth  and  thirteenth  sections  are  something  better  than  unob 
jectionable  ;  and  the  fourteenth  is  entirely  proper,  if  all  other  parts  of 
the  Act  shall  stand. 


204 

That  to  which  I  chiefly  object  pervades  most  part  of  the  Act,  but 
more  distinctly  appears  in  the  first,  second,  seventh,  and  eighth  sec 
tions.  It  is  the  sum  of  those  provisions  which  results  in  the  divesting 
of  title  forever. 

For  the  causes  of  treason  and  ingredients  of  treason,  not  amounting 
to  the  full  crime,  it  declares  forfeiture  extending  beyond  the  lives  of  the 
guilty  parties  ;  whereas  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares 
that  "no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood  or  forfeiture 
except  during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted."  True,  there  is  to  be  no 
formal  attainder  in  this  case ;  still,  I  think,  the  greater  punishment 
cannot  be  constitutionally  inflicted,  in  a  different  form,  for  the  same 
offence. 

"With  great  respect  I  am  constrained  to  say  I  think  this  feature  of 
the  Act  is  unconstitutional.  It  would  not  be  difficult  to  modify  it. 

I  may  remark  that  the  provision  of  the  Constitution,  put  in  language 
borrowed  from  Great  Britain,  applies  only  in  this  country,  as  I  under 
stand,  to  real  or  landed  estate. 

Again,  this  Act,  in  rem,  forfeits  property  for  the  ingredients  of  treason 
without  a  conviction  of  the  supposed  criminal,  or  a  personal  hearing 
given  him  in  any  proceeding.  That  we  may  not  touch  property  lying 
within  our  reach,  because  we  cannot  give  personal  notice  to  an  owner 
who  is  absent  endeavoring  to  destroy  the  Government,  is  certainly  sat 
isfactory.  Still,  the  owner  may  not  be  thus  engaged;  and  I  think  a 
reasonable  time  should  be  provided  for  such  parties  to  appear  and  have 
personal  hearings.  Similar  provisions  are  not  uncommon  in  connection 
with  proceedings  in  rein. 

For  the  reasons  stated,  I  return  the  Bill  to  the  House  in  which  it  ori 
ginated. 

The  passage  of  this  bill  constituted  a  very  important  step 
in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  for  the  suppression  of  the  Re 
bellion.  It  prescribed  definite  penalties  for  the  crime  of 
treason,  and  thus  supplied  a  defect  in  the  laws  as  they  then 
existed.  It  gave  the  rebels  distinctly  to  understand  that  one 
of  these  penalties,  if  they  persisted  in  their  resistance  to  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  would  be  the  emancipation  of 
their  slaves.  And  it  also  authorized  the  employment  by  the 
President  of  persons  of  African  descent,  to  aid  in  the  sup 
pression  of  the  Rebellion  in  any  way  which  he  might  deem. 


> 


MESSAGE    IN   REGARD   TO    MR.    CAMERON.  205 

most  conducive  to  the  public  welfare.  Yet  throughout  the 
bill,  it  was  clearly  made  evident  that  the  object  and  purpose 
of  these  measures  was  not  the  abolition  of  slavery,  but  the 
preservation  of  the  Union  and  the  restoration  of  the  authority 
of  the  Constitution. 

On  the  14th  of  January  SIMON  CAMERON  resigned  his  posi 
tion  as  Secretary  of  War.  On  the  30th  of  April  the  House 
of  Representatives  passed,  by  a  vote  of  75  to  45,  a  resolution, 
censuring  certain  official  acts  performed  by  him  while  acting 
as  Secretary  of  War;  whereupon,  on  the  27th  of  May,  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  transmitted  to  the  House  the  following  message  : 

To  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OP  REPRESENTATIVES: 

The  insurrection  which  is  yet  existing  in  the  United  States,  and  aims 
at  the  overthrow  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  the  Union,  was  clan 
destinely  prepared  during  the  winter  of  1860  and  1861,  and  assumed 
an  open  organization  in  the  form  of  a  treasonable  provisional  govern 
ment  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  February,  1861. 
On  the  twelfth  day  of  April,  1861,  the  insurgents  committed  the  fla 
grant  act  of  civil  war  by  the  bombardment  and  capture  of  Fort  Sumter, 
which  cut  off  the  hope  of  immediate  conciliation.  Immediately  after 
wards  all  the  roads  and  avenues  to  this  city  were  obstructed,  and  the 
capital  was  put  into  the  condition  of  a  siege.  The  mails  in  every  direc 
tion  were  stopped  and  the  lines  of  telegraph  cut  off  by  the  insurgents, 
and  military  and  naval  forces  which  had  been  called  out  by  the  Govern 
ment  for  the  defence  of  Washington  were  prevented  from  reaching  the 
city  by  organized  and  combined  treasonable  resistance  in  the  State  of 
Maryland.  There  was  no  adequate  and  effective  organization  for  the 
public  defence.  Congress  had  indefinitely  adjourned.  There  was  no 
time  to  convene  them.  It  became  necessary  for  me  to  choose  whether, 
using  only  the  existing  means,  agencies,  and  processes  which  Congress 
had  provided,  I  should  let  the  government  fall  into  ruin,  or  whether, 
availing  myself  of  the  broader  powers  conferred  by  the  Constitution  in 
cases  of  insurrection,  I  would  make  an  effort  to  save  it,  with  all  its 
blessings,  for  the  present  age  and  for  posterity.  I  thereupon  summoned 
my  constitutional  advisers,  the  heads  of  all  the  departments,  to  meet  on 
Sunday,  the  twentieth  day  of  April,  1861,  at  the  office  of  the  Xavy 
Department,  and  then  and  there,  with  their  unanimous  concurrence,  I 


206  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

directed  that  an  armed  revenue  cutter  should  proceed  to  sea  to  afford 
protection  to  the  commercial  marine,  especially  to  the  California  treasure- 
ships,  then  on  their  way  to  this  coast.  I  also  directed  the  Commandant 
of  the  Navy  Yard  at  Boston  to  purchase  or  charter,  and  arm,  as  quickly 
as  possible,  five  steamships  for  purposes  of  public  defence.  I  directed 
the  Commandant  of  the  Navy  Yard  at  Philadelphia  to  purchase  or  char 
ter,  and  arm  an  equal  number  for  tho  same  purpose.  I  directed  the 
Commandant  at  New  York  to  purchase  or  charter,  and  arm  an  equal 
number.  I  directed  Commander  Gillis  to  purchase  or  charter,  and  arm 
and  put  to  sea  two  other  vessels.  Similar  directions  were  given  to 
Commodore  Du  Pont,  with  a  view  to  the  opening  of  passages  by  water  to 
and  from  the  capital.  I  directed  the  several  officers  to  take  the  advice 
and  obtain  the  aid  and  efficient  services  in  the  matter  of  his  Excellency 
Edwin  D.  Morgan,  the  Governor  of  New  York,  or,  in  his  absence, 
George  D.  Morgan,  Wm.  M.  Evarts,  R.  M.  Blatchford,  and  Moses  H. 
Grinnell,  who  were,  by  my  directions,  especially  empowered  by  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Navy  to  act  for  his  department  in  that  crisis,  in  matters 
pertaining  to  the  forwarding  of  troops  and  supplies  for  the  public  de 
fence.  On  the  same  occasion  I  directed  that  Gov.  Morgan  and  Alex 
ander  Cummings,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  should  be  authorized  by  the 
Secretary  of  War,  Simon  Cameron,  to  make  all  necessary  arrangements 
for  the  transportation  of  troops  and  munitions  of  war  in  aid  and  assist 
ance  of  the  officers  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  until  communica 
tion  by  mails  and  telegraph  should  be  completely  re-established  between 
the  cities  of  Washington  and  New  York.  No  security  was  required  to 
be  given  by  them,  and  either  of  them  was  authorized  to  act  in  case  of 
inability  to  consult  with  the  other.  On  tho  same  occasion  I  authorized 
and  directed  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  advance,  without  requir 
ing  securing,  two  millions  of  dollars  of  public  money  to  John  A.  Dix, 
George  Opdyke,  and  Richard  M.  Blatchford,  of  New  York,  to  be  used 
by  them  in  meeting  such  requisitions  as  should  be  directly  consequent 
upon  the  military  and  naval  measures  for  the  defence  and  support  of 
the  Government,  requiring  them  only  to  act  without  compensation,  and 
to  report  their  transactions  when  duly  called  upon.  The  several  de 
partments  of  the  Government  at  that  time  contained  so  large  a  number 
of  disloyal  persons  that  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  provide  safely 
through  official  agents  only,  for  the  performance  of  the  duties  thus  con 
fided  to  citizens  favorably  known  for  their  ability,  loyalty,  and  patriot 
ism.  The  several  orders  issued  upon  these  occurrences  were  trans 
mitted  by  private  messengers,  who  pursued  a  circuitous  way  to  the 


THE   PEESIDENT   AND    HIS    CABINET.  207 

seaboard  cities,  inland  across  the  States  of  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  and 
the  northern  lakes.  I  believe  that  by  these  and  other  similar  meas 
ures  taken  in  that  crisis,  some  of  which  were  without  any  authority  of 
law;  the  Government  was  saved  from  overthrow.  I  am  not  aware  that 
a  dollar  of  the  public  funds  thus  confided  without  authority  of  law,  to 
unofficial  persons,  was  either  lost  or  wasted,  although  apprehensions 
of  such  misdirections  occurred  to  me  as  objections  to  these  extraordi 
nary  proceedings,  and  were  necessarily  overruled.  I  recall  these  trans 
actions  now  because  my  attention  has  been  directed  to  a  resolution 
which  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  thirtieth  of 
last  month,  which  is  in  these  words: 

Resolved,  that  Simon  Cameron,  late  Secretary  of  "War,  by  intrusting 
Alexander  Cummings  with  the  control  of  large  sums  of  the  public 
money,  and  authority  to  purchase  military  supplies  without  restriction, 
without  requiring  from  him  any  guarantee  for  the  faithful  performance 
of  his  duties,  while  the  services  of  competent  public  officers  were  avail 
able,  and  by  involving  the  government  in  a  vast  number  of  contracts 
with  persons  not  legitimately  engaged  in  the  business  pertaining  to  the 
subject  matter  of  such  contracts,  especially  in  the  purchase  of  arms  for 
future  delivery,  has  adopted  a  policy  highly  injurious  to  the  public  ser 
vice,  and  deserves  the  censure  of  the  House. 

Congress  will  see  that  I  should  be  wanting  in  candor  and  in  justice 
if  I  should  leave  the  censure  expressed  in  this  resolution  to  rest  exclu 
sively  or  chiefly  upon  Mr.  Cameron.  The  same  sentiment  is  unani 
mously  entertained  by  the  heads  of  the  departments,  who  participated 
in  the  proceedings  which  the  House  of  Representatives  has  censured. 
It  is  due  to  Mr.  Cameron  to  say  that  although  he  fully  approved  the 
proceedings,  they  were  not  moved  nor  suggested  by  himself,  and  that 
not  only  the  President,  but  all  the  other  heads  of  departments  were  at 
least  equally  responsible  with  him  for  whatever  error,  wrong  or  fault 
was  committed  in  the  premises.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

This  letter  was  in  strict  conformity  with  the  position  uni 
formly  held  by  the  President  in  regard  to  the  responsibility 
of  members  of  his  cabinet  for  acts  of  the  Administration.  He 
always  maintained  that  the  proper  duty  of  each  Secretary 
was,  to  direct  the  details  of  every  thing  done  within  his  own 
department,  and  to  tender  such  suggestions,  information,  and 
advice  to  the  President  as  he  might  solicit  at  his  hands.  But 
the  duty  and  responsibility  of  deciding  what  line  of  policy 


208          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTKATION. 

should  be  pursued,  or  what  steps  should  be  taken  in  any 
specific  case,  in  his  judgment,  belonged  exclusively  to  the 
President;  and  he  was  always  willing  and  ready  to  assume  it. 
This  position  has  been  widely  and  sharply  assailed  in  various 
quarters  as  contrary  to  the  precedents  of  our  early  history: 
but  we  believe  it  to  be  substantially  in  accordance  with  the 
theory  of  the  Constitution  upon  this  subject. 

The  progress  of  our  armies  in  certain  portions  of  the  South 
ern  States  had  warranted  the  suspension,  at  several  ports,  of 
the  restrictions  placed  upon  commerce  by  the  blockade.  On 
the  12th  of  May  the  President  accordingly  issued  a  proclama 
tion  declaring  that  the  blockade  of  the  ports  of  Beaufort,  Port 
Royal,  and  New  Orleans,  should  so  far  cease  from  the  1st  of 
June,  that  commercial  intercourse  from  those  ports,  except  as 
to  contraband  of  war,  might  be  resumed,  subject  to  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  and  the  regulations  of  the  Treasury  De 
partment. 

On  the  1st  of  July  he  issued  another  proclamation,  in  pur 
suance  of  the  law  of  June  7th,  designating  the  States  and 
parts  of  States  that  were  then  in  insurrection,  so  that  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  concerning  the  collection  of  taxes  could 
not  be  enforced  within  their  limits,  and  declaring  that  "  the 
taxes  legally  chargeable  upon  real  estate,  under  the  act  re 
ferred  to,  lying  within  the  States  or  parts  of  States  thus  desig 
nated,  together  with  a  penalty  of  fifty  per  cent,  of  said  taxes, 
should  be  a  lien  upon  the  tracts  or  lots  of  the  same,  severally 
charged,  till  paid." 

On  the  20th  of  October,  finding  it  absolutely  necessary  to 
provide  judicial  proceedings  for  the  State  of  Louisiana,  a  part 
of  which  was  in  our  military  possession,  the  President  issued 
an  order  establishing  a  Provisional  Court  in  the  City  of  New 
Orleans,  of  which  Charles  A.  Peabody  was  made  Judge,  with 
authority  to  try  all  causes,  civil  and  criminal,  in  law,  equitv, 
revenue,  and  admiralty,  and  particularly  to  exercise  all  such 


CLOSE    OF   THE    SESSION    OF    CONGRESS.  209 

power  and  jurisdiction  as  belongs  to  the  Circuit  and  District 
Courts  of  the  United  States.  His  proceedings  were  to  be 
conformed,  so  far  as  possible,  to  the  course  of  proceedings 
and  practice  usual  in  the  Courts  of  the  United  States  of 
Louisiana,  and  his  judgment  was  to  be  final  and  conclusive. 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  17th  of  July,  having  adopted 
many  measures  of  marked  though  minor  importance,  besides 
those  to  which  we  have  referred,  to  aid  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  war.  Several  Senators  were  expelled  for  adherence,  direct 
or  indirect,  to  the  rebel  cause ;  measures  were  taken  to  remove 
from  the  several  departments  of  the  Government  employes 
more  or  less  openly  in  sympathy  with  secession  ;  Hayti  and 
Liberia  were  recognized  as  independent  republics ;  a  treaty 
was  negotiated  and  ratified  with  Great  Britain  which  conceded 
the  right,  within  certain  limits,  of  searching  suspected  slavers 
carrying  the  American  flag,  and  the  most  liberal  grants  in 
men  and  money  were  made  to  the  Government  for  the  pros 
ecution  of  the  war.  The  President  had  appointed  military 
Governors  for  several  of  the  Border  States,  where  public 
sentiment  was  divided,  enjoining  them  to  protect  the  loyal 
citizens  and  to  regard  them  as  alone  entitled  to  a  voice  in  the 
direction  of  civil  affairs. 

Public  sentiment  throughout  the  loyal  States  sustained  the 
action  of  Congress  and  the  President  as  adapted  to  the  emer 
gency  and  well  calculated  to  aid  in  the  suppression  of  the  re 
bellion.  At  the  same  time  it  was  very  evident  that  the  con 
viction  was  rapidly  gaining  ground  that  Slavery  was  the  cause 
of  the  Rebellion ;  that  the  paramount  object  of  the  conspira 
tors  against  the  Union  was  to  obtain  new  guaranties  for  the 
institution ;  and  that  it  was  this  interest  alone  which  gave 
unity  and  vigor  to  the  rebel  cause.  A  very  active  and  influ 
ential  party  at  the  North  had  insisted  from  the  outset  that  the 
most  direct  way  of  crushing  the  Rebellion  was  by  crushing 
Slavery,  and  they  had  urged  upon  the  President  the  adoption 


210 

of  a  policy  of  immediate  and  unconditional  emancipation,  as 
the  only  thing  necessary  to  bring  into  the  ranks  of  the  Union 
armies  hundre'ds  of  thousands  of  enfranchised  slaves,  as  well 
as  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  the  Northern  States  who 
needed  this  stimulus  of  an  appeal  to  their  moral  sentiment. 
After  the  adjournment  of  Congress  these  demands  became  still 
more  clamorous  and  importunate.  The  President  was  sum 
moned  to  avail  himself  of  the  opportunity  offered  by  the  pas 
sage  of  the  Confiscation  Bill,  and  to  decree  the  instant  libera 
tion  of  every  slave  belonging  to  a  rebel  master.  These  de 
mands  soon  assumed,  with  the  more  impatient  and  intemper 
ate  portion  of  the  friends  of  the  Administration,  a  tone  of 
complaint  and  condemnation,  and  the  President  was  charged 
with  gross  and  culpable  remissness  in  the  discharge  of  duties 
imposed  upon  him  by  the  Act  of  Congress.  They  were  em 
bodied  with  force  and  effect  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Pres 
ident  by  Hon.  Horace  Greeley,  and  published  in  the  N.  Y. 
Tribune  of  the  1 9th  of  August,  to  which  President  LINCOLN 
made  the  following  reply : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Aug.  22,  1862. 

HON.  HORACE  GREELEY: 

DEAR  SIR — I  have  just  read  yours  of  the  19th  instant,  addressed  to 
myself  through  the  New  York  Tribune. 

If  there  be  in  it  any  statements  or  assumptions  of  fact  which  I  may 
know  to  be  erroneous,  I  do  not  now  and  here  controvert  them. 

If  there  be  any  inferences  which  I  may  believe  to  be  falsely  drawn, 
I  do  not  now  and  here  argue  against  them. 

If  there  be  perceptible  in  it  an  impatient  and  dictatorial  tone,  I  waive 
it  in  deference  to  an  old  friend  whose  heart  I  have  always  supposed  to 
be  right. 

As  to  the  policy  I  "seem  to  be  pursuing,"  as  you  say,  I  have  not 
meant  to  leave  any  one  in  doubt.  I  would  save  the  Union.  I  would 
Bave  it  in  the  shortest  way  under  the  Constitution. 

The  sooner  the  national  authority  can  be  restored  the  nearer  the 
Union  will  be — the  Union  as  it  was. 


211 

If  there  be  those  who  would  not  save  the  Union  unless  they  could  at 
the  same  time  save  slavery,  I  do  not  agree  with  them. 

If  there  be  those  who  would  not  save  the  Union  unless  they  could  at 
the  same  time  destroy  slavery,  I  do  not  agree  with  them. 

My  paramount  object  is  to  save  the  Union,  and  not  either  to  save  or  destroy 
slavery. 

If  I  could  save  the  Union  without  freeing  any  slave,  I  would  do  it — 
if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing  all  the  slaves,  I  would  do  it — and  if  I 
could  do  it  by  freeing  some  and  leaving  others  alone,  I  would  also  do 
that. 

What  I  do  about  slavery  and  the  colored  race,  I  do  because  I  believe 
it  helps  to  save  this  Union,  and  what  I  forbear,  I  forbear  because  I  do 
not  believe  it  would  help  to  save  the  Union. 

I  shall  do  less  whenever  I  shall  believe  what  I  am  doing  hurts  the 
cause,  and  I  shall  do  more  whenever  I  believe  doing  more  will  help  the 
cause. 

I  shall  try  to  correct  errors  when  shown  to  be  errors,  and  I  shall 
adopt  new  views  so  fast  as  they  shall  appear  to  be  true  views. 

I  have  here  stated  my  purpose  according  to  my  views  of  official  duty, 
and  I  intend  no  modification  of  my  oft-expressed  personal  wish  that  all 
men  everywhere  could  be  free. 

Yours, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

It  was  impossible  to  mistake  the  President's  meaning  after 
this  letter,  or  to  have  any  doubt  as  to  the  policy  by  which  he 
expected  to  re-establish  the  authority  of  the  Constitution  over 
the  whole  territory  of  the  United  States.  His  "paramount 
object,"  in  every  thing  he  did  and  in  every  thing  he  abstained 
from  doing,  was  to  "  save  the  Union."  lie  regarded  all  the 
power  conferred  on  him  by  Congress  in  regard  to  slavery,  as 
having  been  conferred  to  aid  him  in  the  accomplishment  of 
that  object — and  he  was  resolved  to  wield  those  powers  so  as 
best,  according  to  his  own  judgment,  to  aid  in  its  attainment, 
lie  forebore,  therefore,  for  a  long  time,  the  issue  of  such  a 
proclamation  as  he  was  authorized  to  make  by  the  sixth  sec 
tion  of  the  Confiscation  act  of  Congress — awaiting  the  devel 
opments  of  public  sentiment  on  the  subject,  and  being  espe- 


212 

cially  anxious  that  when  it  was  issued  it  should  receive  the 
moral  support  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  the  whole 
country,  without  regard  to  party  distinctions.  He  sought, 
therefore,  with  assiduous  care,  every  opportunity  of  informing 
himself  as  to  the  drift  of  public  sentiment  on  this  subject. 
He  received  and  conversed  freely  with  all  who  came  to  see 
him  and  to  urge  upon  him  the  adoption  of  their  peculiar 
views;  and  on  the  13th  of  September  gave  formal  audience  to 
a  deputation  from  all  the  religious  denominations  of  the  city 
of  Chicago,  which  had  been  appointed  on  the  7th,  to  wait 
upon  him.  The  Committee  presented  a  memorial  requesting 
him  at  once  to  issue  a  proclamation  of  universal  emancipation, 
and  the  chairman  followed  it  by  some  remarks  in  support  of 
this  request. 

The  President  listened  attentively  to  the  memorial,  and  then 
made  to  those  who  had  presented  it  the  following  reply :' 

The  subject  presented  in  the  memorial  is  one  upon  which  I  have 
thought  much  for  weeks  past,  and  I  may  even  say  for  months.  I  am 
approached  with  the  most  opposite  opinions  and  advice,  and  that  by 
religious  men,  who  are  equally  certain  that  they  represent  the  Divine 
will.  I  am  sure  that  either  the  one  or  the  other  class  is  mistaken  in 
that  belief,  and  perhaps  in  some  respect  both.  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
irreverent  for  me  to  say  that  if  it  is  probable  that  God  would  reveal  his 
will  to  others,  on  a  point  so  connected  with  my  duty,  it  might  be  sup 
posed  he  would  reveal  it  directly  to  me ;  for,  unless  I  am  more  deceived 
in  myself  than  I  often  am,  it  is  my  earnest  desire  to  know  the  will  of 
Providence  in  this  matter.  And  if  I  can  learn  what  it  is  I  will  do  it ! 
These  are  not,  however,  the  days  of  miracles,  and  I  suppose  it  will  be 
granted  that  I  am  not  to  expect  a  direct  revelation.  I  must  study  the 
plain  physical  facts  of  the  case,  ascertain  what  is  possible,  and  learn 
what  appears  to  be  wise  and  right. 

The  subject  is  difficult,  and  good  men  do  not  agree.  For  instance,  the 
other  day,  four  gentlemen  of  standing  and  intelligence  from  New  York 
called  as  a  delegation  on  business  connected  with  the  war ;  but  before 
leaving  two  of  them  earnestly  besought  me  to  proclaim  general  emanci 
pation,  upon  which  the  other  two  at  once  attacked  them.  You  know 


THE    PRESIDENT   AND    THE    CHICAGO    COMMITTEE.     213 

also  that  the  last  session  of  Congress  had  a  decided  majority  of  anti- 
slavery  men,  yet  they  could  not  unite  on  this  policy.  And  the  same  is 
true  of  the  religious  people.  "Why,  the  rebel  soldiers  are  praying  with 
a  great  deal  more  earnestness,  I  fear,  than  our  own  troops,  and  expect 
ing  God  to  favor  their  side :  for  one  of  our  soldiers  who  had  been  taken 
prisoner  told  Senator  Wilson  a  few  days  since  that  he  met  nothing  so 
discouraging  as  the  evident  sincerity  of  those  he  was  among  in  their 
prayers.  But  we  will  talk  over  the  merits  of  the  case. 

What  good  would  a  proclamation  of  emancipation  from  me  do,  espe 
cially  as  we  are  now  situated  ?  I  do  not  want  to  issue  a  document  that 
the  whole  world  will  see  must  necessarily  be  inoperative,  like  the  Pope's 
bull  against  the  comet !  Would  my  word  free  the  slaves,  when  I  cannot 
even  enforce  the  Constitution  in  the  rebel  States  ?  Is  there  a  single 
court,  or  magistrate,  or  individual  that  would  be  influenced  by  it  there  ? 
Arid  what  reason  is  there  to  think  it  would  have  any  greater  effect  upon 
the  slaves  than  the  late  law  of  Congress,  which  I  approved,  and  which 
offers  protection  and  freedom  to  the  slaves  of  rebel  masters  who  come 
within  our  lines  ?  Yet  I  cannot  learn  that  that  law  has  caused  a  single 
slave  to  come  over  to  us.  And  suppose  they  could  be  induced  by  a  proc 
lamation  of  freedom  from  me  to  throw  themselves  upon  us,  what  should 
we  do  with  them  ? .  How  can  we  feed  and  care  for  such  a  multitude  ? 
General  Butler  wrote  me  a  few  days  since  that  he  was  issuing  more 
rations  to  the  slaves  who  have  rushed  to  him  than  to  all  the  white 
troops  under  his  command.  They  eat,  and  that  is  all ;  though  it  is  truo 
General  Butler  is  feeding  the  whites  also  by  the  thousand ;  for  it  nearly 
amounts  to  a  famine  there.  If,  now,  the  pressure  of  the  war  should  call 
off  our  forces  from  New  Orleans  to  defend  some  other  point,  what  is  to 
prevent  the  masters  from  reducing  the  blacks  to  slavery  again ;  for  I 
am  told  that  whenever  the  rebels  take  any  black  prisoners,  free  or  slave, 
they  immediately  auction  them  off!  They  did  so  with  those  they  took 
from  a  boat  that  was  aground  in  the  Tennessee  River  a  few  days  ago. 
And  then  I  am  very  ungenerously  attacked  for  it !  For  instance,  when, 
after  the  late  battles  at  and  near  Bull  Run,  an  expedition  went  out  from 
Washington  under  a  flag  of  truce  to  bury  the  dead  and  bring  in  the 
wounded,  and  the  rebels  seized  the  blacks  who  went  along  to  help,  and 
sent  them  into  slavery,  Horace  Greeley  said  in  his  paper  that  the  Gov 
ernment  would  probably  do  nothing  about  it.  What  could  I  do  ? 

Now,  then,  tell  me,  if  you  please,  what  possible  result  of  good  would 
follow  the  issuing  of  such  a  proclamation  as  you  desire  ?  Understand, 
I  raise  no  objections  against  it  on  legal  or  constitutional  grounds,  for,  as 


214 

commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy,  in  time  of  war  I  suppose  I 
have  a  right  to  take  any  measure  which  may  best  subdue  the  enemy, 
nor  do  I  urge  objections  of  a  moral  nature,  in  view  of  possible  con 
sequences  of  insurrection  and  massacre  at  the  South.  I  view  this 
matter  as  a  practical  war  measure,  to  be  decided  on  according  to  the 
advantages  or  disadvantages  it  may  offer  to  the  suppression  of  the  re 
bellion. 

The  Committee  replied  to  these  remarks,  insisting  that  a 
proclamation  of  emancipation  would  secure  at  once  the  sym 
pathy  of  Europe  and  the  civilized  world  ;  and  that  as  slavery 
was  clearly  the  cause  and  origin  of  the  rebellion,  it  was  simply 
just,-  and  in  accordance  with  the  word  of  God,  that  it  should 
be  abolished.  To  these  remarks  the  President  responded  as 
follows : 

I  admit  that  slavery  is  at  the  root  of  the  rebellion,  or  at  least  its  sine 
qua  non.  The  ambition  of  politicians  may  have  instigated  them  to  act, 
but  they  would  have  been  impotent  without  slavery  as  their  instrument. 
I  will  also  concede  that  emancipation  would  help  us  in  Europe,  and  con 
vince  them  that  we  are  incited  by  something  more  than  ambition.  I 
grant,  further,  that  it  would  help  somewhat  at  the  North,  though  not 
so  much,  I  fear,  as  you  and  those  you  represent  imagine.  Still,  some 
additional  strength  would  be  added  in  that  way  to  the  war,  and  then, 
unquestionably,  it  would  weaken  the  rebels  by  drawing  off  their  laborers, 
which  is  of  great  importance ;  but  I  am  not  so  sure  we  could  do  much 
with  the  blacks.  If  we  were  to  arm  them,  I  fear  that  in  a  few  weeks 
the  arms  would  be  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels ;  and,  indeed,,  thus  far,  we 
have  not  had  arms  enough  to  equip  our  white  troops.  I  will  mention 
another  thing,  though  it  meet  only  your  scorn  and  contempt.  There 
are  50,000  bayonets  in  the  Union  army  from  the  Border  Slave  States. 
It  would  be  a  serious  matter  if,  in  consequence  of  a  proclamation  such 
as  you  desire,  they  should  go  over  to  the  rebels.  I  do  not  think  they  all 
would — not  so  many,  indeed,  as  a  year  ago,  or  as  six  months  ago — not 
so  many  to-day  as  yesterday.  Every  day  increases  their  Union  feeling. 
They  are  also  getting  their  pride  enlisted,  and  want  to  beat  the  rebels. 
Let  me  say  one  thing  more :  I  think  you  should  admit  that  we  already 
have  an  important  principle  to  rally  and  unite  the  people,  in  the  fact 
that  constitutional  government  is  at  stake.  This  is  a  fundamental  idea 
going  down  about  as  deep  as  any  thing. 


PROCLAMATION   OF   EMANCIPATION.  215 

The  Committee  replied  to  this  in  some  brief  remarks,  to 
which  the  President  made  the  following  response  : 

Do  not  misunderstand  me  because  I  have  mentioned  these  objections. 
They  indicate  the  difficulties  that  have  thus  far  prevented  my  action  in 
some  such  way  as  you  desire.  I  have  not  decided  against  a  proclama 
tion  of  liberty  to  the  slaves,  but  hold  the  matter  under  advisement. 
And  I  can  assure  you  that  the  subject  is  on  my  mind,  by  day  and  night, 
more  than  any  other.  Whatever  shall  appear  to  be  God's  will  I  will  do. 
I  trust  that  in  the  freedom  with  which  I  have  canvassed  your  views  I 
have  not  in  any  respect  injured  your  feelings. 

After  free  deliberation,  and  being  satisfied  that  the  public 
welfare  would  be  promoted  by  such  a  step,  and  that  public 
sentiment  would  sustain  it,  on  the  22d  of  September  tbo 
President  issued  the  following  preliminary 

PROCLAMATION     OF      EMANCIPATION. 

I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and  navy  thereof,  do  hereby  pro 
claim  and  declare  that  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  the  war  will  be  prose 
cuted  for  the  object  of  practically  restoring  the  constitutional  relation 
between  the  United  States  and  each  of  the  States,  and  the  people  there 
of,  in  which  States  that  relation  is  or  may  be  suspended  or  disturbed. 

That  it  is  my  purpose,  upon  the  next  meeting  of  Congress,  to  again 
recommend  the  adoption  of  a  practical  measure  tendering  pecuniary  aid 
to  the  free  acceptance  or  rejection  of  all  Slave  States  so-called,  the 
people  whereof  may  not  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States, 
and  which  States  may  then  have  voluntarily  adopted,  or  thereafter  may 
voluntarily  adopt,  immediate  or  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery  within 
their  respective  limits ;  and  that  the  effort  to  colonize  persons  of  African 
descent,  with  their  consent,  upon  this  continent  or  elsewhere,  with  the 
previously  obtained  consent  of  the  governments  existing  there,  will  be 
continued. 

That  on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thou 
sand  eight  hundred  and  sixty  three,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within 
any  State,  or  designated  part  of  a  State,  the  people  whereof  shall  then 
be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforward, 
and  forever  free ;  and  the  Executive  Government  of  the  United  States, 


216  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

including  the  military  and  naval  authority  thereof,  will  recognize  and 
maintain  the  freedom  of  such  persona,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to 
repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts  they  may  make 
for  their  actual  freedom. 

That  the  Executive  will,  on  the  first  day  of  January  aforesaid,  by 
proclamation,  designate  the  States  and  parts  of  States,  if  any,  in  which 
the  people  thereof  respectively  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the 
United  States  ;  and  the  fact  that  any  State,  or  the  people  thereof,  shall 
on  that  day  be  in  good  faith  represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  by  members  chosen  thereto  at  elections  wherein  a  majority  of 
the  qualified  voters  of  such  State  shall  have  participated,  shall,  in  the 
absence  of  strong  countervailing  testimony,  be  deemed  conclusive  evi 
dence  that  such  State,  and  the  people  thereof,  are  not  then  in  rebellion 
against  the  United  States. 

That  attention  is  hereby  called  to  an  act  of  Congress  entitled  "  An 
Act  to  make  an  additional  Article  of  War,"  approved  March  13th,  18G2, 
and  which  act  is  in  the  words  and  figures  following : 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representative*  of  the  United  Stales 
of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  hereafter  the  following  shall  be 
promulgated  as  an  additional  article  of  war  for  the  government  of  the 
army  of  the  United  States,  and  shall  be  obeyed  and  observed  as  such  : 

AKTICLE. — All  officers  or  persons  iu  the  military  or  naval  service  of 
the  United  States  arc  prohibited  from  employing  any  of  the  forces  under 
their  respective  commands  for  the  purpose  of  returning  fugitives  from 
service  or  labor  who  may  have  escaped  from  any  persons  to  whom  such 
service  or  labor  is  claimed  to  be  due ;  and  any  officer  who  shall  be  found 
g  lilty  by  a  court-martial  of  violating  this  article  shall  be  dismissed  from 
the  service. 

SEC.  3.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  this  act  shall  take  effect  from  and 
after  its  passage. 

Also,  to  the  ninth  and  tenth  sections  of  an  act  entitled  "  An  Act  to 
Suppress  Insurrection,  to  Punish  Treason  and  Rebellion,  to  seize  and 
Confiscate  Property  of  Rebels,  and  for  other  Purposes,"  approved  July 
10,  1862,  and  which  sections  are  in  the  words  and  figures  following  : 

SEC.  9.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  slaves  of  persons  who  shall 
hereafter  be  engaged  in  rebellion  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  or  who  shall  in  any  way  give"  aid  or  comfort  thereto,  escaping  from 
such  persons  and  taking  refuge  within  the  lines  of  the  army;  and  all 
slaves  captured  from  such  persons,  or  deserted  by  them  and  coming 
under  the  control  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States;  and  all  slaves 
of  such  persons  found  on  [or]  being  within  any  place  occupied  by  rebel 
forces  and  afterward  occupied  by  forces  of  the  United  States,  shall  be 
deemed  captives  of  war,  and  shall  be  forever  free  of  their  servitude,  and 
not  again  held  as  slaves. 

SEC.  10.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  no  slave  escaping  into  any  State, 
Territory,  or  the  District  of  Columbia,  from  any  other  State,  shall  be  de 
livered  up,  or  in  any  way  impeded  or  hindered  of  his  liberty,  except  for 


PROCLAMATION    OF   EMANCIPATION.  217 

crime,  or  some  offence  against  the  laws,  unless  the  person  claiming  said 
fugitive  shall  first  make  oath  that  the  person  to  whom  the  labor  or  ser 
vice  of  such  fugitive  is  alleged  to  be  due  is  his  lawful  owner,  and  has  not 
borne  arms  against  the  United  States  in  the  present  rebellion,  nor  in  any 
way  given  aid  and  comfort  thereto ;  and  no  person  engaged  in  the  mili 
tary  or  naval  service  of  the  United  States  shall,  under  any  pretence  what 
ever,  assume  to  decide  on  the  validity  of  the  claim  01  any  person  to  the 
service  or  labor  of  any  other  person,  or  surrender  up  any  such  person  to 
the  claimant,  on  pain  of  being  dismissed  from  the  service. 

And  I  do  hereby  enjoin  upon  and  order  all  persons  engaged  in  the 
military  and  naval  service  of  the  United  States  to  observe,  obey,  and  en 
force,  within  their  respective  spheres  of  service,  the  act  and  sections 
above  recited. 

And  the  Executive  will  in  due  time  recommend  that  all  citizens  of 
the  United  States  who  shall  have  remained  loyal  thereto  throughout 
the  rebellion,  shall  (upon  the  restoration  of  the  constitutional  relation 
between  the  United  States  and  their  respective  States  and  people,  if 
that  relation  shall  have  been  suspended  or  disturbed)  be  compensated 
for  all  losses  by  acts  of  the  United  States,  including  the  loss  of 
slaves. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  tho 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,   this  twenty-second  day  of  Sep 
tember,  in  the    year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
[L.  s.]    and  sixty-two,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 

the  eighty-seventh.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President : 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

The  issuing  of  this  proclamation  created  the  deepest  inter 
est,  not  unmixed  with  anxiety,  in  the  public  mind.  The  op 
ponents  of  the  Administration  in  the  loyal  States,  as  well  as 
the  sympathizers  with  secession  everywhere,  insisted  that  it 
afforded  unmistakable  evidence  that  the  object  of  the  war  was, 
what  they  had  always  declared  it  to  be,  the  abolition  of 
slavery,  and  not  the  restoration  of  the  Union ;  and  they  put 
forth  the  most  vigorous  efforts  to  arouse  public  sentiment 
against  the  Administration  on  this  ground.  They  were  met, 
however,  by  the  clear  and  explicit  declaration  of  the  document 
itself,  in  which  the  President  "  proclaimed  and  declared"  that 
"  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  the  war  will  be  prosecuted  for  the 
10 


218 

object  of  practically  restoring  the  constitutional  relation  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  each  of  the  States  and  the  people 
thereof,  in  which  that  relation  is  or  may  be  suspended  or 
disturbed."  This  at  once  made  it  evident  that  emancipation, 
as  provided  for  in  the  Proclamation,  as  a  war  measure,  was 
subsidiary  and  subordinate  to  the  paramount  object  of  the 
war — the  restoration  of  the  Union,  and  the  re-establishment 
of  the  authority  of  the  Constitution ;  and  in  this  sense  it  was 
favorably  received  by  the  great  body  of  the  loyal  people  of 
the  United  States. 

It  only  remains  to  be  added,  in  this  connection,  that  on  the 
first  of  January,  1863,  the  President  followed  this  measure  by 
issuing  the  following 

PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas,  on  the  22d  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-two,  a  proclamation  was  issued  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  containing,  among  other  things,  the 
following,  to  wit : 

That  on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thou 
sand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  any 
States  or  designated  part  of  a  State,  the  people  whereof  shall  then  be  in 
rebellion  against  the  United  States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforward,  and 
forever  free ;  and  the  Executive  Government  of  the  United  States,  in 
cluding  the  military  and  naval  authority  thereof,  will  recognize  and 
maintain  the  freedom  of  such  persons,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to  re 
press  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts  they  may  make  for 
their  actual  freedom. 

That  the  Executive  will,  on  the  first  day  of  January  aforesaid,  by 
proclamation,  designate  the  States  and  parts  of  States,  if  any,  in  which 
the  people  thereof  respectively  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the 
United  States ;  and  the  fact  that  any  State,  or  the  people  thereof,  shall 
on  that  day  be  in  good  faith  represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  by  members  chosen  thereto  at  elections  wherein  a  majority  of 
the  qualified  voters  of  such  State  shall  have  participated,  shall,  in  the 
absence  of  strong  countervailing  testimony,  be  deemed  conclusive  evi 
dence  that  such  State,  and  the  people  thereof,  are  not  then  in  rebellion 
against  the  United  States. 

Now,  therefore,  I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States, 
by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army 
and  Navy  of  the  United  States  in  time  of  actual  armed  rebellion  against 
the  authority  and  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  as  a  fit  and 


PROCLAMATION    OF    EMAftUi'ATIOX.  219 

necessary  -war  measure  for  suppressing  said  rebellion,  do,  on  this  first 
day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
sixty-three,  and  in  accordance  with  my  purpose  so  to  do,  publicly  pro 
claimed  for  the  full  period  of  one  hundred  days,  from  the  day  first 
above  mentioned,  order  and  designate  as  the  States  and  parts  of  States 
wherein  the  people  thereof  respectively  are  this  day  in  rebellion  against 
the  United  States,  the  following,  to  wit : 

Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisiana  (except  the  parishes  of  St.  Bernard, 
Plaquemines,  Jefferson,  St.  John,  St.  Charles,  St.  James,  Ascension, 
Assumption,  Terre  Bonne,  Lafourche,  Ste.  Marie,  St.  Martin,  and 
Orleans,  including  the  city  of  New  Orleans),  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Flor 
ida,  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  and  Virginia  (except  the 
forty-eight  counties  designated  as  West  Virginia,  and  also  the  counties 
of  Berkeley,  Accomac,  Northampton,  Elizabeth  City,  York,  Princess 
Anne,  and  Norfolk,  including  the  cities  of  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth),  and 
which  excepted  parts  are  for  the  present  left  precisely  as  if  this  proc 
lamation  were  not  issued. 

And  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  I  do  order 
and  declare  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  said  designated  States 
and  parts  of  States  are  and  henceforward  shall  be  free ;  and  that  the 
Executive  Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and 
naval  authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of 
said  persons. 

And  I  hereby  enjoin  upon  the  people  so  declared  to  be  free  to  abstain 
from  all  violence,  unless  in  necessary  self-defence ;  and  I  recommend  to 
them  that,  in  all  cases  when  allowed,  they  labor  faithfully  for  reasonable 
wages. 

And  I  further  declare  and  make  known  that  such  persons,  of  suitable 
condition,  will  be  received  into  the  armed  service  of  the  United  States 
to  garrison  forts,  positions,  stations,  and  other  places,  and  to  man  ves 
sels  of  all  sorts  in  said  service. 

And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  justice,  war 
ranted  by  the  Constitution  upon  military  necessity,  I  invoke  the  con 
siderate  judgment  of  mankind,  and  the  gracious  favor  of  Almighty  God. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  name,  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year 
P  ,  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  of 

the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty-seventh, 
,  By  the  President :  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD.  Secretary  of  State. 


220  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    MILITARY  ADMINISTRATION  OF  1862 THE    PRESIDENT  AND 

GENERAL    M?CLELLAN. 

THE  repulse  of  the  national  forces  at  the  battle  of  Bull  Run 
in  July,  1861,  aroused  the  people  of  the  loyal  States  to  a  sense 
of  the  magnitude  of  the  contest  which  had  been  forced  upon 
them.  It  stimulated  to  intoxication  the  pride  and  ambition  of 
the  rebels,  and  gave  infinite  encouragement  to  their  efforts  to 
raise  fresh  troops,  and  increase  the  military  resources  of  their 
Confederation.  Nor  did  the  reverse  the  national  cause  had  sus 
tained  for  an  instant  damp  the  ardor,  or  check  the  determina 
tion,  of  the  Government  and  people  of  the  loyal  States.  Gen 
eral  McDowell,  the  able  and  accomplished  officer  who  com 
manded  the  army  of  the  United  States  in  that  engagement, 
conducted  the  operations  of  the  day  with  signal  ability ;  and 
his  defeat  was  due,  as  subsequent  disclosures  have  clearly 
shown,  far  more  to  accidents  for  which  others  were  responsible, 
than  to  any  lack  of  skill  in  planning  the  battle,  or  of  courage 
arid  generalship  on  the  field.  But  it  was  the  first  considerable 
engagement  of  the  war,  and  its  loss  was  a  serious  and  startling 
disappointment  to  the  sanguine  expectations  of  the  people  :  it 
was  deemed  necessary,  therefore,  to  place  a  new  commander  at 
the  head  of  the  army  in  front  of  Washington.  General  McClel- 
lan,  who  had  been  charged,  at  the  outset  of  the  war,  with  opera 
tions  in  the  department  of  the  Ohio,  and  who  had  achieved 
marked  success  in  clearing  Western  Virginia  of  the  rebel 
troops,  was  summoned  to  Washington  on  the  22d  of  July,  and 
on  the  27th  assumed  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 


221 

Although  then  in  command  only  of  a  department,  General  Mc- 
Clellan,with  an  ambition  and  a  presumption  natural,  perhaps,  to 
Jiis  age  and  the  circumstances  of  his  advancement,  addressed  his 
attention  to  the  general  conduct  of  the  war  in  all  sections  of  the 
country,  and  favored  the  Government  and  Lieutenant-General 
Scott  with  several  elaborate  and  meritorious  letters  of  advice,  as 
to  the  method  most  proper  to  be  pursued  for  the  suppression  of 
the  rebellion.  He  soon,  however,  found  it  necessary  to  attend 
to  the  preparation  of  the  army  under  his  command  for  an  im 
mediate  resumption  of  hostilities.  Fresh  troops  in  great  num 
bers  speedily  poured  in  from  the  Northern  States,  and  were 
organized  and  disciplined  for  prompt  and  effective  service. 
The  number  of  troops  in  and  about  the  capital  when  General 
McClellan  assumed  command,  was  a  little  over  50,000,  and  the 
brigade  organization  of  General  McDowell  formed  the  basis 
for  the  distribution  of  these  new  forces.  By  the  middle  of 
October  this  army  had  been  raised  to  over  150,000  men,  with 
an  artillery  force  of  nearly  500  pieces — all  in  a  state  of  excel 
lent  discipline,  under  skilful  officers,  and  animated  by  a  zealous 
and  impatient  eagerness  to  renew  the  contest  for  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  Constitution  and  Government  of  the  United  States. 
The  President  and  Secretary  of  War  had  urged  the  division  of 
the  army  inW  corps  cTarmec,  for  the  purpose  of  more  effective 
service;  but  General  McClellan  had  discouraged  and  thwarted 
their  endeavors  in  this  direction,  mainlv  on  the  ground  that 
there  were  not  officers  enough  of  tried  ability  in  the  army  to 
be  intrusted  with  such  high  commands  as  this  division  would 
create. 

On  the  22d  of  October,  a  portion  of  our  forces  which  had 
been  ordered  to  cross  the  Potomac  above  Washington,  in  the 
direction  of  Leesburgh,  were  rn^t  by  a  heavy  force  of  the 
enemy  at  Ball's  Bluff,  repulsed  with  severe  loss,  and  compelled 
to  return.  The  circumstances  of  this  disaster  excited  a  great 
deal  of  dissatisfaction  in  the  public  mind,  and  this  was  still 


222          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTEATION. 

further  aggravated  by  the  fact  that  the  rebels  had  obtained, 
and  been  allowed  to  hold,  complete  control  of  the  Potomac 
below  Washington,  so  as  to  establish  a  virtual  and  effective, 
blockade  of  the  capital  from  that  direction.  Special  efforts 
were  repeatedly  made  by  the  President  and  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  to  clear  the  banks  of  the  river  of  the  rebel  forces,  known 
to  be  small  in  number,  which  held  them,  but  it  was  found  im 
possible  to  induce  General  McClellan  to  take  any  steps  to  aid 
in  the  accomplishment  of  this  result.  In  October  he  had 
promised  that  on  a  day  named,  4,000  troops  should  be  ready 
to  proceed  down  the  river  to  co-operate  with  the  Potomac 
flotilla  under  Captain  Craven ;  but  at  the  time  appointed  the 
troops  did  not  arrive,  and  General  McClellan  alleged,  as  H 
reason  for  having  changed  his  mind,  that  his  engineers  had  in 
formed  him  that  so  large  a  body  of  troops  could  not  be  landed, 
The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  replied  that  the  landing  of  the 
troops  was  a  matter  of  which  that  department  assumed  the 
responsibility ;  and  it  was  then  agreed  that  the  troops  should 
be  sent  down  the  next  night.  They  were  not  sent,  however 
cither  then  or  at  any  other  time,  for  which  General  McClellan 
assigned  as  a  reason  the  fear  that  such  an  attempt  might  bring 
on  a  general  engagement.  Captain  Craven  upoi~  this  threw 
up  his  command,  and  the  Potomac  remained  closed  to  the 
vessels  and  transports  of  the  United  States  until  it  was  opened 
in  March  of  the  next  year  by  the  voluntary  withdrawal  of  the 
rebel  forces. 

On  the  1st  of  November,  General  McClellan  was  appointed 
by  the  President  to  succeed  General  Scott  in  the  command 
of  all  the  armies  of  the  Union,  remaining  in  personal  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  His  attention  was  then 
of  necessity  turned  to  the  defection  of  army  movements,  and 
to  the  conduct  of  political  affairs,  so  far  as  they  came  under 
military  control,  in  the  more  distant  sections  of  the  country 
But  no  movement  took  place  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  OBDER  FOB  AN  ADVANCE.       223 

The  season  had  been  unusually  favorable  for  military  opera 
tions — the  troops  were  admirably  organized  and  disciplined, 
and  in  the  highest  state  of  efficiency — in  numbers  they  were 
known  to  be  far  superior  to  those  of  the  rebels  opposed  to 
them,  who  were  nevertheless  permitted  steadily  to  push  their 
approaches  towards  Washington,  while  from  the  highest  offi 
cer  to  the  humblest  private  our  forces  were  all  animated  with  an 
eager  desire  to  be  led  against  the  enemies  of  their  country. 
As  winter  approached  without  any  indications  of  an  intended 
movement  of  our  armies,  the  public  impatience  rose  to  the 
highest  point  of  discontent.  The  Administration  was  every 
where  held  responsible  for  these  unaccountable  delays,  and 
was  freely  charged  by  its  opponents  with  a  design  to  protract 
the  war  for  selfish  political  purposes  of  its  own  :  and  at  the 
fall  election  the  public  dissatisfaction  made  itself  manifest  by 
adverse  votes  in  every  considerable  State  where  elections  were 
held. 

Unable  longer  to  endure  this  state  of  things,  President  Lin 
coln  put  an  end  to  it  on  the  27th  of  January,  1862,  by  issuing 
the  following  order : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  January  2*7,  1862. 
Ordered,  That  the  twenty-second  dar  of  February,  x  8  6  2,  be  the  day 
for  a  general  movement  of  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United 
States  against  the  insurgent  forces.  That  especially  the  army  at  and 
about  Fortress  Monroe,  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  the  army  of  Western 
Virginia,  the  army  near  Munfordsville,  Kentucky,  the  army  and  flotilla 
at  Cairo,  and  a  naval  force  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  be  ready  to  move  on 
that  day. 

*  That  all  other  forces,  both  land  and  naval,  with  their  respective  com 
manders,  obey  existing  orders  for  the  time,  and  be  ready  to  obey  addi 
tional  orders  when  duly  given- 

^  That  the  heads  of  departments,  and  especially  the  Secretaries  of  War 
and  of  the  Xavy,  with  all  their  subordinates,  and  the  General-in-Chief, 
with  all  other  commanders  and  subordinates  of  land  and  naval  forces, 
will  severally  be  held  to  their  strict  and  full  responsibilities  for  prompt 
execution  of  tb:s  order.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


224  TKESIDENT 

This  order,  which  applied  to  all  the  armies  of  the  United 
States,  was  followed  four  days  afterwards  by  the  following 
special  order  directed  to  General  McClellan  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  January  31,  18G2. 
Ordered,  That  all  the  disposable  force  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
after  providing  safely  for  the  defence  of  Washington,  be  formed  into  an 
expedition  for  the  immediate  object  of  seizing  and  occupying  a  point  up 
on  the  railroad  southwestward  of  what  is  known  as  Manassas  Junc 
tion,  all  details  to  be  in  the  discretion  of  the  Commander-inChief,  and 
the  expedition  to  move  before  or  on  the  twenty-second  day  of  February 
next.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  object  of  this  order  was  to  engage  the  rebel  army  in 
front  of  Washington  by'a  flank  attack,  and  by  its  defeat  re 
lieve  the  capital,  put  Richmond  at  our  mercy,  and  break  the 
main  strength  of  the  rebellion  by  destroying  the  principal 
army  arrayed  in  its  support.  Instead  of  obeying  it,  General 
McClellan  remonstrated  against  its  execution,  and  urged  the 
adoption  of  a  different  plan  of  attack,  which  was  to  me  -e 
upon  Richmond  by  way  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  the  Rappahan- 
nock  River,  and  a  land  march  across  the  country  from  Urban  a, 
leaving  "the  rebel  forces  in  position  at  Manassas  to  be  held  in 
check,  if  they  should  attempt  a  forward  movement,  only  by 
the  troops  in  the  fortifications  around  Washington.  As  the 
result  of  several  conferences  with  the  President,  he  obtained 
permission  to  state  in  writing  his  objections  to  his  plan — the 
President  meantime  sending  him  the  following  letter  of  inquiry  : 
EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  February  3,  1 862. 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  You  and  I  have  distinct  and  different  plans  for  a 
movement  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  ;  yours  to  be  done  by  the  Chesa 
peake,  up  the  Eappahannock  to  Urbana,  and  across  land  to  the  ter 
minus  of  the  railroad  on  the  York  River ;  mine  to  move  directly  to  a 
point  on  the  railroad  southwest  of  Manassas. 

If  you  will  give  satisfactory  answers  to  the  following  questions,  I 
shall  gladly  yield  my  plan  to  yours  : 

l.st.  Does  not  your  plan  involve  a  greatly  larger  expenditure  of  tim& 
r.nd  money  than  mine  ? 


THE   MOVEMENT   TO   THE   PENINSULA.  225 

2d.  Wherein  is  a  victory  more  certain  by  your  plan  than  mine? 

3d.  "Wherein  is  a  victory  more  valuable  by  your  plan  than  mine  ? 

4th.  In  fact,  would  it  not  be  less  valuable  in  this :  that  it  would  break 
no  great  line  of  the  enemy's  communications,  while  mine  would? 

5th.  In  case  of  disaster,  would  not  a  retreat  be  more  difficult  by  your 
plan  than  mine  ? 

Yours,  truly,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Major-General  McC/LELLAN. 

General  McClellan  sent  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  under  date 
of  February  3d,  a  very  long  letter,  presenting  strongly  the  ad 
vantage  possessed  by  the  rebels  in  holding  a  central  defensive 
position,  from  which  they  could  with  a  small  force  resist  any 
attack  on  either  flank,  concentrating  their  main  strength  upon 
the  other  for  a  decisive  action.  The  uncertainties  of  the 
weather,  the  necessity  of  having  long  lines  of  communication, 
and  the  probable  indecisiveness  even  of  a  victory,  if  one  should 
be  gained,  were  urged  against  the  President's  plan.  So 
strongly  was  General  McClellan  in  favor  of  his  own  plan  of 
operations,  that  he  said  he  "  should  prefer  the  move  from  For 
tress  Monroe  as  a  base,  to  an  attack  upon  Manassas."  The 
President  was  by  no  means  convinced  by  General  McClellan's 
reasoning ;  but  in  consequence  of  his  steady  resistance  and  un 
willingness  to  enter  upon  the  execution  of  any  other  plan,  he  as 
sented  to  a  submission  of  the  matter  to  a  council  of  twelve 
officers  held  late  in  February,  at  head-quarters.  The  result  of 
that  council  was,  a  decision  in  favor  of  moving  by  way  of  the 
lower  Chesapeake  and  the  Rappahannock — seven  of  the  Gen 
erals  present,  viz.,  Fitz-John  Porter,  Franklin,  W.  F.  Smith, 
McCall,  Blenker,  Andrew  Porter,  and  Naglee,  voting  in  favor  of 
it,  as  did  Keyes  also,  with  the  qualification  that  the  army  should 
not  move  until  the  rebels  were  driven  from  the  Potomac,  and 
Generals  McDowell,  Sumner,  Heintzelman,  and  Barnard,  voting 
against  it. 

In  this  decision  the  President  acquiesced,  and  on  the  8th 
of  March,  issued  two  general  war  orders,  the  first  directing 
10* 


226  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

the  Major-General  commanding  the  Army  of  nne  Potomac  to 
proceed  forthwith  to  organize  that  part  of  said  army  destined 
to  enter  upon  active  operations  into  four  army  corps,  to  bo 
commanded,  the  first  by  General  McDowell,  the  second  by 
General  Sumner,  the  third  by  General  Heintzelman,  and  the 
fourth  by  General  Keyes.  General  Banks  was  assigned  to  the 
command  of  a  fifth  corps.  It  also  appointed  General  Wads- 
worth  Military  Governor  of  Washington,  and  dvrev,ed  the 
order  to  be  "  executed  with  such  promptness  and  dispatch  as 
not  to  delay  the  commencement  of  the  operations  already 
directed  to  be  undertaken  by  the  Army  of  the  Potomac." 
The  second  of  these  orders  was  as  follows: 


EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  "WASHINGTON,  March  8,  1SG2. 

Ordered,  That  no  change  of  the  base  of  operations  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  shall  bo  made  without  leaving  in  and  about  Washington 
such  a  force  as,  in  the  opinion  of  the  General-in-Chief  and  the  com 
manders  of  army  corps,  shall  leave  said  city  entirely  secure. 

That  no  more  than  two  army  corps  (about  fifty  thousand  troops)  of 
said  Army  of  the  Potomac  shall  be  moved  en  route  for  a  new  base  of  opera 
tions  until  the  navigation  of  the  Potomac,  from  Washington  to  the 
Chesapeake  Bay,  shall  be  freed  from  the  enemy's  batteries,  and  other 
obstructions,  or  until  the  President  shall  hereafter  give  express  per 
mission. 

That  any  movement  as  aforesaid,  en  route  for  a  now  base  of  operations, 
which  may  be  ordered  by  the  General-in-Chief,  and  which  may  be  in 
tended  to  move  upon  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  shall  begin  to  move  upon  the 
bay  as  early  as  the  eighteenth  March  instant,  and  the  General-in-Chief 
shall  be  responsible  that  it  moves  as  early  as  that  day. 

Ordered,  That  the  army  and  navy  co-operate  in  an  immediate  effort 
to  capture  the  enemy's  batteries  upon  the  Potomac  between  Washing 
ton  and  the  Chesapeake  Bay. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

L.  THOMAS,  Adjutant- General. 

This  order  was  issued  on  the  8th  of  March.  On  the  9th,  in 
formation  was  received  by  General  McClellan,  at  Washington, 


REBEL   EVACUATION   OF   MAXASSAS.  227 

that  the  enemy  had  abandoned  his  position  in  front  of  that 
city.  lie  at  once  crossed  the  Potomac,  and  on  the  same 
night  issued  orders  for  an  immediate  advance  of  the  whole  army 
towards  Manassas, — not  with  any  intention,  as  he  has  since 
explained,  of  pursuing  the  rebels,  and  taking  advantage  of  their 
retreat,  but  to  "  get  rid  of  superfluous  baggage  and  other  im 
pediments  which  accumulate  so  easily  around  an  army  en 
camped  for  a  long  time  in  one  locality" — to  give  the  troops 
"  some  experience  on  the  march  and  bivouac  preparatory  to 
the  campaign,"  and  to  afford  them  also  a  "  good  intermediate 
step  between  the  quiet  and  comparative  comfort  of  the  camps 
around  Washington  and  the  vigor  of  active  operations."*  These 
objects,  in  General  McClellan's  opinion,  were  sufficiently  ac 
complished  by  what  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  of  his  staff,  styles 
a  "  promenade  "  of  the  army  to  Manassas,  where  they  learned, 
from  personal  inspection,  that  the  rebels  had  actually  evacu 
ated  that  position;  and  on  the  15th,  orders  were  issued  for  a 
return  of  the  forces  to  Alexandria. 

On  the  llth  of  March,  the  President  issued  another  order, 
stating  that  "  Major-General  McClellan  having  personally  taken 
the  field  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  until  other 
wise  ordered,  he  is  relieved  from  the  command  of  the  other 
military  departments,  retaining  command  of  the  department  of 
the  Potomac."  Major-General  Halleck  was  assigned  to  the 
command  of  the  derailment  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  Moun 
tain  department  was  created  for  Major-General  Fremont.  All 
the  commanders  of  departments  were  also  required  to  report 
directly  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

On  the  13th  of  March,  a  council  of  war  was  held  at  head 
quarters,  then  at  Fairfax  Court-House,  by  which  it  was  decided 
that,  as  the  enemy  had  retreated  behind  the  Rappahannock, 
operations  against  Richmond  could  best  be  conducted  from 
Fortress  Monroe,  provided  : 

*  See  General  McClellan's  Report,  dated  August  4,  1863. 


228 

1st.  That  the  enemy's  vessel,  Merrimac,  can  be  neutralized. 

2d.  That  the  means  of  transportation,  sufficient  for  an  immediate 
transfer  of  the  force  to  its  new  base,  can  be  ready  at  Washington  and 
Alexandria  to  move  down  the  Potomac ;  and, 

3d.  That  a  naval  auxiliary  force  can  be  had  to  silence,  or  aid  in 
silencing,  the  enemy's  batteries  on  the  York  River. 

4th.  That  the  force  to  be  left  to  cover  Washington  shall  be  such  as  to 
give  an  entire  feeling  of  security  for  its  safety  from  menace. 

XOTE. — That  with  the  forts  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Potomac  fully 
garrisoned,  and  those  on  the  left  bank  occupied,  a  covering  force  in  front 
of  the  Virginia  line  of  twenty-five  thousand  men  would  suffice.  (Keyes, 
Ileiutzelman,  and  McDowell.) 

A  total  of  forty  thousand  men  for  the  defence  of  the  city  would 
suffice.  (Sumner.) 

Upon  receiving  a  report  of  this  decision,  the  following  com 
munication  was  at  once  addressed  to  the  commanding  general : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  March  13,  1862. 

The  President  having  considered  the  plan  of  operations  agreed  upon 
by  yourself  and  the  commanders  of  army  corps,  makes  no  objection  to 
the  same,  but  gives  the  following  directions  as  to  its  execution : 

1.  Leave  such  force  at  Manassas  Junction  as  shall  make  it  entirely 
certain  that  the  enemy  shall  not  repossess  himself  of  that  position  and 
line  of  communication. 

2.  Leave  Washington  entirely  secure. 

3.  Move  the  remainder  of  the  force  down  the  Potomac,  choosing  a 
new  base  at  Fortress  Monroe,  or  anywhere  between  here  and  there, 
or,  at  all  events,  move  such  remainder  of  the  army  at  once  in  pursuit  of  the 
enemy  by  some  route. 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 
Major-General  GEORGE  B.  MCCLELLAN. 

It  will  readily  be  seen,  from  these  successive  orders,  that 
the  President,  in  common  with  the  whole  country,  had  been 
greatly  pained  by  the  long  delay  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
to  move  against  the  enemy  while  encamped  at  Manassas,  and 
that  this  feeling  was  converted  into  chagrin  and  mortification 


ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  THE  PENINSULAR  MOVEMENT.    229 

when  the  rebels  were  allowed  to  withdraw  from  that  position 
without  the  slightest  molestation,  and  without  their  design 
being  even  suspected  until  it  had  been  carried  into  complete 
and  successful  execution.  He  was  impatiently  anxious,  there 
fore,  that  no  more  time  should  be  lost  in  delays.  In  reply  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  General  McClellan,  before  embarking  for 
the  Peninsula,  communicated  his  intention  of  reaching,  without 
loss  of  time,  the  field  of  what  he  believed  would  be  a  decisive 
battle,  which  he  expected  to  fight  between  West  Point  and 
Richmond.  On  the  31st  of  March,  the  President,  out  of 
deference  to  the  importunities  of  General  Fremont  and  his 
friends,  and  from  a  belief  that  "this  officer  could  make  good  use 
of  a  larger  force  than  he  then  had  at  his  command  in  the 
mountain  department,  ordered  General  Blenker's  division  to 
leave  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  and  join  him,  a  decision  which 
he  announced  to  General  McClellan  in  the  following  letter : 


EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 

WASHINGTON,  March  31,  1862. 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  This  morning  I  felt  constrained  to  order  Blenker's 

division  to  Fremont,  and  I  write  this  to  assure  you  that  I  did  so  with 

great  pain,  understanding  that  you  would  wish  it  otherwise.     If  you 

could  know  the  full  pressure  of  the  case,  I  am  confident  that  you  would 

justify  it,  even  beyond  a  mere  acknowledgment  that  the  Commander-in- 

Chief  may  order  what  he  pleases. 

Tours,  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

Major-General  MCCLELLAN. 


General  Banks,  who  had  at  first  been  ordered  by  General 
McClellan  to  occupy  Manassas,  and  thus  cover  Washington, 
was  directed  by  him,  on  the  1st  of  April,  to  throw  the  rebel 
General  Jackson  well  back  from  Winchester,  and  then  move 
on  Staunton  at  a  time  "  nearly  coincident  with  his  own  move 
on  Richmond ;"  though  General  McClellan  expressed  the  fear 
that  General  Banks  "  could  not  be  ready  in  time"  for  that 


230  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

movement.  The  four  corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  des 
tined  for  active  operations  by  way  of  the  Peninsula,  were  or 
dered  to  embark,  and  forwarded  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  Fortress 
Monroe.  On  the  1st  of  April,  General  McClellan  wrote  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  giving  a  report  of  the  dispositions  he  had 
made  for  the  defence  of  Washington ;  and  on  the  2d,  General 
Wadsworth  submitted  a  statement  of  the  forces  under  his 
command,  which  he  regarded  as  entirely  inadequate  to  the 
service  required  of  them.  The  President  referred  the  matter 
to  Adjutant-General  Thomas  and  General  E.  A.  Hitchcock, 
who  made  a  report  on  the  same  day,  in  which  they  decided 
that  the  force  left  by  General  McClellan  was  not  sufficient  to 
make  Washington  "  entirely  secure,"  as  the  President  had 
required  in  his  order  of  March  13  ;  nor  was  it  as  large  as  the 
council  of  officers  held  at  Fairfax  Court-IIouse  on  the  same 
day  had  adjudged  to  be  necessary.  In  accordance  with  this 
decision,  and  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  the  capital  safe, 
the  army  corps  of  General  McDowell  was  detached  from 
General  McClellan's  immediate  command,  and  ordered  to  re 
port  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

On  reaching  Fortress  Monroe,  General  McClellan  found 
Commodore  Goldsborough,  who  commanded  on  that  naval 
station,  unwilling  to  send  any  considerable  portion  of  his  force 
up  the  York  River,  as  he  was  employed  in  watching  the  Mer- 
rimac,  which  had  closed  the  James  River  against  us.  He  had, 
therefore,  landed  at  the  Fortress  and  commenced  h-is  march 
up  the  Peninsula,  having  reached  the  Warwick  River,  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  Yorktown,  which  had  been  fortified,  and 
was  held  by  a  rebel  force  of  about  11,000  men,  under 
General  Magruder — a  part  of  them,  however,  being  across 
the  river  at  Gloucester.  He  here  halted  to  reconnoitre  the 
position ;  and  on  the  6th,  wrote  to  the  President  that  he  had 
but  85,000  men  fit  for  duty — that  the  whole  line  of  the 
Warwick  River  was  strongly  fortified — that  it  was  pretty 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LETTEK  TO  GEN.  M'CLELLAN.     231 

certain  lie  was  to  "have  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy  on  his 
hands,  probably  not  less  than  100,000  men,  and  probably 
more,'1  and  that  he  should  commence  siege  operations  as  soon 
as  he  could  get  up  his  train.  He  entered,  accordingly,  upon 
this  work,  telegraphing  from  time  to  time  complaints  that 
he  was  not  properly  supported  by  the  Government,  and  asking 
for  re-enforcements. 

On  the  9th  of  April,  President  LINCOLN  addressed  him  the 

following  letter : 

WASHINGTON,  April  9,  1862. 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  Tour  dispatches,  complaining  that  you  are  not  prop 
erly  sustained,  while  they  do  not  offend  me,  do  pain  me  very  much. 

Blenker's  division  was  withdrawn  from  you  before  you  left  here,  and 
you  know  the  pressure  under  which  I  did  it,  and,  as  I  thought,  acqui 
esced  in  it — certainly  not  without  reluctance. 

After  you  left,  I  ascertained  that  less  than  twenty  thousand  unorgan 
ized  men,  without  a  single  field  battery,  were  all  you  designed  to  be 
left  for  the  defence  of  Washington  and  Manassas  Junction,  and  part  of 
this  even  was  to  go  to  General  Hooker's  old  position.  General  Banks's 
corps,  once  designed  for  Manassas  Junction,  was  diverted  and  tied  up 
on  the  line  of  \Yinchester  and  Strasburg,  and  could  not  leave  it  with 
out  again  exposing  the  Upper  Potomac  and  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Hail  road.  This  presented,  or  would  present,  when  McDowell  and  Sum- 
ner  should  be  gone,  a  great  temptation  to  the  enemy  to  turn  back  from 
the  Rappahannock  and  sack  Washington.  My  implicit  order  that 
Washington  should,  by  the  judgment  of  all  the  commanders  of  army 
corps,  be  left  entirely  secure,  had  been  neglected.  It  was  precisely 
this  that  drove  me  to  detain  McDowell. 

I  do  not  forget  that  I  was  satisfied  with  your  arrangement  to  leave 
Banks  at  Manassas  Junction :  but  when  that  arrangement  was  broken 
up,  and  nothing  was  substituted  for  it,  of  course  I  was  constrained  to 
substitute  something  for  it  myself.  And  allow  me  to  ask,  do  you  really 
think  I  should  permit  the  line  from  Richmond,  via  Manassas  Junction, 
to  this  city,  to  be  entirely  open,  except  what  resistance  could  be  pre 
sented  by  less  than  twenty  thousand  unorganized  troops  ?  This  is  a 
question  which  the  country  will  not  allow  me  to  evade. 

There  is  a  curious  mystery  about  the  number  of  troops  now  with  you. 
When  I  telegraphed  you  on  the  sixth,  saying  you  had  over  a  hundred 
thousand  with  you,  I  had  just  obtained  from  the  Secretary  of  War  a 


232          PEESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

statement  taken,  as  he  said,  from  your  own  returns,  making  one  hun 
dred  and  eight  thousand  then  with  you  and  en  route  to  you.  You  now 
say  you  will  have  but  eighty-five  thousand  when  all  en  route  to  you 
shall  have  reached  you.  How  can  the  discrepancy  of  twenty -three 
thousand  be  accounted  for  ? 

As  to  General  "Wool's  command,  I  understand  it  is  doing  for  you  pre 
cisely  what  a  like  number  of  your  own  would  have  to  do  if  that  com 
mand  was  away. 

I  suppose  the  whole  force  which  has  gone  forward  for  you  is  with 
you  by  this  time.  And  if  so,  I  think  it  is  the  precise  tune  for  you  to 
strike  a  blow.  By  delay,  the  enemy  will  relatively  gain  upon  you — 
that  is,  he  will  gain  faster  by  fortifications  and  re-enforcements  than  you 
can  by  re-enforcements  alone.  And  once  more  let  me  tell  you,  it  is  in 
dispensable  to  you  that  you  strike  a  blow.  I  am  powerless  to  help  this. 
You  will  do  me  the  justice  to  remember  I  always  insisted  that  going 
down  the  bay  in  search  of  a  field,  instead  of  fighting  at  or  near  Manas- 
sas,  was  only  shifting,  and  not  surmounting,  a  difficulty;  that  we 
would  find  the  same  enemy,  and  the  same  or  equal  intrenchments,  at 
either  place.  The  country  will  not  fail  to  note,  is  now  noting,  that  the 
present  hesitation  to  move  upon  an  intrenched  enemy  is  but  the  story 
of  Manassas  repeated. 

I  beg  to  assure  you  that  I  have  never  written  you  or  spoken  to  you 
in  greater  kindness  of  feeling  than  now,  nor  with  a  fuller  purpose  to 
sustain  you,  so  far  as,  in  my  most  anxious  judgment,  I  consistently 
can.  But  you  must  act. 

Yours,  very  truly, 

A.  LIXCOLN. 

Major-General  MCCLELLAN. 

In  this  letter  the  President  only  echoed  the  impatience  and 
eagerness  of  the  whole  country.  The  most  careful  inquiries 
which  General  Wool,  in  command  at  Fortress  Monroe,  had 
been  able  to  make,  satisfied  him  that  Yorktown  was  not  held 
by  any  considerable  force;  and  subsequent  disclosures  have 
made  it  quite  certain  that  this  force  was  so  utterly  inadequate 
to  the  defence  of  the  position  that  a  prompt  movement  upon 
it  would  have  caused  its  immediate  surrender,  and  enabled  our 
army  to  advance  at  once  upon  Richmond.  General  McClellan 
decided,  however,  to  approach  it  by  a  regular  siege ;  and  it  was 


THE    REBEL   STEEXGTH    AT  YOKKTOWX.  233 

not  until  this  design  had  become  apparent,  that  the  rebel  Gov 
ernment  began  to  re-enforce  Magruder.*      He  continued  his 

*The  following  extract  from  the  official  report  of  Major-General 
Magruder,  dated  May  3d,  1862,  and  published  by  order  of  the  Confederate 
Congress,  is  conclusive  as  to  the  real  strength  of  the  force  which  Gen 
eral  McClellan  had  in  front  of  him  at  Yorktown  : 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OP  THE  PENINSULA,  ) 
LEE'S  FARM,  May  3,  1862.  \ 

General  S.  COOPER,  A.  and  I.  G.  C.  S.  A.  : 

GENERAL  :  Deeming  it  of  vital  importance  to  hold  Yorktown  on  York 
River,  and  Mulberry  Island  on  James  River,  and  to  keep  the  enemy  in 
check  by  an  intervening  line  until  the  authorities  might  take  such  steps 
as  should  be  deemed  necessary  to  meet  a  serious  advance  of  the  enemy  in 
the  Peninsula,  I  felt  compelled  to  dispose  my  forces  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  accomplish  these  objects  with  the  least  risk  possible  under  the 
circumstances  of  great  hazard  which  surrounded  the  little  army  I  com 
manded. 

I  had  prepared  as  my  real  line  of  defence,  positions  in  advance  at 
Harwood's  and  Young's  Mills.  Both  flanks  of  this  line  were  defended 
by  boggy  and  difficult  streams  and  swamps.  *  *  In  my  opinion  this 
advanced  line,  with  its  flank  defences,  might  have  been  held  by  20,000 
troops.  *•  •  Finding  my  forces  too  weak  to  attempt  the  defence  of  this  line, 
I  was  compelled  to  prepare  to  receive  the  enemy  on  a  second  line  on  War 
wick  River.  This  line  was  incomplete  in  its  preparations.  Keeping  then 
only  small  bodies  of  troops  at  Harwood's  and  Young's  Mills,  and  on  Ship 
Point,  I  distributed  my  remaining  forces  along  the  Warwick  line,  embra 
cing  a  front  from  Yorktown  to  Minor's  farm  of  twelve  miles,  and  from  the 
latter  place  to  Mulberry  Island  Point  one  and  a  half  miles.  I  was  com 
pelled  to  place  in  Gloucester  Point,  Yorktown,  and  Mulberry  Island,  fixed 
garrisons  amounting  to  6, 000  men,  my  whole  force  being  11,000,  so  that  it  viill 
be  seen  that  the  balance  of  the  line,  embracing  a  length  of  thirteen  mile?.,  was 
defended  by  about  5,000  men. 

After  the  recounoissances  in  great  force  from  Fortress  Monroe  and  New 
port  News,  the  enemy,  on  the  3d  of  April,  advanced  and  took  possession 
of  Harwood's  Mill.  He  advanced  in  two  heavy  columns,  one  along  the 
old  York  road,  and  the  other  along  the  Warwick  road,  and  on  the  5th  of 
April  appeared  simultaneously  along  the  whole  part  of  our  line  from 
Minor's  farni  to  Yorktown.  I  have  no  accurate  data  upon  which  to  base 
an  exact  statement  of  his  force;  but  from  various  sources  of  information 
I  was  satisfied  that  I  had  before  me  the  enemy's  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
under  the  command  of  General  McClellan,  with  the  exception  of  the  two 
corps  d'armee  of  Banks  and  McDowell  respectively — forming  an  aggregate 
number  certainly  of  not  less  than  100,000,  since  ascertained  to  have  been 
120,000  men. 

On  every  portion  of  my  lines  he  attacked  us  with  a  furious  cannona 
ding  and  musketry,  which  was  responded  to  with  effect  by  our  batteries 
and  troops  of  the  line.  His  skirmishers  also  were  well  thrown  forward 
on  this  and  the  succeeding  day,  and  energetically  felt  our  whole  line,  but 
were  everywhere  repulsed  by  the  steadiness  of  our  troops.  Tims  with 
5.000  men,  exclusive  of  the  garrisons,  vie  stopped  and  held  in  check  over  one 
hundred  thousand  of  the  enemy.  Every  preparation  was  made  in  anticipa 
tion  of  another  attack  by  the  enemy.  The  men  slept  in  the  trenches  arid 


234  .-RESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

applications  to  the  Government  for  more  troops,  more  cannon, 
more  transportation — all  which  were  sent  forward  to  him  as 
rapidly  as  possible,  being  taken  mainly  from  McDowell's 
corps.  On  the  14th  of  April,  General  Franklin,  detached 
from  that  corps,  reported  to  General  McClellan,  near  York- 
town,  but  his  troops  remained  on  board  the  transports.  A 
month  was  spent  in  this  way,  the  President  urging  action  in 
the  most  earnest  manner,  and  the  commanding  general  delay 
ing  from  day  to  day  his  reiterated  promises  to  commence 
operations  immediately.  At  last,  on  the  morning  of  the  4th 
of  May,  it  was  discovered  that  the  rebels  had  been  busy  for  a 
day  or  two  in  evacuating  Yorktown,  and  that  the  last  of  their 
columns  had  left  that  place,  all  their  supply-trains  having  been 
previously  removed  on  the  day  and  night  preceding.  General 
McClellan,  in  announcing  this  event  to  the  Government,  added 
that  uno  time  would  be  lost"  in  the  pursuit,  and  that  he 
should  "  push  the  enemy  to  the  wall."  General  Stoneman, 
with  a  column  of  cavalry,  was  at  once  sent  forward  to  overtake 
the  retreating  enemy,  which  he  succeeded  in  doing  on  the 
same  day,  and  was  repulsed.  On  the  5th,  the  forces  ordered 
forward  by  General  McClellan  came  up,  and  found  a  very 
strong  rear-guard  of  the  rebels  strongly  fortified,  about  two 
miles  east  of  Williamsburg,  and  prepared  to  dispute  the 
advance  of  the  pursuing  troops.  It  had  been  known  from  the 
beginning  that  a  very  formidable  line  of  forts  had  been  erected 
here,  and  it  ought  to  have  been  equally  well  known  by  the 
commanding  general  that  the  retreating  enemy  would  avail 

under  arms,  but,  to  my  utter  surprise,  he  permitted  day  after  day  to  elapse 
without  an  assault. 

In  a  few  days  the  object  of  his  delay  was  apparent.  In  every  direction  in 
front  of  our  lines,  through  the  intervening  woods  and  along  the  open  fields, 
earthworks  began  to  appear.  Through  the  energetic  action  of  the  govern 
ment  re-enforcements  began  to  pour  in,  and  each  hour  the  army  of  the  Ibn- 
insida  grew  stronger  and  stronger,  until  anxiety  passed  from  my  mind  as  to 
the  result  of  an  attack  upon  us. 

J.  BANKHEA.D  MAGRUDER,  Major- General. 


THE   BATTLE    OF   WILLIAMSBUEG.  235 

himself  of  them  to  delay  the  pursuit.  General  McClellan, 
however,  had  evidently  anticipated  no  resistance.  He  remained 
at  his  head-quarters,  two  miles  in  the  rear  of  Yorktown,  until 
summoned  by  special  messenger  in  the  afternoon  of  the  5th, 
who  announced  to  him  that  our  troops  had  encountered  the 
enemy  strongly  posted,  that  a  bloody  battle  was  in  progress, 
and  that  his  presence  on  the  field  was  imperatively  required. 
Replying  to  the  messenger  that  he  had  supposed  our  troops  in 
front  "  could  attend  to  that  little  matter,"  General  McClellan 
left  his  head-quarters  at  about  half-past  two,  p.  M.,  and  reached 
the  field  at  five.  General  Hooker,  General  Heintzelman,  and 
General  Surnner,  had  been  fighting  under  enormous  difficulties, 
and  with  heavy  losses,  during  all  the  early  part  of  the  day  ;  and 
just  as  the  commanding  general  arrived,  General  Kearney 
had  re-enforced  General  Hooker,  and  General  Hancock  had 
executed  a  brilliant  flank  movement,  which  turned  the 
fortunes  of  the  day,  and  left  our  forces  in  possession  of  the 
field. 

General  McClellan  does  not  seem  to  have  understood  that 
this  affair  was  simply  an  attempt  of  the  rebel  rear-guard  to 
cover  the  retreat  of  the  main  force,  and  that  when  it  had 
delayed  the  pursuit  it  had  accomplished  its  whole  purpose. 
He  countermanded  an  order  for  the  advance  of  two  divisions, 
and  ordered  them  back  to  Yorktown  ;  and  in  a  dispatch  sent 
to  the  War  Department  the  same  night,  he  treats  the  battle 
as  an  engagement  with  the  whole  rebel  army.  "  I  find,5'  ho 
says,  "  General  Joe  Johnson  in  front  of  me  in  strong  force, 
probably  greater,  a  good  deal,  than  my  own."  He  again 
complains  of  the  inferiority  of  his  command,  says  he  will  do  all 
he  can  "  with  the  force  at  his  disposal,"  arid  that  he  should  "  run 
the  risk  of  at  least  holding  them  in  check  here  (at  Williams- 
burg)  while  he  resumed  the  original  plan" — which  was  to 
send  Franklin  to  West  Point  by  water.  But  the  direct  pursuit 
of  the  retreating  rebel  army  was  abandoned — owing,  as  the 


230  PKESIDEXT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

general  said,  to  the  bad  state  of  the  roads,  which  rendered  it 
impracticable.  Some  five  days  were  spent  at  Williams- 
burg,  which  enabled  the  rebels,  notwithstanding  the  "  state  of 
the  roads,"  to  withdraw  their  whole  force  across  the  Chicka- 
liominy,  and  establish  themselves  within  the  fortifications  in 
front  of  Richmond.  On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  General 
Franklin  landed  at  West  Point,  but  too  late  to  intercept  the 
main  body  of  the  retreating  army :  he  was  met  by  a  strong 
rear-guard,  with  whom  he  had'  a  sharp  but  fruitless  en 
gagement. 

The  York  River  had  been  selected  as  the  base  of  operations, 
in  preference  to  the  James,  because  it  "  was  in  a  better  position 
to  effect  a  junction  with  any  troops  that  might  move  from 
Washington  on  the  Fredericksburg  line;"*  and  arrange 
ments  were  made  to  procure  supplies  for  the  army  by 
that  route.  On  the  9th,  Norfolk  was  evacuated  by  the 
rebels,  all  the  troops  withdrawing  in  safety  to  Richmond; 
and  the  city,  on  the  next  day,  was  occupied  by  General 
Wool.  On  the  llth,  the  formidable  steamer  Merrimac,  which 
had  held  our  whole  naval  force  at  Fortress  Monroe  completely 
in  check,  was  blown  up  by  the  rebels  themselves,  and  our 
vessels  attempted  to  reopen  the  navigation  of  the  James 
River,  but  were  repulsed  by  a  heavy  battery  at  Drury's  bluff, 
eight  miles  below  Richmond.  After  waiting  for  several  days 
for  the  roads  to  improve,  the  main  body  of  the  army  was  put 
in  motion  on  the  road  towards  Richmond,  which  was  about 
forty  miles  from  Williamsburg ;  and,  on  the  16th,  head 
quarters  were  established  at  White  House,  at  the  point  where 
the  Richmond  railroad  crosses  the  Pamunkey,  an  affluent 
of  the  York  River — the  main  body  of  the  army  lying  along 
the  south  bank  of  the  Chickahominy,  a  swampy  stream,  be 
hind  which  the  rebel  army  had  intrenched  itself  for  the 
defence  of  Richmond. 

*  See  General  McClellan's  testimony— Report  of  Committee  on  Con 
duct  of  the  War,  Vol.  i.,  p.  431. 


General  McClellan  began  again  to  prepare  for  fighting  the 
"  decisive  battle"  which  he  had  been  predicting  ever  since  the 
rebels  withdrew  from  Manassas,  but  which  they  had  so  far  suc 
ceeded  in  avoiding.  A  good  deal  of  his  attention,  however, 
was  devoted  to  making  out  a  case  of  neglect  against  the  Gov 
ernment.  On  the  10th  of  May,  when  he  had  advanced  but 
three  miles  beyond  William sburg,  he  sent  a  long  dispatch  tc 
the  War  Department,  reiterating  his  conviction  that  the  rebels 
were  about  to  dispute  his  advance  with  their  whole  force,  and 
asking  for  "  every  man"  the  Government  could  send  him.  If 
not  re-enforced  he  said  he  should  probably  be  "  obliged  to  fight 
nearly  double  his  numbers  strongly  intrenched."  Ten  days 
previously  the  official  returns  showed  that  he  had  160,000  men 
under  his  command.  On  the  14th,  he  telegraphed  the  Presi 
dent,  reiterating  his  fears  that  he  was  to  be  met  by  overwhelm 
ing  numbers,  saying  that  he  could  not  bring  more  than  80,000 
men  into  the  field,  and  again  asking  for  "  every  man"  that  the 
AVar  Department  could  send  him.  Even  if  more  troops 
should  not  be  needed  for  military  purposes,  he  thought  a  great 
display  of  imposing  force  in  the  capital  of  the  rebel  govern 
ment  would  have  the  best  moral  effect.  To  these  repeated  de 
mands  the  President,  through  the  Secretary  of  War,  on  the 
18th  of  May,  made  the  following  reply  : 

WASHINGTON,  May  18 — 2  p.  M. 

GENERAL  :  Your  dispatch  to  the  President,  asking  re-enforcements, 
has  been  received  and  carefully  considered. 

The  President  is  not  willing  to  uncover  the  capital  entirely ;  and  it  is 
believed  that  even  if  this  were  prudent,  it  would  require  more  time  to 
effect  a  junction  between  your  army  and  that  of  the  Rappahannock  oy 
the  way  of  the  Potomac  nnd  York  River,  than  by  a  land  march.  In  order, 
therefore,  to  increase  the  strength  of  the  attack  upon  Richmond  at  the  ear 
liest  moment,  General  McDowell  has  been  ordered  to  march  upon  that  city 
by  the  shortest  route.  He  is  ordered,  keeping  himself  always  in  posi 
tion  to  save  the  capital  from  all  possible  attack,  so  to  operate  as  to  put 
his  left  wing  in  communication  with  your  right  wing,  and  you  are  in- 


238  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Btructed  to  co-operate  so  as  to  establish  this  communication  as  soon  as 
possible  by  extending  your  right  wing  to  the  north  of  Richmond. 

It  is  believed  that  this  communication  can  be  safely  established  either 
north  or  south  of  the  Pamunkey  River. 

In  any  event,  you  will  be  able  to  prevent  the  main  body  of  the  ene- 
n.y's  forces  from  leaving  Richmond,  and  falling  in  overwhelming  force 
upon  General  McDowell.  He  will  move  with  between  thirty-five  and 
fc^ty  thousand  men. 

A  copy  of  the  instructions  to  General  McDowell  are  with  this.  The 
specific  task  assigned  to  his  command  has  been  to  provide  against  any 
danger  to  the  capital  of  the  nation. 

At  your  earnest  call  for  re-enforcements,  he  is  sent  forward  to  co 
operate  in  the  reduction  of  Richmond,  but  charged,  in  attempting  this, 
not  to  uncover  the  city  of  Washington,  and  you  will  give  no  order,  either 
before  or  after  your  junction,  which  can  put  him  out  of  position  to  cover 
this  city.  You  and  he  will  communicate  with  each  other  by  telegraph 
or  otherwise,  as  frequently  as  may  be  necessary  for  sufficient  co-opera 
tion.  When  General  McDowell  is  in  position  on  your  right,  his  supplies 
must  be  drawn  from  West  Point,  and  you  will  instruct  your  staff  officers 
to  be  prepared  to  supply  him  by  that  route. 

The  President  desires  that  General  McDowell  retain  the  command  of 
the  department  of  the  Rappahannock,  and  of  the  forces  with  which  ho 
moves  forward. 

By  order  of  the  President.  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

In  reply  to  this,  on  the  21st  of  May,  General  McClellan  re 
peated  his  declarations  of  the  overwhelming  force  of  the  rebels, 
and  urged  that  General  McDowell  should  join  him  by  water 
instead  of  by  land,  going  down  the  Rappahannock  and  the  Bay 
to  Fortress  Monroe,  and  then  ascending  the  York  and  Pamun 
key  Rivers.  He  feared  there  was  "  little  hope  that  he  could 
join  him  overland  in  time  for  the  coining  battle.  Delays,"  he 
says,  "  on  my  part  will  be  dangerous :  I  fear  sickness  and  de 
moralization.  This  region  is  unhealthy  for  Northern  men,  and 
unless  kept  moving,  I  fear  that  our  soldiers  may  become  dis 
couraged" — a  fear  that  was  partially  justified  by  the  experience 
of  the  whvrle  month  succeeding,  during  which  he  kept  them 
idle.  He  complained  also  that  McDowell  was  not  put  more 


239 

completely  under  his  command,  and  declared  that  a  movement 
by  land  would  uncover  Washington  quite  as  completely  as  one 
by  water.  He  was  busy  at  that  time  in  bridging  the  Chickar- 
horniny,  and  gave  no  instructions,  as  required,  for  supplying 
McDowell's  forces  on  their  arrival  at  West  Point. 

To  these  representations,  he  received  from  the  President  tho 
following  reply : 

WASHINGTON,  May  24,  1862. 

I  left  General  McDowell's  camp  at  dark  last  evening.  Shields's  com 
mand  is  there,  but  it  is  so  worn  that  he  cannot  move  before  Monday 
morning,  the  26th.  We  have  so  thinned  our  line  to  get  croops  for  other 
places  that  it  was  broken  yesterday  at  Front  Royal,  with  a  probable  loss 
to  us  of  one  regiment  infantry,  two  companies  cavalry,  putting  General 
Banks  in  some  peril 

The  enemy's  forces,  under  General  Anderson,  now  opposing  General 
McDowell's  advance,  have,  as  their  line  of  supply  and  retreat,  the  road 
to  Richmond. 

If,  in  conjunction  with  McDowell's  movement  against  Anderson,  you 
could  send  a  force  from  your  right  to  cut  off  the  enemy's  supplies  from 
Richmond,  preserve  the  railroad  bridge  across  the  two  forks  of  the  Pamnn- 
key,  and  intercept  the  enemy's  retreat,  you  will  prevent  the  army  now- 
opposed  to  you  from  receiving  an  accession  of  numbers  of  nearly  15,000 
men;  and  if  you  succeed  in  saving  the  bridges,  you  will  secure  a  line  of 
railroad  for  supplies  iu  addition  to  the  one  you  now  have.  Can  you  not 
do  this  almost  as  well  as  not,  while  you  are  building  the  Chickahominy 
bridges  ?  McDowell  and  Shields  both  say  they  can,  and  positively  will 
move  Monday  morning.  I  wish  you  to  move  cautiously  and  safely. 

You  will  have  command  of  McDowell,  after  he  joins  you,  precisely  as  you 
indicated  in  your  long  dispatch  to  us  of  the  2lst. 

A.  LINCOLN,  President. 

Major-General  G.  B.  McCLELLAN. 

General  Banks,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  sent  by 
General  McClellan  on  the  1st  of  April,  to  guard  the  approaches 
to  Washington  by  the  valley  of  the  Shenaudoah,  which  were 
even  then  menaced  by  Jackson  with  a  considerable  rebel  force. 
A  conviction  of  the  entire  insufficiency  of  the  forces  left  for  tho 


240  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

protection  of  the  capital,  had  led  to  the  retention  of  McDowell, 
from  whose  command,  however,  upon  General  McClellan's 
urgent  and  impatient  applications,  General  Franklin's  division 
had  been  detached.  On  the  23d,  as  stated  in  the  above  letter 
from  the  President,  there  were  indications  of  a  purpose  on 
Jackson's  part  to  move  in  force  against  Banks;  and  this  pur 
pose  was  so  clearly  developed,  and  his  situation  became  so 
critical,  that  the  President  was  compelled  to  re-enforce  him,  a 
movement  which  he  announced  in  the  following  dispatch  to 
General  McClellan  : 

May  24,  1862.  —  (From  Washington,  4  P.  M.) 

In  consequence  of  General  Banks's  critical  position,  I  have  been  com 
pelled  to  suspend  General  McDowell's  movements  to  join  you.  The 
enemy  are  making  a  desperate  push  upon  Harper's  Ferry,  and  we  are 
trying  to  throw  General  Fremont's  force,  and  part  of  General  Mc 
Dowell's,  in  their  rear. 

A.  LINCOLN,  President. 

Major-General  G.  B. 


Unable  apparently,  or  unwilling  to  concede  an^  thing  what 
ever  to  emergencies  existing  elsewhere,  General  McClellan  re 
monstrated  against  the  diversion  of  McDowell,  in  reply  to 
which  he  received,  on  the  26th,  the  following  more  full  expla 
nation  from  the  President  : 

WASHINGTON,  May  25,  1862. 

Your  dispatch  received.  General  Banks  was  at  Strasburg  with 
about  6,000  men,  Shields  having  been  taken  from  him  to  swell  a  column 
for  McDowell  to  aid  you  at  Richmond,  and  the  rest  of  his  force  scattered 
at  various  places.  On  the  23d,  a  rebel  force,  of  7,000  to  10,000,  fell  upon 
one  regiment  and  two  companies  guarding  the  bridge  at  Port  Royal, 
destroying  it  entirely  ;  crossed  the  Shenandoah,  and  on  the  24th,  yes 
terday.  pushed  on  to  get  north  of  Banks  on  the  road  to  Winchester. 
General  Banks  ran  a  race  with  them,  beating  them  into  Winchester 
yesterday  evening.  This  morning  a  battle  ensued  between  the  two 
forces,  in  which  General  Banks  was  beaten  back  into  full  retreat  toward 
Martinsburg,  and  probably  is  broken  up  into  a  total  rout.  Geary,  on 
(he  Mauassas  Gap  Railroad,  just  now  reports  that  Jackson  is  now  near 


JACKSON'S  BAID  ra  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY.     241 

Front  Royal  with  10,000  troops,  following  up  and  supporting,  as  I 
understand,  the  force  no\v  pursuing  Banks,  Also,  that  another  force  of 
ten  thousand  is  near  Orleans,  following  on  in  the  same  direction. 
Stripped  bare,  as  we  are  here,  I  will  do  all  we  can  to  prevent  them 
crossing  the  Potomac  at  Harper's  Ferry  or  above.  McDowell  has  about 
twenty  thousand  of  his  forces  moving  back  to  the  vicinity  of  Port  Royal, 
and  Fremont,  who  was  at  Franklin,  is  moving  to  Harrisonburg,  both 
those  movements  intended  to  get  in  the  enemy's  rear. 

One  more  of  McDowell's  brigades  is  ordered  through  here  to  Harper's 
Ferry ;  the  rest  of  his  forces  remain  for  the  present  at  Fredericksburg. 
We  are  sending  such  regiments  and  dribs  from  here  and  Baltimore  as 
we  can  spare  to  Harper's  Ferry,  supplying  their  places  in  some  sort, 
calling  in  militia  from  the  adjacent  States.  We  also  have  eighteen  can 
non  on  the  road  to  Harper's  Ferry,  of  which  arm  there  is  not  a  single 
one  at  that  point.  This  is  now  our  situation. 

If  McDowell's  force  was  now  beyond  our  readi,  we  should  be  entirely 
helpless.  Apprehensions  of  something  Uke  this,  and  no  unwillingness  to  sus 
tain  you,  has  always  been,  my  reason  for  witliholdiiig  McDowcWs  forces 
from  you. 

Please  understand  this,  and  do  the  best  you  can  with  the  forces  you 

have, 

A.  LINCOLN,  President 
Major-General  McCLKLLAN. 

Jackson  continued  his  triumphant  march  through  the  Shen- 
andonh  valley,  and  for  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  nothing  could 
prevent  his  crossing  the  Potomac,  and  making  his  appear 
ance  in  rear  of  Washington.  The  President  promptly 
announced  this  state  of  things  to  General  McClellan  in  the 

following  dispatch : 

WASHINGTON,  May  25,  1862 — 2  p.  M. 

The  enemy  is  moving  north  in  sufficient  force  to  drive  General  Banks 
before  him-  precisely  in  what  force  we  cannot  tell  He  is  also  threat 
ening  Leesburg  and  Geary  on  the  Manassas  Gap  Railroad,  from  both 
north  and  south ;  in  precisely  what  force  we  cannot  telL  I  think  the 
movement  is  a  general  and  concerted  one.  Such  as  would  not  be  if  he 
was  acting  upon  the  purpose  of  a  very  desperate  defence  of  Richmond. 
I  think  the  time  is  near  when  you  must  either  attack  Richmond  or  give 
up  the  job,  and  come  to  the  defence  of  Washington.  Let  me  hear  from 
you  instantly.  A.  LINCOLN. 

11 


242 

To  this  General  McClellan  replied  that,  independency  of  the 
President's  letter,  "  The  time  was  very  near  when  he  should 
attack  Richmond."  lie  knew  nothing  of  Banks's  position  and 
force,  but  thought  Jackson's  movement  was  designed  to  pre 
vent  re-enforcements  being  sent  to  him. 

On  the  26th,  the  President  announced  to  General  McClellan 
the  safety  of  Banks  at  William  sport,  and  then  turned  his  at 
tention,  with  renewed  anxiety,  to  the  movement  against  Rich 
mond,  urging  General  McClellan,  if  possible,  to  cut  the  railroad 
between  that  city  and  the  Rappahannock,  over  which  the 
enemy  obtained  their  supplies.  The  general,  on  the  evening  of 
the  26th,  informed  him  that  he  was  "  quietly  closing  in  upon  the 
enemy  preparatory  to  the  last  struggle'1 — that  he  felt  forced  to 
take  every  possible  precaution  against  disaster,  and  that  his 
"  arrangements  for  the  morrow  were  very  important,  and  if 
successful  would"  leave  him  free  to  strike  on  the  return  of  the 
force  attacked."  The  movement  here  referred  to  was  one 
against  a  portion  of  the  rebel  forces  at  Hanover  Court-House, 
which  threatened  McDowell,  and  was  in  position  to  re-enforce 
Jackson.  The  expedition  was  under  command  of  General  Fitz- 
Jobn  Porter,  and  proved  a  success.  General  McClellan  on  the 
28th  announced  it  to  the  Government  as  a  "complete  rout" 
of  the  rebels,  and  as  entitling  Porter  to  the  highest  honors. 
In  the  same  dispatch  he  said  he  would  do  his  best  to  cut  off 
Jackson  from  returning  to  Richmond,  but  doubted  if  he  could. 
The  great  battle  was  about  to  be  fought  before  Richmond,  and  he 
adds :  "  It  is  the  policy  and  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  send 
me  by  water  all  the  well-drilled  troops  available.  All  unavailable 
troops  should  be  collected  here."  Porter,  he  said,  had  cut  all 
the  railroads  but  the  one  from  Richmond  to  Fredericksburg, 
which  was  the  one  concerning  which  the  President  had  evinced 
the  most  anxiety.  Another  expedition  was  sent  to  the  South 
Anna  River  and  Ashland,  which  destroyed  some  bridges  with 
out  opposition.  This  was  announced  to  the  Government  by 


THE    PRESIDENT   TO    M'CLELLAN.  243 

General  McClellan  as  another  "  complete  victory"  achieved  by 
the  heroism  of  Porter, — accompanied  by  the  statement  that 
the  enemy  were  even  in  greater  force  than  he  had  supposed. 
"I  will  do,"  said  the  dispatch,  ual!  that  quick  movements  can 
accomplish,  and  you  must  send  me  all  the  troops  you  can,  and 
leave  to  me  full  latitude  as  to  choice  of  commanders."  In 
reply,  the  President  sent  him  the  following : 

WASHINGTON,  May  28,  1862. 

I  am  very  glad  of  General  F.  J.  Porter's  victory  ;  still,  if  it  was  a  total 
rout  of  the  enemy,  I  am  puzzled  to  know  why  the  Richmond  and  Fred- 
ericksburg  Railroad  was  cot  seized  again,  as  you  say  you  have  all  the 
railroads  but  the  Richmond  and  Fredericksburg.  I  am  puzzled  to  see 
how,  lacking  that,  you  can  have  any,  except  the  scrap  from  Richmond  to 
West  Point.  The  scrap  of  the  Virginia  Central,  from  Richmond  to  Han 
over  Junction,  without  more,  is  simply  nothing.  That  the  whole  of  the 
enemy  is  concentrating  on  Richmond,  I  think,  cannot  be  certainly  known 
to  you  or  me.  Saxton,  at  Harper's  Ferry,  informs  us  that  large  forces, 
supposed  to  be  Jackson's  and  Ewell's,  forced  his  advance  from  Charles- 
town  to-day.  General  King  telegraphs  us  from  Fredericksburg  that  con 
trabands  give  certain  information  that  fifteen  thousand  left  Hanover 
Junction  Monday  morning  to  re-enforce  Jackson.  I  am  painfully  im 
pressed  with  the  importance  of  the  struggle  before  you,  and  shall  aid  you 
all  I  can  consistently  with  my  view  of  the  due  regard  to  all  points. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

Major-General  MCCLELLAN. 

To  a  dispatch  reporting  the  destruction  of  the  South  Anna 
Railroad  bridge,  the  President  replied  thus : 

WASHINGTON,  May  29,  1862. 

Your  dispatches  as  to  the  South  Anna  and  Ashland  being  seized  by 
our  forces  this  morning  is  received.  Understanding  these  points  to  be 
on  the  Richmond  and  Fredericksburg  Railroad,  I  heartily  congratulate 
the  country,  and  thank  General  McClellan  and  his  army  for  their  seizure. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

On  the  30th,  General  McClellan  telegraphed  to  the  Secretary 
of  War,  complaining  that  the  Government  did  not  seem  to  ap 
preciate  the  magnitude  of  Porter's  victory,  and  saying  that  his 


244 

army  was  now  well  in  hand,  and  that  "  another  day  will  make 
the  probable  field  of  battle  passable  for  artillery." 

On  the  25th  of  May,  General  Keycs  with  the  Fourth  Corps 
had  been  ordered  across  the  Chickahominy,  and  was  followed 
by  the  Third,  under  General  Heintzelman — one  Division  of  the 
Fourth,  under  General  Casey,  being  pushed  forward  within 
seven  miles  of  Richmond,  to  Seven  Pines,  which  he  was 
ordered  to  hold  at  all  hazards.  On  the  28th,  General  Keyes 
was  ordered  to  advance  Casey's  Division  three-quarters  of  a  mile 
to  Fair  Oaks.  General  Keyes  obeyed  the  order,  but  made 
strong  representations  to  head-quarters  of  the  extreme  danger 
of  pushing  these  troops  so  far  in  advance  without  adequate 
support,  and  requested  that  General  Heintzelman  might  be 
brought  within  supporting  distance,  and  that  a  stronger  force 
might  be  crossed  over  the  Chickahominy  to  be  in  readiness  for 
the  general  engagement  which  these  advances  would  be  very 
likely  to  bring  on.  These  requests  were  neglected,  and  General 
Keyes  was  regarded  and  treated  as  an  alarmist.  On  the  after 
noon  of  the  30th  he  made  a  personal  examination  of  his  front, 
and  reported  that  he  was  menaced  by  an  overwhelming  force 
of  the  enemy  in  front  and  on  both  flanks,  and  he  again  urged 
the  necessity  for  support,  to  which  he  received  a  very  abrupt 
reply  that  no  more  troops  would  be  crossed  over,  and  that  the 
Third  Corps  would  not  be  advanced  unless  he  was  attacked. 
At  about  noon  the  next  day  be  was  attacked  on  both  flanks 
and  in  front,  General  Casey's  Division  driven  back  with  heavy 
loss,  and  in  spite  of  a  stubborn  and  gallant  resistance  on  the 
part  of  his  corps,  General  Keyes  was  compelled  to  fall  back  with 
severe  losses,  some  two  miles,  when  the  enemy  was  checked, 
and  night  put  an  end  to  the  engagement.  On  hearing  the 
firing  at  head-quarters,  some  four  miles  distant,  General 
McClellan  ordered  General  Sumner  to  hold  his  command  in 
readiness  to  move.  General  Sumner  not  only  did  so,  but 
moved  them  at  once  to  the  bridge,  and  on  receiving  authority 


SEVEN    PINES    AND    FAIK    OAKS.  245 

crossed  over,  and,  by  the  greatest  exertions  over  muddy  roads, 
reached  the  field  of  battle  in  time  to  aid  in  checking  the  rebel 
advance  for  the  night.  Early  the  next  morning  the  enemy 
renewed  the  attack  with  great  vigor,  but  the  arrival  of  General 
Sumner,  and  the  advance  of  General  Heintzelman's  Corps, 
enabled  onr  forces,  though  still  greatly  inferior,  not  only  to  re 
pel  the  assault,  but  to  inflict  upon  the  enemy  a  signal  defeat. 
They  were  driven  back  in  the  utmost  confusion  and  with  ter 
rible  losses  upon  Richmond,  where  their  arrival  created  the 
utmost  consternation,  as  it  was  taken  for  granted  they  would 
be  immediately  followed  by  our  whole  army. 

General  McClellan,  who  had  remained  with  the  main  body 
of  the  army  on  the  other  side  of  the  Chickahominy  during  the 
whole  of  the  engagements  of  both  days,  crossed  the  river  after 
the  battle  was  over,  and  visited  the  field.  "  The  state  of  the 
roads,"  he  says,  "  and  the  impossibility  of  manoeuvring  artil 
lery,  prevented  pursuit."  He  returned  to  head-quarters  in  the 
afternoon.  On  the  next  day,  June  2d,  General  Heintzelman 
sent  forward  a  strong  reconnoitering  party  under  General 
Hooker,  which  went  within  four  miles  of  Richmond  without 
finding  any  enemy,  "Upon  being  informed  of  this  fact,  General 
McClellan  ordered  the  force  to  fall  back  to  its  old  position, 
assigning  the  bad  state  of  the  roads  as  the  reason  for  not  at 
tempting  either  to  march  upon  Richmond  or  even  to  hold  the 
ground  already  gained.  In  a  dispatch  to  Washington  on  the 
2d,  he  states  that  he  "  only  waits  for  the  river  to  fall  to  cross 
with  the  rest  of  the  army  and  make  a  general  attack.  The 
morale  of  my  troops,"  he  adds,  "  is  now  such  that  I  can  venture 
much.  I  do  not  fear  for  odds  against  me."  It  seems  to  have 
been  his  intention  then,  to  concentrate  his  forces  for  an  im 
mediate  advance  upon  the  rebel  capital,  though  in  his  report, 
written  more  than  a  year  afterwards,  he  says  the  idea  of  uniting 
the  two  wings  of  the  army  at  that  time  for  a  vigorous  move 
upon  Richmond  was  "  simply  absurd,  and  was  probably  never 


246  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

seriously  entertained  by  any  one  connected  with  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac."  * 

The  Government  at  once  took  measures  to  strengthen  the 

O 

army  by  all  the  means  available.  An  order  was  issued,  placing 
at  his  command  all  the  disposable  forces  at  Fortress  Monroe, 
and  another  ordering  McDowell  to  send  McCall's  division 
to  him  by  water  from  Fredericksburg.  McDowell  or  Fre 
mont  was  expected  to  fight  Jackson  at  Front  Royal,  after 
which,  part  of  their  troops  would  become  available  for 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  On  the  4th,  General  McClellan 
telegraphed  that  it  was  raining,  that  the  river  was  still  high, 
that  he  had  "to  be  very  cautious,"  that  he  expected  an 
other  severe  battle,  and  hoped,  after  our  heavy  losses,  he 
''should  no  longer  be  regarded  as  an  alarmist."  On  the  5th, 
the  Secretary  of  War  sent  him  word  that  troops  had  been 
embarked  for  him  at  Baltimore,  to  which  he  replied  on  the 
7th,  u  I  shall  be  in  perfect  readiness  to  move  forward  and  take 
Richmond  the  moment  Me  Call  reaches  here,  and  the  ground 
will  admit  the  passage  of  artillery"  On  the  10th,  General 
McCall's  forces  began  to  arrive  at  White  House,  and  on  the 
same  day  General  McClellan  telegraphed  to  the  Department 
that  a  rumor  had  reached  him  that  the  rebels  had  been  re-en 
forced  by  Beauregard, — that  he  thought  a  portion  of  Halleck's 
army  from  Tennessee  should  be  sent  to  strengthen  him,  but 
that  he  should  "  attack  with  what  force  he  had,  as  soon  as 
the  weather  and  ground  will  permit — but  there  will  be  a  delay," 
he  added,  u  the  extent  of  which  no  one  can  foresee,  for  the 
season  is  altogether  abnormal."  The  Secretary  of  War  re 
plied  that  Halleck  would  be  urged  to  comply  with  his  request 
if  he  could  safely  do  so — that  neither  Beauregard  nor  his  army 
was  in  Richmond,  that  McDowell's  force  would  join  him  as 
soon  as  possible,  that  Fremont  had  had  an  engagement,  not 

*  See  Gen.  McClellan' s  Report,  August  4, 1863. 


M'CLELLAXS  COMPLAINTS  OF  M'DOWELL.          247 

wholly  successful,  with  Jackson,  and  closing  with  this  strong 
and  cordial  assurance  of  confidence  and  support : 

Be  assured,  General,  that  there  never  has  been  a  moment  when  my 
desire  has  been  otherwise  than  to  aid  you  with  my  whole  heart,  mind, 
and  strength,  since  the  hour  we  first  met ;  and  whatever  others  may  say 
for  their  own  purposes,  you  have  never  had,  and  never  can  have,  any 
one  more  truly  your  friend,  or  more  anxious  to  support  you,  or  more 
joyful  than  I  shall  be  at  the  success  which  I  have  no  doubt  will  soon  be 
achieved  by  your  arms. 

On  the  Uth,  General  McClellan  wrote  to  the  War  Depart 
ment  that  the  weather  was  favorable,  and  that  two  days  more 
would  make  the  ground  practicable.  He  still  urges  the  pro 
priety  of  sending  him  more  troops,  but  finds  a  new  subject 
of  complaint  in  a  telegram  he  had  received  from  McDowell. 
The  latter,  on  the  8th,  had  received  the  following  orders  : 

The  Secretary  of  "War  directs  that,  having  first  provided  adequately 
for  the  defence  of  the  city  of  Washington  and  for  holding  the  position 
at  Fredericksburg,  you  operate  with  the  residue  of  your  force  as 
speedily  as  possible  in  the  direction  of  Richmond  to  co-operate  with 
Major-General  McClellan  in  accordance  with  the  instructions  heretofore 
given  you.  McCaWs  Division,  which  has  been  by  previous  order  di 
rected  towards  Richmond  by  water,  will  still  form  a  part  of  the  Army  of 
the  Rappahannock,  and  will  come  under  your  orders  when  you  are  in 
a  position  to  co-operate  with  General  McClellan. 

General  McDowell  had  telegraphed  McClellan  as  follows  on 
the  10th  of  June  : 

For  the  third  time  I  am  ordered  to  join  you,  and  hope  this  time  to 
get  through.  In  view  of  the  remarks  made  with  reference  to  my  leav 
ing  you,  and  not  joining  you  before,  by  your  friends,  and  of  something 
I  have  heard  as  coming  from  you  ou  that  subject,  I  wish  to  say  I  go 
with  the  greatest  satisfaction,  and  hope  to  arrive  with  my  main  body 
in  time  to  be  of  service.  McCall  goes  in  advance  by  water.  I  will  be 
with  you  in  ten  days  with  the  remainder  by  Fredericksburg. 

And  again,  June  12th  : 


248 

The  delay  of  Major-General  Banks  to  relieve  the  Division  of  my 
command  in  the  valley  beyond  the  time  I  had  calculated  on,  will  prevent 
my  joining  you  with  the  remainder  of  the  troops  I  am  to  take  below  at 
as  early  a  day  as  I  named.  My  Third  Division  (McCall's)  is  now  on 
the  way.  Please  do  me  the  favor  to  so  place  it  that  it  may  le  in  a  position 
to  join  the  others  as  they  come  down  from  Fredericksburg. 

These  telegrams,  it  will  be  seen,  are  in  accordance  with  the 
orders  to  McDowell  of  the  8th,  which  directed  that  McCall's 
Division  should  continue  to  form  part  of  the  Army  of  the 
Rappahannock,  and  required  that  McDowell  should  operate  in 
the  direction  of  Richmond,  to  co-operate  with  McClellan  in 
accordance  with  instructions  heretofore  given  him. 

These  instructions  are  those  of  the  17th  and  18th  of  May, 
concerning  which  McClellan  sent  the  President  his  long  tele 
gram  of  the  21st,  in  which  he  says: 

This  fact  (McDowell's  forces  coming  within  his  Department),  my 
superior  rank,  and  the  express  language  of  the  sixty-second  article  of 
war,  will  place  his  command  under  my  orders,  unless  it  is  otherwise 
specially  directed  by  your  Excellency,  and  I  consider  that  he  will  be 
under  my  command,  except  that  I  am  not  to  detach  any  portion  of  his 
forces,  or  give  any  orders  which  can  put  him  out  of  position  to  cover 
"Washington. 

To  this  the  President  answered  : 

You  will  have  command  of  McDowell  after  he  joins  you,  precisely 
as  you  indicated  in  your  long  dispatch  to  us  of  the  21st. 

In  regard  to  this,  McClellan,  in  his  report  (August  4th, 
1863),  says: 

This  information,  that  McDowell's  Corps  would  march  from  Freder 
icksburg  on  the  following  Monday — the  26th — and  that  he  would  be 
under  my  command  as  indicated  in  my  telegram  of  the  21st,  was 
cheering  news,  and  I  now  felt  confident  that  we  would  on  his  arrival 
be  sufficiently  strong  to  overpower  the  large  army  confronting  us. 

Yet  in  the  simple  request  of  McDowell,  as  to  the  posting 
of  his  Third  (McCall's)  Division — made  to  carry  out  the 


M'CLELLAN'S  COMPLAINTS  OF  M'DOWELL.          249 

plan — the  news  of  winch,  McClellan  says,  was  so  cheering, 
and  inspired  him  with  such  confidence,  McClellan  sees  nothing 
but  personal  ambition  on  McDowell's  part,  and  protests  against 
that  "  spirit "  in  the  following  terms  : 

That  request  does  not  breathe  the  proper  spirit.  Whatever  troops 
come  to  me  must  be  disposed  of  so  as  to  do  the  most  good.  I  do  not 
feel  that,  in  such  circumstances  as  those  in  which  I  am  now  placed, 
General  McDowell  should  wish  the  general  interests  to  be  sacrificed  for 
the  purpose  of  increasing  his  command. 

If  I  cannot  fully  control  all  his  troops,  I  want  none  of  them,  but  would 
prefer  to  fight  the  battle  with  what  I  have,  and  let  others  be  responsible  for 
the  results, 

The  department  lines  should  not  be  allowed  to  interfere  with  me ;  but 
General  McD.,  and  all  other  troops  sent  to  me,  should  be  placed  com 
pletely  at  my  disposal,  to  do  with  them  as  I  think  best.  In  no  other 
way  can  they  be  of  assistance  to  me.  I  therefore  request  that  I  may 
have  entire  and  full  control.  The  stake  at  issue  is  too  great  to  allow 
personal  considerations  to  be  entertained :  you  know  that  I  have  none. 

It  had  been  suggested,  in  some  of  the  journals  of  the  day, 
that  General  McDowell  might  possibly  advance  upon  Rich 
mond  from  the  north,  without  waiting  for  McClellan :  it  is 
scarcely  possible,  however,  that  any  suspicion  of  such  a  pur 
pose  could  have  had  any  thing  to  do  with  General  McClellan's 
reiterated  and  emphatic  desire  that  McDowell  should  join  him 
by  water,  so  as  to  be  in  his  rear,  and  not  by  land,  which 
would  bring  him  on  his  front, — with  his  peremptory  demand 
that  all  McDowell's  troops  should  be  "  completely  at  his  dis 
posal,"  with  his  indignant  protest  against  McDowell's  personal 
ambition,  or  with  his  conviction  of  the  propriety  and  neces 
sity  of  disavowing  all  personal  considerations  for  himself. 
But  it  is  certainly  a  little  singular  that  a  commander,  intrusted 
with  an  enterprise  of  such  transcendent  importance  to  his 
army  and  country,  who  had  been  so  urgently  calling  for  re- 
enforcements  as  absolutely  indispensable  to  success,  should 
have  preferred  not  to  receive  them,  but  to  fight  the  battle 
11* 


250          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION". 

with  what  he  had,  rather  than  have  the  co-operation  of 
McDowell  under  the  two  conditions  fixed  by  the  President,  (l), 
that  he  should  not  deprive  him  of  his  troops,  or,  (2),  post  them 
so  as  to  prevent  their  being  kept  interposed  between  the 
enemy  and  Washington.  Even  if  he  could  leave  "  others  to 
be  responsible  for  the  results,"  it  is  not  easy  to  see  how  he 
could  reconcile  the  possibility  of  adverse  results  with  his  pro 
fessedly  paramount  concern  for  the  welfare  of  his  country. 

On  the  20th  of  June,  he  telegraphed  the  President  that 
troops  to  the  number  probably  of  10,000  had  left  Richmond 
to  re-enforce  Jackson  ;  that  his  defensive  works  on  the  Chick- 
ahominy,  made  necessary  by  his  "  inferiority  of  numbers," 
would  be  completed  the  next  day  ;  and  that  he  would  be  glad 
to  learn  the  "  disposition,  as  to  numbers  and  position,  of  the 
troops  not  under  his  command,  in  Virginia  and  elsewhere," 
as  also  to  lay  before  his  Excellency,  "  by  letter  or  telegraph, 
his  views  as  to  the  present  state  of  military  affairs  throughout 
Ike  whole  country.''1  To  this  he  received  the  following  reply  : 

"WASHINGTON,  June  21,  1862 — 6  P.  M. 

Your  dispatch  of  yesterday,  two  p.  M.,  was  received  this  morning. 
If  it  would  not  divert  too  much  of  your  time  and  attention  from  the 
army  under  your  immediate  command,  I  would  be  glad  to  have  your 
views  as  to  the  present  state  of  military  affairs  throughout  the  whole 
country,  as  you  say  you  would  be  glad  to  give  them.  I  would  rather  it 
should  be  by  letter  than  by  telegraph,  because  of  the  better  chance  of 
secrecy.  As  to  the  numbers  and  positions  of  the  troops  not  under  your 
command,  in  Virginia  and  elsewhere,  even  if  I  oould  do  it  with  accu 
racy,  which  I  cannot,  1  »v  uld  rather  not  transmit  either  by  telegraph 
or  letter,  because  of  the  chances  of  its  reaching  the  enemy.  1  would 
be  very  glad  to  talk  with  you,  but  you  cannot  leave  your  camp,  and  I 
cannot  well  leave  here.  A.  LINCOLN,  President. 

Major-General  GEORGE  B.  McCLELLAN. 

The  President  also  stated  that  the  news  of  Jackson's  having 
been  re-enforced  from  Richmond  was  coniiimcd  by  Gen.  King 
at  Fredericksburg,  and  added,  "  If  this  is  true,  it  is  as  good 


251 

as  a  re-enforcement  to  you  of  an  equal  force."  In  acknowl 
edging  the  first  dispatch,  Gen.  McClellan  said,  be  "  perceived 
that  it  woul4  be  better  to  defer  the  communication  be  desired 
to  make"  on  the  condition  of  the  country  at  large  ;  he  soon, 
indeed,  had  occasion  to  give  all  his  attention  to  the  army 
under  his  command. 

Gen.  McClellan  had  been,  for  nearly  a  month,  declaring  his 
invention  to  advance  upon  Richmond  immediately.  At  times 
as  has  been  seen  from  his  dispatches,  the  movement  was  fixed 
for  specific  days,  though  in  every  instance  something  occurred, 
when  the  decisive  moment  arrived,  to  cause  a  further  post 
ponement.  On  the  18th,  again  announcing  his  intention  to 
advance,  he  said  that  a  "  general  engagement  might  take 
place  at  any  hour,  as  an  advance  by  us  involves  a  battle  more 
or  less  decisive."  But  in  the  same  dispatch  he  said,  "  After 
to-morrow  we  shall  fight  the  rebel  army  as  soon  as  Providence 
will  permit."  But  in  this  case,  as  in  every  other,  in  spite  of 
his  good  intentions,  and  the  apparent  permission  of  Provi 
dence,  Gen.  McClellan  made  no  movement  in  advance,  but 
waited  until  he  was  attacked.  He  had  placed  his  army  astride 
the  Chickahominy — the  left  wing  being  much  the  si.  ngest 
and  most  compact,  the  right  being  comparatively  weak  K  ^d 
very  extended.  He  had  expended,  however,  a  great  deal  ot 
labor  in  bridging  the  stream,  so  that  either  wing  could  have 
been  thrown  across  with  great  ease  and  celerity.  Up  to  the 
24th  of  June,  Gen.  McClellan  believed  Jackson  to  be  in  strong 
force  at  Gordonsville,  where  he  was  receiving  re-enforcements 
from  Richmond  with  a  view  to  operations  in  that  quarter. 
But  on  that  day  he  was  told  by  a  deserter  that  Jackson  was 
planning  a  movement  to  attack  his  right  and  rear  on  the  28th, 
and  this  information  was  confirmed  by  advices  from  the  War 
Department  on  the  25th.  On  that  day,  being  convinced  that 
he  is  to  be  attacked,  and  will  therefore  be  compelled  to  fight, 
he  writes  to  the  Department  to  throw  upon  others  the  re- 


252  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

sponsibility  of  an  anticipated  defeat.  lie  declares  the  rebel 
force  to  be  some  200,000,  regrets  his  "great  inferiority  of 
numbers,"  but  protests  that  he  is  not  responsible  for  it,  as  he 
has  repeatedly  and  constantly  called  for  re-enforcements,  and 
declares  that  if  the  result  of  the  action  is  a  disaster,  the 
u  responsibility  cannot  be  thrown  on  his  shoulders,  but  must 
rest  where  it  belongs."  He  closes  by  announcing  that  a  re- 
connoissance  which  he  had  ordered  had  proved  successful,  that 
he  should  probably  be  attacked  the  next  day,  and  that  he 
felt  "  that  there  was  no  use  in  again  asking  for  re-enforcements." 
To  this  the  President  replied  as  follows  : 

WASHINGTON,  June  26,  1862. 

Tour  three  dispatches  of  yesterday  in  relation,  ending  with  the  state 
ment  that  you  completely  succeeded  in  making  your  point,  are  very 
gratifying.  The  later  one,  suggesting  the  probability  of  your  being 
overwhelmed  by  200,000  men,  and  talking  of  to  whom  the  responsi 
bility  will  belong,  pains  me  very  much.  I  give  you  all  I  can,  and  act  on 
the  presumption  that  you  will  do  the  best  you  can  with  what  you  have  • 
while  you  continue,  ungenerously  I  think,  to  assume  that  I  could  give 
you  more  if  I  would.  I  have  omitted — I  shall  omit — no  opportunity 
to  send  you  re-enforcements  whenever  I  can. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

Gen.  McClellan  had  foreseen  the  probhbility  of  being  at 
tacked,  and  had  made  arrangements  for  a  defeat.  "  More  than 
a  week  previous,"  he  says  in  his  report,  "  that  is,  on  the  18th," 
he  had  prepared  for  a  retreat  to  the  James  River,  and  had  or 
dered  supplies  to  that  point.  His  extreme  right  was  attacked 
at  Mechanicsville  on  the  afternoon  of  the  26th,  but  the  enemy 
were  repulsed.  The  movement,  however,  disclosed  the  pur 
pose  of  the  rebel  army  to  crush  his  right  wing  and  cut  off 
his  communications,  if  possible.  Two  plans  were  open  to  his 
adoption:  he  might  have  brought  over  his  left  wing,  and  so 
strengthened  his  right  as  to  give  it  a  victory,  or  he  might 
have  withdrawn  his  right  across  the  Chickahominy — in  itself 
^  defensive  line — and  have  pushed  his  whole  force  into 


GEN.  M'CLELLAN  TEEPAEES  FOR  DEFEAT.     253 

Richmond,  and  upon  the  rear  of  the  attacking  force.  Con 
centration  seemed  to  be  absolutely  essential  to  success  in  any 
event.  But  he  did  not  attempt  it.  He  left  the  right  wing  to 
contend  next  day  with  30,000  men,  without  support,  against  the 
main  body  of  the  rebel  army,  and  only  withdrew  it  across  the 
Chickahominy  after  it  had  been  beaten  with  terrific  slaughter  on 
the  27th,  in  the  battle  ot'Gaines's  Mill.  On  the  evening  of  that 
day  he  informed  his  corps  commanders  of  his  purpose  to  fall 
back  to  the  James  River,  and  withdrew  the  remainder  of  his 
right  wing  across  the  Chickahominy.  On  the  next  day  the 
whole  army  was  put  in  motion  on  the  retreat ;  and  Gen.  Mc- 
Clellan  found  time  again  to  reproach  the  Government  with 
neglect  of  his  army.  If  he  had  10,000  fresh  men  to  use  at 
once,  he  said,  he  could  take  Richmond  ;  but  as  it  was,  all  he 
could  do  would  be  to  cover  his  retreat.  He  repeated  that  he 
was  "  not  responsible"  for  the  result,  and  that  he  must  have 
instantly  very  large  re-enforcements;  and  closed  by  saying 
to  the  Secretary  of  War — what  we  do  not  believe  any  sub 
ordinate  was  ever  before  permitted  to  say  to  his  superior 
officer  without  instant  dismissal — "  If  I  save  this  army  now 
I  tell  you  plainly  that  I  owe  no  thanks  to  you  or  to  any  persons 
in  Washington  :  you  have  done  your  best  to  sacrifice  this  army" 
To  this  dispatch  the  President  replied  as  follows  : 


WASHINGTON,  June  28,  1862. 

Save  your  army  at  all  events.  Will  send  re-enforcoments  as  fast  as 
we  can.  Of  course,  they  cannot  reach  you  to-day,  to-morrow,  or  next 
day.  I  have  not  said  you  were  ungenerous  for  saying  you  needed  re- 
enforcements  ;  I  thought  you  were  ungenerous  in  assuming  that  I  did 
not  send  them  as  fast  as  I  could.  I  feel  any  misfortune  to  you  and 
your  army  quite  as  keenly  as  you  feel  it  yourself.  If  you  have  had 
a  drawn  battle  or  a  repulse,  it  is  the  price  we  pay  for  the  enemy  not 
being  in  Washington.  We  protected  Washington,  and  the  enemy  con 
centrated  on  you.  Had  we  stripped  Washington,  he  would  have  been 
upon  us  before  the  troops  sent  could  have  got  to  you.  Less  than  a 


254 

week  ago  you  notified  us  that  re-enforcements  were  leaving  Richmond 
to  come  in  front  of  us.  It  is  the  nature  of  the  case,  and  neither  you 
nor  the  Government  is  to  blame.  A.  LINCOLN. 

Under  general  orders  from  'General  McClellan,  he  and  his 
staff  proceeding  in  advance,  and  leaving  word  where  the  corps 
commanders  were  to  make  successive  stands  to  resist  pursuit, 
but  taking  no  part  personally  in  any  one  of  the  succeeding  en 
gagements,  the  army  continued  its  march  towards  James  River. 
They  first  resisted  and  repulsed  the  pursuing  rebels  on  the  29th 
at  Savage  Station,  in  a  bloody  battle,  fought  under  General  Sum- 
ner,  and  on  the  30th  had  another  severe  engagement  at  Glen- 
dale.  On  the  1st  of  July,  our  troops,  strongly  posted  at  Mal- 
vern  Hill,  were  again  attacked  by  the  rebels,  whom  they  re 
pulsed  and  routed  with  terrible  slaughter ;  and  orders  were  at 
once  issued  for  the  further  retreat  of  the  army  to  Harrison's 
Landing,  which  General  McClellan  had  personally  examined 
and  selected  on  the  day  before.  Even  before  the  battle  of 
Malvcrn  Hill,  he  had  telegraphed  to  Washington  for  "  fresh 
troops,"  saying  he  should  fall  back  to  the  river  if  possible;  to 
which  dispatch  he  received  the  following  reply  : 

WASHINGTON,  July  1,  1862 — 3.30  p.  M. 

It  is  impossible  to  re-enforce  you  for  your  present  emergency.  If  we 
had  a  million  of  men  we  could  not  get  them  to  you  in  time.  "We  have 
not  the  men  to  send.  If  you  are  not  strong  enough  to  face  the  enemy, 
you  must  find  a  place  of  security,  and  wait,  rest,  and  repair.  Maintain 
your  ground  if  you  can,  but  save  the  army  at  all  events,  even  if  you 
fall  back  to  Fort  Monroe.  We  still  have  strength  enough  in  the  country, 
and  will  bring  it  out.  A.  LINCOLN. 

Major-General  G.  B.  McCLELLAN. 

On  the  next  day,  in  reply  to  a  request  from  General  McClel 
lan  for  50,000  more  troops,  the  President  thus  addressed  him  : 

WASHINGTON,  July  2,  1862. 

Your  dispatch  of  yesterday  induces  me  to  hope  that  your  army  is 
having  some  rest.  In  this  hope,  allow  me  to  reason  with  you  for  a  mo- 


GEN.  M'CLELLAN'S  CALL  FOB  MORE  MEN.          255 

mont.  When  you  ask  for  50,000  men  to  bo  promptly  sent;  you,  you 
surely  labor  under  some  gross  mistake  of  fact.  Recently  you  sent 
papers  showing  your  disposal  of  forces  made  last  spring  for  the  de 
fence  of  Washington,  and  advising  a  return  to  that  plan.  I  find  it  in 
cluded  in  and  about  Washington  75,000  men.  Now,  please  be  assured 
that  I  have  not  men  enough  to  fill  that  very  plan  by  15,000.  All  of 
General  Fremont's  in  the  Valley,  all  of  General  Banks's,  all  of  General 
McDowell's  not  with  you,  and  all  in  Washington  taken  together,  do 
not  exceed,  if  they  reach,  GO.OOO.  With  General  Wool  and  General  Dix 
added  to  those  mentioned.  I  have  not,  outside  of  your  army,  75,000 
men  east  of  the  mountains.  Thus,  the  idea  of  sending  you  50,000,  or 
any  other  considerable  forces  promptly,  is  simply  absurd.  If  in  your 
frequent  mention  of  responsibility  you  have  the  impression  that  I  blame 
you  for  not  doing  more  than  you  can,  please  be  relieved  of  such  impres 
sion.  I  only  beg,  that  in  like  manner,  you  will  not  ask  impossibilities 
of  me.  If  you  think  you  are  not  strong  enough  to  take  Eichmond  just 
now,  I  do  not  ask  you  to  try  just  now.  Save  the  army,  material,  and 
personnel,  and  I  will  strengthen  it  for  the  offensive  again  as  fast  as  I  can. 
The  governors  of  eighteen  States  offer  me  a  new  levy  of  300,000,  which 
I  accept.  A.  LINCOLN. 

On  the  next  day,  the  3d,  General  McClellan  again  wrote 
for  100,000  men — "  more  rather  than  less,"  in  order  to  enable 
him  to  "  accomplish  the  great  task  of  capturing  Richmond, 
and  putting  an  end  to  the  rebellion ;"  and  at  the  same  time  he 
sent  his  chief  of  staff,  General  Marcy,  to  Washington,  in  order 
to  secure  a  perfect  understanding  of  the  state  of  the  army. 
The  General  said  he  hoped  the  enemy  was  as  completely  worn 
out  as  his  own  army,  though  he  apprehended  a  new  attack, 
from  which,  however,  he  trusted  the  bad  condition  of  the 
roads  might  protect  him.  On  the  4th,  he  repeated  his  call 
for  "  heavy  re-enforcements,"  but  said  he  held  a  very  strong 
position,  from  which,  with  the  aid  of  the  gunboats,  he  could 
only  be  driven  by  overwhelming  numbers.  On  the  same  day 
he  received  the  following  from  the  President : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON  CITY,  D.  C.,  July  4,  1862. 
I  understand  your  position  as  stated  in  your  letter,  and  by  General 
Marcy.     To  re-enforce  you  so  as  to  enable  you  to  resume  the  offensive 


256 

within  a  month,  or  even  six  weeks,  is  impossible.  In  addition  to  that 
arrived  and  now  arriving  from  the  Potomac  (about  ten  thousand  men, 
I  suppose),  and  about  ten  thousand,  I  hope,  you  will  have  from  Burn- 
side  very  soon,  and  about  five  thousand  from  Hunter  a  little  later,  I  do 
not  see  how  I  can  send  you  another  man  within  a  month.  Under  these 
circumstances,  the  defensive,  for  the  present,  must  be  your  only  care. 
Save  the  army,  first,  where  you  are,  if  you  can;  and  secondly,  by  re 
moval,  if  you  must.  You,  on  the  ground,  must  be  the  judge  as  to  which 
you  will  attempt,  and  of  the  means  for  effecting  it.  I  but  give  it  as  my 
opinion,  that  with  the  aid  of  the  gunboats  and  the  re-enforcements  men 
tioned  above,  you  can  hold  your  present  position ;  provided,  and  so  long 
as  you  can  keep  the  James  River  open  below  you.  If  you  are  not  toler 
ably  confident  you  can  keep  the  James  River  open,  you  had  better  re 
move  as  soon  as  possible.  I  do  not  remember  that  you  have  expressed 
any  apprehension  as  to  the  danger  of  having  your  communication  cut  on 
the  river  below  you,  yet  I  do  not  suppose  it  can  have  escaped  your 
attention.  A.  LINCOLN. 

P.  S. — If  at  any  time  you  feel  able  to  take  the  offensive,  you  are  not 
restrained  from  doing  so. 

A.  L. 

At  this  point  on  the  7th  of  July,  General  McClellan  sent  to 
the  President  a  letter  of  advice  on  the  general  conduct  of  his 
Administration.  He  thought  the  time  had  come  "  when  the 
Government  should  determine  upon  a  civil  and  military  policy 
covering  the  whole  ground  of  our  national  trouble,"  and  he 
proceeded  to  lay  down  the  basis  of  such  a  policy  as  ought  to 
be  adopted.  The  war  against  the  rebellion,  he  said,  "  should 
not  be  a  war  looking  to  the  subjugation  of  the  people  of  any 
State  in  any  event.  Neither  confiscation  of  property,  political 
execution  of  persons,  territorial  organization  of  States,  nor 
forcible  abolition  of  slavery,  should  be  contemplated  for  a 
moment.  He  added :" 

Military  power  should  not  be  allowed  to  interfere  with  the  relations 
of  servitude,  either  by  supporting  or  impairing  the  authority  of  the  mas 
ter,  except  for  repressing  disorder,  as  in  other  cases.  Slaves,  contra 
band,  under  the  act  of  Congress,  seeking  military  protection,  should 


GEN.    M'CLELLAN'S   ADVICE   TO    THE    PRESIDENT.      257 

receive  it.  The  right  of  the  Government  to  appropriate  permanently  to 
its  own  service  claims  to  slave  labor,  should  be  asserted,  and  the  right 
of  the  owner  to  compensation  therefor  should  be  recognized.  This 
principle  might  be  extended,  upon  grounds  of  military  necessity  and 
security,  to  all  the  slaves  of  a  particular  State,  thus  working  manu 
mission  in  such  State;  and  in  Missouri,  perhaps  in  Western  Virginia 
also,  and  possibly  even  in  Maryland,  the  expediency  of  such  a  measure 
is  only  a  question  of  time.  *  * 

Unless  the  principles  governing  the  future  conduct  of  our  struggle 
shah1  be  made  known  and  approved,  the  effort  to  obtain  requisite  forces 
will  be  almost  hopeless.  A  declaration  of  radical  views,  especially  upon 
slavery,  will  rapidly  disintegrate  our  present  armies. 


He  closed  this  letter  by  saying  that  to  carry  out  these  views 
the  President  would  require  a  Commander-in-Chief  who  pos 
sessed  his  confidence  and  could  execute  his  orders  :  he  did  not 
ask  that  place  for  himself,  but  would  serve  in  any  position  that 
might  be  assigned  him.  u  I  may  be,"  he  adds,  u  on  the  brink  of 
eternity ;  and  as  I  hope  for  forgiveness  from  my  Maker,  I  have 
written  this  letter  with  sincerity  towards  you,  and  from  love 
for  my  country." 

The  President,  instead  of  entering  upon  a  discussion  as  to 
the  general  policy  of  his  Administration,  continued  to  urge  the 
general's  attention  to  the  state  of  his  own  army ;  and  in  order 
to  inform  himself  more  accurately  as  to  its  actual  condition 
and  prospects,  visited  the  camp  on  the  8th  of  July,  at  Har 
rison's  Landing.  The  actual  strength  of  the  array  seems  to 
have  been  at  that  time  a  matter  of  considerable  difference  of 
opinion ;  and  in  regard  to  it,  on  returning  to  Washington,  the 
President  thus  addressed  the  general : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  July  13,  18G2. 

MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  am  told  that  over  160,000  men  have  gone  with  your 

army  on  the  Peninsula.     When  I  was  with  you  the  other  day,  we  made 

out  86.000  remaining,  leaving  73,500  to  be  accounted  for.     I  beh'eve 

3,500  will  cover  all  the  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  hi  all  your  battles 


258 

and  skirmishes,  leaving  50,000  who  have  left  otherwise.  Not  more  than 
5,000  of  these  have  died,  leaving  45,000  of  your  army  still  alive,  and  not 
with  it.  I  believe  half  or  two-thirds  of  them  are  fit  for  duty  to-day. 
Have  you  any  more  perfect  knowledge  of  this  than  I  have  ?  If  I  am 
right,  and  you  had  these  men  with  you,  you  could  go  into  Richmond  in 
the  next  three  days.  How  can  they  be  got  to  you,  and  how  can  they  be 
prevented  from  getting  away  in  such  numbers  for  the  future  ? 

A.  LINCOLN. 

In  reply  to  this  letter,  the  general  disclosed  the  fact  that 
38,250  men  of  his  army  were  absent  by  authority — i.  e.,  on  fur 
loughs  granted  by  permission  of  the  Commanding  General. 
The  actual  number  of  troops  composing  his  army  on  the  20th  of 
July,  according  to  official  returns,  was  158,314,  and  the  aggre 
gate  losses  in  the  retreat  to  the  James  River  was  15,249. 

During  the  President's  visit  to  the  camp,  the  future  move 
ments  of  the  army  were  a  subject  of  anxious  deliberation.  It 
was  understood  that  the  rebels  were  gathering  large  forces  for 
another  advance  upon  Washington,  which  was  comparatively 
unprotected — and  as  General  McClellan  did  not  consider  him 
self  strong  enough  to  take  the  offensive,  it  was  felt  to  be 
absolutely  necessary  to  concentrate  the  army,  either  on  the 
Peninsula  or  in  front  of  Washington,  for  the  protection  of  the 
capital.  The  former  course,  after  the  experience  of  the  past 
season,  was  felt  to  be  exceedingly  hazardous,  and  the  corps 
commanders  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  were  decidedly  in 
favor  of  the  latter.  General  McClellan  at  once  addressed 
himself  to  the  task  of  defeating  the  project.  On  the  llth,  he 
telegraphed  to  the  President  that  "  the  army  was  in  fine 
spirits,  and  that  he  hoped  he  would  soon  make  him  strong 
enough  to  try  again."  On  the  12th,  he  said  he  was  "more 
and  more  convinced  that  the  army  ought  not  to  be  withdrawn, 
but  promptly  re-enforced  and  thrown  again  upon  Richmond." 
He  "  dreaded  the  effects  of  any  retreat  on  the  morale  of  his 
men"-— though  his  previous  experience  should  have  obviated 


PEEP  AE  ATI  OXS   TO    CONCENTEATE   THE   AEMT.         259 

any  such  apprehension  in  his  mind.  "  If  we  have  a  little 
more  than  half  a  chance,"  he  said,  "we  can  take  Richmond." 
On  the  17th,  he  urged  that  General  Burnside's  whole  com 
mand  in  North  Carolina  should  be  ordered  to  join  him,  to 
enable  him  to  "assume  the  offensive  as  soon  as  possible."  On 
the  18th,  he  repeated  this  request ;  and  on  the  28th,  again  urged 
that  he  should  be  "  at  once  re-enforced  by  all  available  troops." 
On  the  25th,  General  Halleck  had  visited  the  camp,  and,  after 
a  careful  inspection  of  the  condition  of  the  army,  called  an  in 
formal  council  of  the  officers,  a  majority  of  whom,  upon 
learning  the  state  of  affairs,  recommended  its  withdrawal  from 
the  Peninsula.  On  the  30th,  he  issued  an  order  to  General 
McClellan  to  make  arrangements  at  once  for  a  prompt  removal 
of  all  the  sick  in  his  army,  in  order  to  enable  him  to  move  "in 
any  direction."  On  the  2d  of  August,  not  having  received 
any  reply,  General  Halleck  renewed  his  order  to  "remove 
them  as  rapidly  as  possible ;"  to  which,  on  the  3d,  General 
McClellan  replied  that  it  was  "  impossible  to  decide  what  cases 
to  send  off  unless  he  knew  what  was  to  be  done  with  the 
army  "  —  and  that  if  he  was  to  be  "  kept  longer  in  ignorance 
of  what  was  to  be  effected,  he  could  not  be  expected  to 
accomplish  the  object  in  view."  In  reply,  General  Hal  leek 
informed  him  that  his  army  was  to  be  "  withdrawn  from  the 
Peninsula  to  Acquia  Creek,"  but  that  the  withdrawal  should 
be  concealed  even  from  his  own  officers.  General  McClellan, 
on  the  4th,  wrote  a  long  protest  against  this  movement — 
saying  it  mattered  not  what  partial  reverses  might  be  sus 
tained  elsewhere — there  was  the  "  true  defence  of  Washing 
ton,"  and  he  asked  that  the  order  might  be  rescinded.  To 
this  letter,  after  again  urging  General  McClellan  on  the  4th  to 
hasten  the  removal  of  the  sick,  which  he  was  "  expected  to 
have  done  without  waiting  to  know  what  were  or  would  be 
the  intentions  of  the  Government  respecting  future  move 
ments,"  General  Halleck  on  the  6th  addressed  him  as  follows : 


260          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

HEAD-QUARTERS  .OF  THE  ARMY,       ) 
WASHINGTON,  August  6,  1862.    ) 

GENERAL  :  Your  telegram  of  yesterday  was  received  this  morning,  and 
I  immediately  telegraphed  a  brief  reply,  promising  to  write  you  moro 
fully  by  mail. 

You,  General,  certainly  could  not  have  been  more  pained  at  receiving 
my  order  than  I  was  at  the  necessity  of  issuing  it.  I  was  advised  by 
high  officers,  in  whose  judgment  I  had  great  confidence,  to  make  the 
order  immediately  on  my  arrival  here,  but  I  determined  not  to  do  so 
until  I  could  learn  your  wishes  from  a  personal  interview.  And  even 
after  that  interview  I  tried  every  means  in  my  power  to  avoid  with 
drawing  your  army,  and  delayed  my  decision  as  long  as  I  dared  to 
delay  it. 

I  assure  you,  General,  it  was  not  a  hasty  and  inconsiderate  act,  bnt 
one  that  caused  me  more  anxious  thoughts  than  any  other  of  my  life. 
But  after  full  and  mature  consideration  of  all  the  pros  and  cons,  I  was 
reluctantly  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  the  order  must  be  issued — 
there  was  to  my  mind  no  alternative. 

Allow  me  to  allude  to  a  few  of  the  facts  in  the  case. 

You  and  your  officers  at  our  interview  estimated  the  enemy's  forces 
in  and  around  Richmond  at  two  hundred  thousand  men.  Since  then, 
you  and  others  report  that  they  have  received  and  are  receiving  large 
re-enforcements  from  the  South.  General  Pope's  army,  covering  Wash 
ington,  is  only  about  forty  thousand.  Your  effective  force  is  only  about 
ninety  thousand.  You  are  thirty  miles  from  Richmond,  and  General 
Pope  eighty  or  ninety,  with  the  enemy  directly  between  you,  ready  to  fall 
with  his  superior  numbers  upon  one  or  the  other  as  he  may  elect;  neither  can 
re-enforce  the  other  in  case  of  such  an  attack. 

If  General  Pope's  army  be  diminished  tore-enforce  you,  Washington, 
Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania,  would  be  left  uncovered  and  exposed.  If 
your  force  be  reduced  to  strengthen  Pope,  you  would  be  too  weak  to 
even  hold  the  position  you  now  occupy,  should  the  enemy  turn  round 
and  attack  you  in  full  force.  In  other  words,  the  old  Army  of  the 
Potomac  is  split  into  two  parts,  with  the  entire  force  of  the  enemy 
directly  between  them.  They  cannot  be  united  by  land  without  expos 
ing  both  to  destruction,  and  yet  they  must  be  united.  To  send  Pope's 
forces  by  water  to  the  Peninsula  is,  under  present  circumstances,  a 
military  impossibility.  The  only  alternative  is  to  send  the  forces  on  the 
Peninsula  to  some  point  by  water,  say  Frederick sburg,  where  the  two 
armies  can  be  united. 


GEN.    HALLECK    TO    M'CLELLAN.  261 

Let  me  now  allude  to  some  of  the  objections  which  you  have  urged : 
you  say  that  the  withdrawal  from  the  present  position  will  cause  tho 
certain  demoralization  of  the  army,  "  which  is  now  in  excellent  discipline 
and  condition." 

I  cannot  understand  why  a  simple  change  of  position  to  a  new  and 
by  no  means  distant  base  will  demoralize  an  army  in  excellent  discipline, 
unless  the  officers  themselves  assist  in  that  demoralization,  which  I  am 
satisfied  they  will  not. 

Tour  change  of  front  from  your  extreme  right  at  Hanover  Court- House 
to  your  present  condition  was  over  thirty  miles,  but  I  have  not  heard 
that  it  demoralized  your  troops,  notwithstanding  the  severe  losses  they 
sustained  in  effecting  it. 

A  new  base  on  the  Rappahannock  at  Fredericksburg  brings  you 
within  about  sixty  miles  of  Richmond,  and  secures  a  re-enforcement  of 
forty  or  fifty  thousand  fresh  and  disciplined  troops. 

The  change  with  such  advantages  will,  I  think,  if  properly  represented 
to  your  army,  encourage  rather  than  demoralize  your  troops.  Moreover, 
you  yourself  suggested  that  a  junction  might  be  effected  at  Yorktown, 
but  that  a  flank  march  across  the  isthmus  would  be  more  hazardous  than 
to  retire  to  Fort  Monroe. 

You  will  remember  that  Yorktown  is  two  or  three  miles  further  than 
Fredericksburg  is.  Besides,  the  latter  is  between  Richmond  and 
"Washington,  and  covers  Washington  from  any  attack  of  the  enemy. 

The  political  effect  of  the  withdrawal  may  at  first  be  unfavorable;  but 
I  think  the  public  are  beginning  to  understand  its  necessity,  and  that 
they  will  have  much  more  confidence  in  a  united  army  than  in  its  sep 
arated  fragments. 

But  you  will  reply,  why  not  re-enforce  me  here,  so  that  I  can  strike 
Richmond  from  my  present  position  ?  To  do  this,  you  said,  at  our  inter 
view,  that  you  required  thirty  thousand  additional  troops.  I  told  you 
that  it  was  impossible  to  give  you  so  many.  You  finally  thought  you 
would  have  "some  chance"  of  success  with  twenty  thousand.  But  you 
afterwards  telegraphed  me  that  you  would  require  thirty-five  thousand, 
as  the  enemy  was  being  largely  re-enforced. 

If  your  estimate  of  the  enemy's  strength  was  correct,  your  requisition 
was  perfectly  reasonable ;  but  it  was  utterly  impossible  to  fill  it  until 
new  troops  could  be  enlisted  and  organized,  which  would  require  several 
weeks. 

To  keep  your  army  in  its  present  position  until  it  could  be  so  re-en 
forced  would  almost  destroy  it  in  that  climate. 


262 

The  months  of  August  and  September  are  almost  fatal  to  whites  who 
live  on  that  part  of  James  River ;  and  even  after  you  received  the  re- 
enforcement  asked  for,  you  admitted  that  you  must  reduce  Fort  Darling 
and  the  river  batteries  before  you  could  advance  on  Richmond. 

It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  reduction  of  these  fortifications 
would  not  require  considerable  time — perhaps  as  much  as  those  at  York- 
town. 

This  delay  might  not  only  be  fatal  to  the  health  of  your  army,  but  in 
the  mean  time  General  Pope's  forces  would  be  exposed  to  the  heavy 
blows  of  the  enemy  without  the  slightest  hope  of  assistance  from  you. 

In  regard  to  the  demoralizing  effect  of  a  withdrawal  from  the  Penin 
sula  to  the  Rappahannock,  I  must  remark  that  a  large  number  of  your 
highest  officers,  indeed  a  majority  of  those  whose  opinions  have  been  re 
ported  to  me,  are  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  movement.  Even  several  of 
those  who  originally  advocated  the  line  of  the  Peninsula  now  advise  its 
abandonment. 

I  have  not  inquired,  and  do  not  wish  to  know,  by  whoso  advice  or  for 
what  reasons  the  army  of  the  Potomac  was  separated  into  two  parts 
with  the  enemy  between  them,  I  must  take  things  as  I  find  them. 

I  find  the  forces  divided,  and  I  wish  to  unite  them.  Only  one  feasible 
plan  has  been  presented  for  doing  this.  If  you,  or  any  one  else,  had 
presented  a  better  plan,  I  certainly  should  have  adopted  it.  But  all  of 
your  plans  require  re-enforcements  which  it  is  impossible  to  give  you. 
It  is  very  easy  to  ask  for  re-enforcements,  but  it  is  not  so  easy  to  give 
them  when  you  have  no  disposable  troops  at  your  command. 

I  have  written  vory  plainly  as  I  understand  the  case,  and  I  hope  you 
will  give  me  credit  for  having  fully  considered  the  matter,  although  I 
may  have  arrived  at  very  different  conclusions  from  your  own. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  H.  HALLECK,  General-in-Chief. 

Major-General  Gr.  B.  MCCLELLAN,  Commanding,  etc.,  Berkeley,  Virginia. 

The  order  for  the  removal  of  the  sick  was  given  to  General 
McClellan  on  the  2d  of  August.  On  the  7th  he  reported  that 
3,740  had  been  sent,  and  5,700  still  remained.  On  the  9th,  Gen 
eral  Halleck  telegraphed  McClellan  that  the  enemy  was  massing 
his  forces  in  front  of  General  Pope  and  Burnside  to  crush  them 
and  move  upon  Washington,  and  that  re-enforcements  must  at 
once  be  sent  to  Aquia  Creek ;  to  which  he  replied  that  he 


APPOINTMENT   OF    GEN.   POPE.  263 

would  "  move  the  whole  army  as  soon  as  the  sick  were  dis 
posed  of."  On  the  12th,  in  rcplyto  the  most  pressing  orders 
for  immediate  dispatch  from  General  Halleck,  who  urged  that 
Burnside  had  moved  13,000  troops  in  two  days  to  Aquia 
Creek,  General  McClellan  said  if  Washington  was  in  danger, 
that  army  could  scarcely  arrive  in  time  to  save  it.  On  the  14th, 
he  announced  that  the  movement  had  commenced;  on  the 
17th,  he  said  he  "should  not  feel  entirely  secure  until  he  had 
the  whole  army  beyond  the  Chickahominy,  but  that  he  would 
then  begin  to  forward  troops  by  water  as  fast  as  transportation 
would  permit."  On  the  23d,  General  Franklin's  Corps  started 
from  Fortress  Monroe  ;  General  McClellan  followed  the  next 
day,  and  reached  Aquia  Creek  on  the  24th,  and  Alexandria  on 
the  evening  of  the  26th  of  August. 

On  the  27th  of  June  the  President  had  issued  an  order  con 
solidating  into  one  army,  to  be  called  the  Army  of  Virginia, 
the  forces  under  Major-Gen erals  Fremont,  Banks,  and  McDow 
ell.  The  command  of  this  army  was  assigned  to  Major-Gen- 
eral  John  Pope ;  and  the  army  was  divided  into  three  corps, 
of  which  the  first  was  assigned  to  Fremont,  the  second  to 
Banks,  and  the  third  to  McDowell.  Upon  receiving  this  order 
Major-General  Fremont  applied  to  be  relieved  from  the  com 
mand  which  it  assigned  him,  on  the  ground  that  by  the  ap 
pointment  of  General  Pope  to  the  chief  command,  his  (Fre 
mont's)  position  was  "  subordinate  and  inferior  to  that  hereto 
fore  held  by  him,  and  to  remain  in  the  subordinate  rank  now 
assigned  him,  would  largely  reduce  his  rank  and  consideration 
in  the  service."  In  compliance  with  his  request,  General  Fre 
mont  was  at  once  relieved. 

On  the  27th  of  August,  General  McClellan  was  ordered  by 
General  Halleck  to  "  take  entire  direction  of  the  sending  out 
of  the  troops  from  Alexandria1'1  to  re-enforce  Pope,  whom  the 
enemy  were  pressing  with  a  powerful  army,  and  whose  head 
quarters  were  then  at  Warrenton  Junction.  A  portion  of  the 


264  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Army  of  the  Potomac  which  arrived  before  General  McClellan, 
had  at  once  gone  forward  to  the  aid  of  Pope ; — of  those  which 
arrived  after  him,  or  which  were  at  Alexandria  when  he  ar 
rived,  not  one  reached  the  field  or  took  any  part  in  the  bat 
tles  by  which  the  army  was  saved  from  destruction,  and  the 
capital  from  capture. 

The  extent  to  which  General  McClellan,  who  had  the 
"  entire  direction  of  the  sending  of  these  re-enforcements,"  was 
responsible  for  this  result,  is  a  matter  of  so  much  importance, 
not  only  to  himself  and  the  Government,  but  to  the  whole 
country,  as  to  demand  a  somewhat  detailed  examination. 

In  his  Report  of  August  4th,  1863,  after  giving  a  portion 
only  of  the  correspondence  between  himself  and  the  Govern 
ment  on  this  subject,  General  McClellan  Bays : 

It  will  be  seen  from  what  has  preceded  that  I  lost  no  time  that  could 
be  avoided  in  moving  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from  tho  Peninsula  to 
the  support  of  the  Army  of  Virginia ;  that  I  spared  no  effort  to  hasten 
the  embarkation  of  the  troops  at  Fort  Monroe,  Newport  News,  and 
Yorktown,  remaining  at  Fort  Monroe  myself  until  the  mass  of  the  army 
had  sailed ;  and  that  after  my  arrival  at  Alexandria,  I  left  nothing  in  my 
power  undone  to  forward  supplies  and  re-cnforcenietits  to  General  Pope.  I 
sent,  with  troops  that  moved,  all  the  cavalry  I  could  get  hold  of.  Even 
my  personal  escort  was  sent  out  upon  the  line  of  the  railway  as  a  guard, 
with  the  provost  and  camp  guards  at  head-quarters,  retaining  less  than 
one  hundred  men,  many  of  whom  were  orderlies,  invalids,  members  of 
bands,  &c.  All  the  head-quarters  teams  that  arrived  were  sent  out  with 
supplies  and  ammunition,  none  being  retained  even  to  move  the  head 
quarters  camp.  The  squadron  that  habitually  served  as  my  personal 
escort  was  left  at  Falmouth  with  General  Burnside,  as  he  was  deficient 
in  cavalry. 

Before  taking  up  more  important  matters,  it  may  be  well  to 
remark,  that  as  General  McClellan  was  in  the  city  of  Alex 
andria,  and  not  in  any  way  exposed  to  personal  danger,  it  is 
difficult  to  appreciate  the  merit  he  seems  to  make  of  yielding 
up  his  personal  escort,  provost  and  carnp  guards,  and  head 
quarter  baggage  teams,  when  he  had  no  use  for  them  himself, 


IMPERATIVE    OKDEES    TO    M'CLELLAN.  265 

and  when  they  were  needed  for  the  purpose  for  which  they  are 
maintained — operating  against  the  enemy,  and  that  too  in  a 
pressing  emergency.  Even  as  it  was,  he  seems  to  have  retained 
rtearlv  a  hundred,  many  of  whom  he  says  were  orderlies,  etc., 
etc.,  around  his  person. 

Leaving  this  personal  matter,  we  come  to  the  important 
question — Is  it  true  that  General  McClellan  left,  as  he  avers, 
nothing  undone  in  his  power  to  forward  supplies  and  re-en 
forcements  to  General  Pope's  Army?  Did  he,  on  this 
momentous  occasion,  honestly  and  faithfully  do  his  whole  duty 
in  this  respect,  without  any  personal  aims,  or  any  jealousy,  and 
with  the  single  eye  to  the  success  of  our  arras,  and  the  honor, 
welfare,  and  glory  of  the  nation  ? 

He  had  been  repeatedly  urged  to  hurry  forward  the  troops 
from  the  Peninsula.  On  the  9th  of  August,  he  was  informed 
by  General  llalleck  that  "  the  enemy  is  massing  his  forces  in 
front  of  General  Pope  and  Burnside  to  try  and  crush  them 
and  move  forward  to  the  Potomac ;"  and  was  further  told : 
"  considering  the  amount  of  transportation  at  your  disposal, 
your  delay  is  not  satisfactory.  You  must  move  with  all 
celerity''1 

Again  on  the  10th,  General  Halleck  informed  him  that  "  the 
enemy  is  crossing  the  Rapidan  in  large  force.  They  are  fight 
ing  General  Pope  to-day.  There  must  be  no  further  delay  in 
your  movements :  that  which  has  already  occured  was  entirely 
unexpected,  and  must  be  satisfactorily  explained.  Let  not  a 
moment's  time  be  lost,  and  telegraph  me  daily  what  progress 
you  have  made  in  executing  the  order  to  transfer  your  troops." 
Again  on  the  21st,  he  was  told  "the  forces  of  Burnside  and 
Pope  are  hard  pushed  and  require  aid  as  rapidly  as  you  can. 
By  all  means  see  that  the  troops  sent  have  plenty  of  ammuni 
tion.  We  have  no  time  to  supply  them ;  moreover,  they  may 
have  to  fight  as  soon  as  they  land." 

Whether  or  not  the  delays  of  General  McClellan  were  ex- 
12 


266 

cusable,  tliose  telegrams  must  have  sho\vn  him,  if  proof  were 
necessary,  the  emergency  in  which  Pope  was  placed,  and  that 
the  concentration  of  the  two  armies  was  not  being  effected  in 
the  time  expected,  and  as  a  consequence  that  Pope  was  in  a 
-•-critical  position,  needing  immediate  help  to  save  his  army  from 
defeat.  Jt  was  under  these  circumstances  that  General 
McClellan  left  the  Peninsula. 

When  he  reached  Aquia  on  the  24th,  under  most  positive 
and  pressing  orders  from  Washington,  General  Pope,  who  had 
been  holding  the  line  of  the  Rappahannock  for  nearly  a  week 
against  the  assaults  of  Lee's  whole  army,  and  keeping  up  com 
munication  with  Fredericksburg,  so  as  to  receive  the  re-en 
forcements  McClellan  had  been  ordered  to  send  up  from  the 
Peninsula — finding  these  re-enforcements  not  coming  by  water 
to  join  his  left  as  fast  as  Lee  inarched  by  land  around  his 
right,  and  that  his  right,  though  stretched  to  Waterloo  Bridge, 
had  been  turned  and  his  rear  threatened,  had  been  obliged  to 
throw  back  his  right  first  to  Warrenton,  and  then  to  Gainesville, 
and  his  left  and  centre  from  Rappahannock  and  Sulphur 
Springs,  to  Warrenton  Junction,  Bristol  and  Manassas.  Gen 
eral  McClellan  knew  on  the  24th,  when  at  Aquia,  of  the 
abandoning  of  Rappahannock  Station,  and  of  Pope's  having 
broken  his  communication  with  Fredericksburg,  and  himself 
reported  the  facts  to  General  Halleck. 

August  2Gth,  General  Halleck  ordered  General  McClellan 
from  Aquia  to  Alexandria,  and  told  him  "  General  Franklin's 
Corps"  which  had  arrived  at  Alexandria,  "  will  march  as  soon 
as  it  receives  transportation." 

General  Pope  had,  when  his  line  was  stretched  from  below 
Rappahannock  Station  to  beyond  Warrenton,  asked  that 
Franklin's  Corps  might  be  sent  out  to  take  post  on  his  right  at 
Gainesville,  to  which  there  was  transportation  by  turnpike  and 
railroad,  to  guard  against  what  afterwards  happened, — the 
movement  of  the  enemy  through  that  place,  on  his  rear.  The 


267 

failure  to  have  that  corps  at  that  place  or  in  the  action  at  all, 
was  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  Pope's  failure.  Why  was 
this? 

August  27th,  as  already  stated,  General  McClellan  was 
directed  "  to  take  entire  direction  of  the  sending  out  of  the 
troops  from  Alexandria."  On  the  same  day  he  was  informed 
of  the  position  of  Pope's  head-quarters ;  of  that  of  most  of 
Pope's  forces;  of  where  Pope  wished  re-enforcements  sent 
him — Gainesville  ;  and  that  Fitz  John  Porter,  then  under  Pope, 
reported  a  battle  imminent.  At  10  A.  M.  on  that  day,  he  was 
told  by  Halleck,  "  that  Franklin's  Corps  should  march  in  that 
direction  (Manassas)  as  soon  as  possible  ;  and  again  at  12  p.  M., 
ho  was  further  told  by  Halleck  that  "Franklin's  Corps  should 
move  out  by  forced  marches,  carrying  three  or  four  days1  pro 
visions,  and  to  be  supplied  as  far  as  possible  by  Railroad" 

It  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  these  explicit  orders,  and  the  cir 
cumstances  tinder  which,  and  the  object  for  which  they  were 
given,  for  General  McClellan  either  seems  to  have  forgotten 
them,  or  to  have  utterly  failed  to  appreciate  their  importance. 
A  battle  reported  by  his  favorite  general,  Fitz-John  Porter,  as 
imminent,  within  cannon  sound  of  where  he  was, — the  road 
to  the  battle-field,  a  wide,  straight,  Macadam  turnpike,  well- 
known  to  both  General  McClellan  and  General  Franklin,  as  each 
had  been  over  it  more  than  once, — the  whole  of  the  enemy 
and  army  which  had  been  pressing  Pope  since  the  9th,  now 
concentrating  to  overwhelm  him, — here  one  would  think,  was 
every  motive  for  him  to  do,  as  he  claims  to  have  done,  every 
thing  in  his  power  to  send  re-enforcements  forward,  and  to 
send  them  instantly. 

Why  was  it  then,  that,  at  7.15  p.  M.,  on  the  29th,  more  than 
two  days  after  the  order  for  it  to  go  by  forced  marches  to  re- 
enforce  an  army  engaged  in  battle,  Franklin's  Corps  was  still 
at  Anandale,  about  seven  miles  from  Alexandria,  and  Franklin 
himself  in  Alexandria?  General  Halleck  says  it  was  all  con- 


268          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

trary  to  his  orders,  and  McClellan  acknowledges  himself  "  re 
sponsible  for  both  these  circumstances." 

In  the  meantime,  Pope's  forces  fought  the  battles  of  the 
27th,  28th,  and  29th,  and  were  now  to  fight  that  of  the  30th 
without  Franklin's  help.  Why  was  this  ?  Were  the  orders  to 
send  Franklin  out  countermanded  ?  General  Halleck  says  they 
were  not.  As  it  is  never  just  to  judge  a  person  by  the  light 
obtained  after  the  fact,  let  us  see,  so  far  as  the  correspond 
ence  enables  us,  what  were  the  different  phases  of  the  case  as 
they  presented  themselves  at  the  time. 

The  intimation  to  McClellan  on  the  26th,  that  Franklin  was 
to  go  to  the  front,  was  followed  by  the  positive  orders  of  the 
27th,  given  at  10  A.  M.  and  12  M.  On  that  day  General  Mc 
Clellan  reports  that  Generals  Franklin,  Smith,  and  Slocum  are 
all  in  Washington  ;  and  that  he  had  given  orders  to  place 
the  corps  in  readiness  to  march  to  the  next  in  rank.  At  the 
same  time,  he  reports  heavy  firing  at  Centreville. 

On  the  28th,  Halleck,  learning  that  McClellan,  who  it  seems 
had  also  gone  to  Washington,  had  not  returned  to  Alexandria, 
sent  orders  to  Franklin  direct,  to  move  with  his  corps  that  day 
(the  28th)  towards  Manassas  Junction.  On  the  28th,  at  3.30 
p.  M.,  Halleck  informs  McClellan  that  "  not  a  moment  must  be 
lost  in  pushing  as  large  a  force  as  possible  towards  Manassas 
so  as  to  communicate  with  Pope  before  the  enemy  is  re-en- 
forced."  On  the  same  day,  at  7.40  P.  M.,  he  again  tells  him  : 

"  There  must  be  no  further  delay  in  moving  Franklin's  Corps  towards 
Manassas.  They  must  go  to-morrow  morning  ready  or  not  ready.  If  we 
delay  too  long  to  get  ready,  there  will  be  no  necessity  to  go  at  all,  for 
Pope  will  either  be  defeated  or  victorious  without  our  aid.  If  there  is 
a  want  of  wagons,  the  men  must  carry  provisions  with  them  till  the 
wagons  come  to  their  relief." 

There  is  no  possible  room  for  misunderstanding  the  inten 
tion  of  the  General-in-Chief  from  these  orders.  He  wished, 


269 

and  ordered,  that  communication  should  be  at  once  re-estab 
lished  with  Pope,  and  Pope  re-enforced  in  time  to  be  of  service. 

Why  did  not  McClellan  re-establish  the  communication,  and 
re-enforce  Pope  in  time  to  be  of  service  ?  Why  did  he  halt 
Franklin's  Corps  at  Anandale  ? 

He  gives  reasons  for  this  in  his  telegram  to  Halleck  of 
August  29th.  "By  referring  to  my  telegrams,"  he  says,  "of 
10.30  A.  M.,  12  M.,  and  1  p.  M.,  together  with  your  reply  of 
2.48  r.  M.,  you  will  see  why  Franklin's  Corps  halted  at  Anan 
dale."  Let  us  examine  these  telegrams  in  connection  with  the 
circumstances  then  existing.  The  first  is  follows : 

CAMP  NEAR  ALEXANDRIA,  ) 
August  29,  10.30  A.  M.    [ 

"  Franklin's  Corps  are  in  motion ;  started  about  six  A.  M.  I  can  give 
him  but  two  squadrons  of  cavalry.  I  propose  moving  General  Cox 
to  Upton's  Hill  to  hold  that  important  point  with  its  works,  and  to  push 
cavalry  scouts  to  Vienna  via  Freeman  Hill  and  Hunter's  lane.  Cox  has 
two  squadrons  of  cavalry.  Please  answer  at  once  whether  this  meets 
your  approval.  I  have  directed  Woodbury,  with  the  Engineer  Brigade, 
to  hold  Fort  Lyon.  Sumner  detached  last  night  two  regiments  to  the 
vicinity  of  Forts  Ethan  Allen  and  Marcy.  Meagher's  Brigade  is  still  at 
Aquia.  If  Sumnermoves  in  support  of  Franklin,  it  leaves  us  without  any 
reliable  troops  in  and  near  Washington ;  yet  Franklin  is  too  weak  alone. 
"What  shall  be  done  ?  No  more  cavalry  arrived.  Have  but  three  squad 
rons  belonging  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Franklin  has  but  forty 
rounds  of  ammunition,  and  no  wagons  to  move  more.  I  do  not  think 
Franklin  is  in  a  condition  to  accomplish  much  if  he  meets  strong  resist 
ance.  /  should  not  have  moved  him  but  for  your  pressing  orders  of  last 
night.  What  have  you  from  Vienna  and  Drainsville  ? 

GEO.  B.  MCCLELLAN,  Major- General. 

Major-General  H.  W.  HALLECK,  General-in-Chief. 


To  this  Halleck  replies : 


WAR  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
12.  f 


WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  August  29,  18G2. 
Upton's  Hill  arrangement  all  right.     We  must  send  wagons  and  am 
munition  to  Franklin  as  fast  as  they  arrive.     Meagher's  Brigade  ordered 


270 

up  yesterday.  Fitzhugh  Lee  was,  it  is  said  on  good  authority,  in  Alex 
andria  on  Sunday  last  for  three  hours.  I  hear  nothing  from  Drainsville. 

H.  "W.  HALLECK,  General-in-Chief. 

"Major-General  McCLELLAN,  Alexandria. 

To  this  McClellan  sends  the  second  of  the  dispatches  he  re 
fers  to,  as  follows.  There  are  two  telegrams  of  the  same  date. 

HEAD-QUARTERS  ARMY  POTOMAC,    ) 
August  29,  1862,  12  M.         f 

Your  telegram  received.  Do  you  wish  the  movement  of  Franklin's 
Corps  to  continue  f  He  is  without  reserve  ammunition,  and  without 
transportation.  GEO.  B.  MCCLELLAN,  Ma/or-  General. 

Major-General  H.  "W.  HALLECK,  General-in-  Chief. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  POTOMAC,         ) 
ALEXANDRIA,  VIRGINIA,  Aug.  29,  18(52,  12  M.    f 

Have  ordered  most  of  the  12th  Pennsylvania  Cavalry  to  report  to 
General  Barnard  for  scouting  duty  toward  Rockville,  Poolesville,  etc. 
If  you  apprehend  a  raid  of  cavalry  on  your  side  of  river,  I  had  better 
send  a  brigade  or  two  of  Sumner's  to  near  Tennallytown.  "Would  it 
meet  your  views  to  post  rest  of  Sumner's  Corps  between  Arlington  and 
Fort  Corcoran,  where  they  can  either  support  Cox,  Franklin,  Chain  Bridge, 
and  even  Tennallytown  ? 

Franklin  has  only  10,000  to  11,000  ready  for  duty.  How  far  do  you 
wish  the  force  to  advance  % 

GEORGE  B.  MCCLELLAN,  Maj.-Gen.  U.  S.  Army. 
Major-General  HALLECK.  General-in-Chief. 

Then  follows  the  telegram  of  1  p.  M.  : 


- 


HEAD-QUARTERS  NEAR  ALEXANDRIA,    ) 


August  29,  1SG2,  1  p.  M. 

I  anxiously  await  reply  to  my  last  dispatch  in  regard  to  Sumner. 
Wish  to  give  order  at  once.  Please  authorize  me  to  attach  new  regiments 
permanently  to  my  old  brigades.  I  can  do  much  good  to  old  and  new 
troops  in  that  way.  I  shall  endeavor  to  hold  a  line  in  advance  of  Forts 
Allen  and  Marsh,  at  least  with  strong  advanced  guards.  I  wish  to 
hold  the  line  through  Prospect  Hill,  Marshall's,  Miner's,  and  Hall's 
Hills.  This  will  give  us  timely  warning.  Shall  I  do  as  seems  best  to  me 
with  all  the  troops  in  this  vicinity,  including  Franklin,  who  I  retilly  think 
oufjht  not,  under  the  present  circumstances,  to  proceed  beyond  Anandale  ? 

G.  B.  MCCLELLAN,  Major-  General. 

General  HALLECK,    General-in-Chief, 


M'CLELLAN  PROPOSES  TO  LEAVE  POPE  UNAIDED.  271 

It  certainly  is  not  easy  to  discover  in  these  dispatches  any 
indications  of  a  strong  desire  to  re-enforce  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  then  fighting  a  battle  in  his  front  and  within  his 
hearing,  but  under  another  commander.  They  evince  no 
special  interest  in  the  result  of  that  battle,  or  the  fate  of  that 
army — the  army  for  which,  while  under  his  command,  he  had 
expressed  so  much  affection,  and  whose  defeat  he  afterwards 
declared,  when  he  was  again  at  its  head,  would  be  incompar 
ably  more  disastrous  to  the  nation  than  the  capture  of  Wash 
ington  itself.  We  find  in  these  dispatches,  which  he  cites  in  his 
own  vindication,  no  evidence  to  sustain  the  declaration  of  his 
report,  that  from  the  moment  of  his  arrival  at  Alexandria  he 
"  left  nothing  in  his  power  undone  to  forward  supplies  and  re- 
enforcements  to  Gen.  Pope."  On  the  contrary,  they  seem  to 
show  that  he  had  decided  to  do,  what  in  a  telegram  of  the 
same  date  'he  had  suggested  to  the  President,  "  leave  Pope  to 
get  out  of  his  scrape"  and  devote  himself  exclusively  to  the 
safety  of  Washington.*  He  thinks  any  disposition  of  Frank 
lin's  and  Simmer's  troops  wise,  except  sending  them  forward, 
to  re-enforce  Pope.  He  is  anxious  to  send  them  to  Upton's 
Hill,  to  Chain  Bridge,  to  Tennallytown,  to  Arlington,  and  Fort 
Corcoran — anywhere  and  everywhere  except  where  they  were 
wanted  most,  and  where  alone  they  could  assist  in  getting 

*  On  the  29th  he  had  telegraphed  to  the  President  as  follows : 

I  am  clear  that  one  of  two  courses  should  be  adopted  :  First,  to  con 
centrate  all  our  available  forces  to  open  communications  with  Pope ; 
second,  to  leave  Pope  to  get  out  of  his  scrape,  and  at  once  use  all  our  means 
to  make  the  capital  perfectly  safe.  N"o  middle  ground  will  now  answer. 
Tell  me  what  you  wish  me  to  do,  and  I  will  do  all  in  my  power  to 
accomplish  it. 

To  this  the  President  had  thus  replied : 

WASHINGTON,  August  29,  1862 — 4.10  p.  M. 

Yours  of  to-day  just  received.  I  think  your  first  alternative,  to  wit, 
"  to  concentrate  all  our  available  forces  to  open  communication  with 
Pope"  is  the  right  one,  but  I  wish  not  to  control.  That  I  now  leave 
to  General  Halleck,  aided  by  your  counsels.  A.  LINCOLN. 

.Major-General  McCLBLLAN. 


272 

Pope  "  out  of  his  scrape,"  and  in  saving  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  It  was  natural  and  proper  that  he  should  give  at 
tention  to  the  defence  of  Washington,  for  he  had,  as  Gen. 
Ilalleck  says,  "  general  authority  over  all  the  troops"  that 
were  defending  it.  But  his  special  duty  was  "  sending  out 
troops  from  Alexandria  to  re-enforce  Pope."  Why  did  he 
give  so  much  attention  to  the  former,  and  so  little  to  the 
latter  duty  ?  Why  was  it  that,  from  the  time  of  his  landing 
at  Alexandria,  not  another  man  of  his  army  joined  Pope,  or 
made  a  diversion  in  his  favor,  till  after  Pope  had  fallen  back 
from  Manassas  and  fought  four  battles  without  the  aid  he  had 
a  right  to  expect,  and  which  Gen.  McClellan  was  repeatedly 
and  peremptorily  ordered  to  give  ? 

Those  of  McClellan's  forces  which  had  reached  Alexandria 
before  him,  or  were  there  before  his  arrival,  Sturgis,  Kearney, 
Hooker,  and  Heintzelman,  had  all  gone  forward  and  joined  in 
these  battles.  Why  could  not  Franklin — all  of  whose  move 
ments  were  controlled  by  McClellan — do  as  much  with  him 
as  his  brother  commanders  had  done  without  him  ? 

The  first  thing  that  McClellan  did,  on  reaching  Alexandria, 
in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  to  send  forward  troops,  was  to 
stop  those  actually  going!  In  his  dispatch  of  August  27th, 
9  o'clock  P.  M.,  he  says  to  General  Ilalleck — "  I  found  part 
of  Cox's  command  under  orders  to  take  the  cars :  will  halt 
it  with  Franklin  until  morniny  /"  ,  And  Cox  never  went  out, 
though  anxiously  expected  and  under  orders  to  move.  What 
are  the  reasons  given  by  McClellan  for  not  sending,  or  not 
permitting  Franklin  to  go?  On  the  27th,  at  11.15  P.  M., 
immediately  after  the  positive  order  was  issued  for  Franklin 
to  move  by  forced  marches  and  carry  three  or  four  days'  pro 
visions,  McClellan  says : 

"Franklin's  artillery  has  no  horses  except  for  four  guns  without  cais 
sons.  I  can  pick  up  no  cavalry.  *  *  I  do  not  see  that  we  have  force 
enough  in  hand  to  form  a  connection  with  Pope,  whose  exact  position 
we  do  not  know." 


EXCUSES  FOE  FRANKLINS  DELAY.         273 

A  part  of  the  perplexity  lie  seems  to  have  been  in  was 
removed  that  day  at  6  o'clock,  p.  M.,  when  he  received,  as  he 
says,  a  copy  of  a  dispatch  from  Pope  to  Halleck,  in  which 
Pope  says  :  "  All  forces  now  sent  forward  should  be  sent  to 
my  right  at  Gainesville." 

The  next  day,  at  1  P.  M.,  he  telegraphs, 

"  I  have  been  doing  all  possible  to  hurry  artillery  and  cavalry.  The 
moment  Franklin  can  be  started  with  a  reasonable  amount  of  artilkry  Tie 
shall  go." 

Again,  at  4.40  of  the  28th,  he  telegraphs, 

General  Franklin  is  with  me  here.  I  will  know  in  a  few  moments 
the  condition  of  artillery  and  cavalry.  We  are  not  yet  in  a  condition  to 
move ;  may  be  by  to-morrow  morning. 

A  few  moments  later,  he  says : 

Your  dispatch  received.  Neither  Franklin's  nor  Sumner's  Coips  is 
now  in  condition  to  move  and  fight  a  battk.  It  would  be  a  sacrifice  to 
send  them  out  now !  I  have  sent  aids  to  ascertain  the  condition  of 
Colonel  Tyler :  but  I  still  think  that  a  premature  movement  in  small  force 
will  accomplish  nothing  but  the  destruction  of  the  troops  sent  out." 

The  small  force  (?)  to  which  he  refers  consisted,  as  hereto 
fore  stated,  of  Sumner's  Corps  of  14,000  and  Franklin's  of 
11,000,  a  total  of  25,000 — not  going  to  fight  a  battle  by  itself, 
but  to  re-enforce  an  army  already  engaged,  and  constituting 
certainly  a  handsome  re-enforcement  on  any  field.  On  the  29th, 
he  says : 

Franklin  has  but  forty  rounds  of  ammunition  and  no  wagons  to  move 
more.  I  do  not  think  Franklin  is  in  a  condition  to  accomplish  much  if 
he  meets  strong  resistance.  I  should  not  havo  moved  him  but  for  your 
pressing  orders  of  last  night. 

On  this  same  day — 

Do  you  wish  the  movement  of  Franklin's  Corps  to  continue  f    He  is  with 
out  reserve  ammunition  and  without  transportation. 
12* 


274  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

It  may  bo  remarked  here,  that  Franklin  had  not  yet  gone 
beyond  Anandale — about  seven  miles — and  had  as  yet,  neither 
come  upon  the  enemy  or  joined  the  army  in  front,  nor  gained 
any  information  about  either.  If,  therefore,  his  movement 
was  not  to  continue,  it  must  be  because  it  was  too  hazardous, 
or  because  he  had  no  reserve  ammunition  or  transportation. 

So,  it  seems,  it  was  Gen.  McClellan's  judgment  that  Frank 
lin  could  not  be  sent,  as  soon  as  he  landed,  to  re- enforce 
Pope — because,  1st,  he  had  his  artillery  only  partially  mounted; 
2d,  he  had  no  cavalry  ;  3d,  he  had  but  forty  rounds  of  am 
munition,  and  no  transportation  for  more.  The  subsequent 
difficulties  were,  that  he  had  no  transportation  for  his  reserve 
ammunition,  and  was  too  weak  alone,  and  Sumner  ought  not 
to  be  sent  to  support  him,  as  it  would  leave  the  Capital  un 
protected  ! 

It  is  fortunate  some  of  McClellan's  corps  preceded  him  from 
the  Peninsula,  and  arrived  and  marched  before  he  came  up. 
For,  if  not,  two  of  the  corps  who  joined  Pope  and  fought 
under  him  would  have  been  halted  for  the  reasons  that  stayed 
Franklin.  Kearney  joined  without  artillery,  and  Pope  ordered 
two  batteries  to  be  given  him  ;  Porter  had  but  forty  rounds 
of  ammunition — Heintzelman  joined  without  cavalry. 

Why,  may  it  be  asked,  were  "  neither  Sumner's  nor  Frank 
lin's  Corps  in  a  condition  to  move  and  fight  a  battle?" 
McClellan  had  been  told  that  in  embarking  his  troops  he 
must  see  they  were  supplied  with  ammunition,  "  as  they 
might  have  to  fight  as  soon  as  they  landed."  The  men  were 
not  fatigued  by  hard  marches,  nor  exhausted  with  fighting 
and  lack  of  food,  as  were  their  companions  in  front.  What 
was  there  to  prevent  their  going  to  re-enforce  them,  but  the 
orders  and  pretexts  for  delay  of  General  McClellan  ? 

It  will  have  been  noticed  that  lack  of  transportation  was  at 
the  bottom  of  the  alleged  difficulties.  Transportation  was  not 
required  for  supplies,  for  the  men  were  ordered  to  carry  their 


M'CLELLAN'S  EXCUSES  PROVED  GROUNDLESS.       275 

food  with  them.  Is  it  not  strange  that,  in  view  of  the  emergency 
of  the  case,  some  extraordinary  means  were  not  resorted  to  to 
impress  horses  and  wagons — if  none  existed  in  the  hands  of  the 
Government — in  the  cities  of  Alexandria,  Georgetown,  and 
Washington,  where  there  was  an  abundance  of  both  ? 
Such  things  have  been  done  even  in  this  war,  on  much  less 
important  occasions  than  this  one. 

•  But  will  not  this  plea  seem  stranger  still  when  it  is  found 
that  there  wras  no  need  of  pressing  any  private  property 
into  service — that  there  was  plenty  of  public  transportation 
on  hand  ?  Let  the  following  dispatch  show  : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ) 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  August  30th,  1862.  J 

I  am  by  no  means  satisfied  with  General  Franklin's  march  of  yester 
day,  considering  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  He  was  very  -wrong  in 
stopping  at  Alexandria.  Moreover,  I  learned  last  night  that  the  Quarter 
master's  Department  would  have  given  him  plenty  of  transportation  if  he  had 
applied  for  it  any  time  since  his  arrival  at  Alexandria.  Ho  knew  tho 
importance  of  opening  communication  with  General  Pope's  army,  and 
should  have  acted  more  promptly. 

H.  "W.  HALLECK,  General-in-Chief. 
Major-General  McCLELLAX,  Alexandria. 

But  most  strange  of  all  is,  that  General  McClellan  knew  of 
there  being  public  transportation  at  hand,  and  yet  did  not  use 
it,  even  when  the  fate  of  a  campaign  depended  upon  it,  and 
afterwards  assigned  the  want  of  it  as  the  reason  for  not  obey 
ing  his  orders  to  send  re-enforcements.  He  says,  in  his  dis 
patch  of  August  30,  to  Gen.  Pope  : 

The  quartermasters  here  (Alexandria)  said  there  was  none  dispos 
able.  The  difficulty  seems  to  consist  in  the  fact  (he  adds),  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  transportation  on  hand  at  Alexandria  and  Washington  has  been 
needed  for  current  supplies  of  the  garrisons" 

The  inference  is  irresistible  that  General  McClellan,  who 
had  charge  of  every  thing  in  and  around  Alexandria  and 


276  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Washington,  thought  it  was  better  that  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  under  Pope,  should  not  be  re-enforced,  and  be  de 
feated,  than  that  the  garrisons  should  be  subjected  to  the 
slightest  inconvenience ! 

The  answer  of  General  Halleck  to  the  telegrams  of  General 
McClellan,  in  which  the  latter  made  so  many  propositions 
about  the  movements  of  Sumner's  Corps  and  the  disposition  of 
Cox's  force  and  the  other  troops  for  the  defence  of  Washing 
ton,  is  as  follows : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ) 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  August  20$,  1862.    j" 

Your  proposed  disposition  of  Sumner's  Corps  seems  to  me  judicious. 
Of  course  I  have  no  time  to  examine  into  details.  The  present  danger 
is  a  raid  upon  Washington  in  the  night  time.  Dispose  of  all  troops  as 
you  deem  best.  I  want  Franklin's  Corps  to  go  far  enough  to  find  out 
something  about  the  enemy.  Perhaps  he  may  get  such  information  at 
Anandale  as  to  prevent  his  going  further.  Otherwise,  he  will  push  on 
towards  Fairfax.  Try  to  get  something  from  direction  of  Manassas 
either  by  telegrams  or  through  Franklin's  scouts.  Our  people  must 
move  actively  and  find  out  where  the  enemy  is.  I  am  tired  of  guesses. 

H.  W.  HALLECK,  General-in-Chief. 
Major-General  MCCLELLAN,  Alexandria. 

It  is  in  this  dispatch  that  General  McClellan  finds  his 
authority  to  halt  Franklin  at  Anandale.  Franklin  had  been 
repeatedly  ordered  to  join  Pope,  but  had  been  delayed  by 
McClellan,  who  evidently  did  not  intend  he  should  get  beyond 
his  control  if  possible. 

In  his  telegram  to  Halleck  of  1  p.  M.  of  the  29th,  he  asks  if 
he  may  do  as  seems  to  him  best  with  all  the  troops  in  the 
ricinity  of  Alexandria,  including  Franklin — Franklin  being 
still  in  the  vicinity  of  Alexandria.  Ilallcck,  in  giving  him 
authority  to  dispose  of  all  troops  in  his  vicinity  evidently  refers 
to  the  disposition  to  be  made  of  those  for  the  forts  and 
defences,  for  he  proceeds  to  say,  I  want  "  Franklin's  Corps 
to  go  far  enough  to  find  out  something  about  the  enemy." 


M'CLELLAN'S  ALLEGED  LACK  OF  SUPPLIES.        277 

Franklin's  Corps  did  not  go  out  far  enough  to  learn  any  thino- 
about  the  enemy.  What  he  learned  he  picked  up  at  Anan- 
dale  from  citizens,  and  probably  from  Banks' s  wagon-train, 
which  passed  him  as  it  carne  from  the  front,  which  it  seems 
it  was  able  to  do  with  safety  at  the  time  McClellan  considered 
it  too  hazardous  for  40,000  men  to  move  to  the  front  to  join 
the  army. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  pursue  this  matter  any  further,  and 
show,  as  might  easily  be  done,  how  similar  delays  were  pro 
cured  with  respect  to  other  troops  which  might  have  been 
sent  to  re-enforce  Pope.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  forty 
thousand  men,  exclusive  of  Burnside's  force,  were  thus — as  it 
seems  to  us  intentionally — withheld  from  Pope  at  the  time  he 
was  engaged  in  holding  the  army  of  Lee  in  check. 

Having  thus  disposed  of  the  question  of  re  enforcements,  it 
now  remains  to  say  a  word  about  supplies  which  General 
^McClellan  says  he  left  nothing  undone  to  forward  to  Pope. 

When  at  Fort  Monroe  he  telegraphed  (August  21st,  10. 
52  p.  M.) : 

I  have  ample  supplies  of  ammunition  for  infantry  and  artillery,  and 
will  have  it  up  in  time.  /  can  supply  any  deficiency  that  may  exist  in 
General  Pope's  army. 

August  the  30th  (1.45  p.  M.),  General  Halleck  telegraphed 
him  : 

Ammunition,  and  particularly  for  artillery,  must  be  immediately  sent 
forward  to  Centreville  for  General  Pope. 

To  which  he  replied  : 

I  know  nothing  of  the  calibres  of  Pope's  artillery.  All  I  can  do  is  to 
direct  my  ordnance  officer  to  load  up  all  the  wagons  sent  to  him. 

General  McClellan  might  have  very  easily  found  out  those* 
calibres.     His  ordnance  officer  knew  those  of  the  corps  of  his 
own  army,  and  he  was  in  telegraphic  communication  with  the 
ordnance  officer  in  Washington,  where  a  register  is  kept  of  all 
the  batteries  in  service. 


278 

What  was  his  course  with  respect  to  supplies  of  forage  and 
subsistence,  of  which  Pope's  army  was  in  such  extreme 
need  ? 

He  directed  Franklin  to  say  to  Pope  he  would  send  him  out 
supplies  if  he,  Pope,  would  send  back  cavalry  to  escort  them 
out !  "  Such  a  request,"  (says  Pope  in  his  dispatch  of  5  A.  M., 
August  30),  "when  Alexandria  is  full  of  troops,  and  I  fighting 
the  enemy,  needs  no  comment." 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac,  under  General  Pope,  was 
defeated  and  driven  back  upon  Washington.  But  it  had  con 
tested  every  inch  of  the  ground,  and  had  fought  every  battle 
with  a  gallantry  and  tenacious  courage  that  would  have  insured 
a  decisive  viciory  if  it  had  been  properly  and  promptly  sup 
ported.  It  was  not  broken,  either  in  spirit  or  in  organization  ; 
and  it  fell  back  upon  the  Capital  prepared  to  renew  the. 
struggle  for  its  salvation. 

By  this  time,  however,  General  McClcllan  had  become  the 
recognized  head  of  a  political  party  in  the  country,  and  a 
military  clique  in  the  army ;  and  it  suited  the  purposes  of  both 
to  represent  the  defeat  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  as  due  to 
the  fact  that  General  McClcllan  was  no  longer  at  its  head. 
The  progress  of  the  rebel  army,  moreover,  up  the  Potomac, 
with  the  evident  intention  of  moving  upon  Baltimore  or  into 
Pennsylvania,  had  created  a  state  of  feeling  throughout  the 
country  and  in  Washington  eminently  favorable  to  the  designs 
of  General  McClellan's  partisans ;  and  upon  the  urgent  but  un 
just  representation  of  some  of  his  officers  that  the  army  would 
not  serve  under  any  other  commander,  General  Pope  was 
relieved,  and  General  McClellan  again  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  on  the  4th  of  September  he 
commenced  the  movement  into  Maryland  to  repel  the  invading 
rebel  forces. 

On  the   llth,  he  made  urgent  application  for  re-enforce- 


M'CLELLAN'S  ADVANCE  INTO  MARYLAND.          279 

ments,  asking  that  Colonel  Miles  be  withdrawn  from  Har 
per's  Ferry,  and  that  one  or  two  of  the  three  army  corps 
on  the  Potomac,  opposite  Washington,  be  at  once  sent  to 
join  him.  "  Even  if  Washington  should  be  taken,"  he  said, 
"  while  these  armies  are  confronting  each  other,  this  would 
not  in  my  judgment  bear  comparison  with  the  ruin  and 
disaster  that  would  follow  a  single  defeat  of  this  army," 
although,  as  will  be  remembered,  when  that  army  was  under 
Pope,  and  engaged  in  a  battle  which  might  destroy  it,  he 
had  said  (Aug.  27),  "  I  think  we  should  first  provide  for  the 
defence  of  the  Capital."  General  Halleck  replied  that  "the 
capture  of  Washington  would  throw  them  back  six  months  if  not 
destroy  them,"  and  that  Miles  could  not  join  him  until  communi 
cations  were  opened.  On  the  14th,  the  battle  of  South  Moun 
tain  took  place,  the  rebels  falling  back  to  the  Potomac,  and  on 
the  17th,  the  battle  of  Antietam  was  fought,  resulting  in  the 
defeat  of  the  rebel  forces,  although  no  pursuit  was  made,  and 
they  were  allowed,  during  the  night  and  the  whole  of  the  next 
day,  quietly  to  withdraw  their  shattered  forces  to  the  other 
side  of  the  Potomac.  The  losses  he  had  sustained  and  the 
disorganization  of  some  of  his  commands  were  assigned  by 
General  McClellan  as  his  reason  for  not  renewing  the  attack, 
although  the  corps  of  General  Fitz-John  Porter  had  not  been 
brought  into  action  at  all.  Orders  were  issued,  however,  for 
a  renewal  of  the  battle  on  the  19th,  but  it  was  then  suddenly 
discovered  that  the  enemy  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  Poto 
mac.  General  McClellan  did  not  feel  authorized  on  account 
of  the  condition  of  his  army  to  cross  in  pursuit,  and  on  the 
23d,  wrote  to  Washington,  asking  for  re- enforcements,  renew 
ing  the  application  on  the  27th,  and  stating  his  purpose  to  be 
to  hold  the.  army  where  it  was,  and  to  attack  the  enemy  should 
he  attempt  to  recross  into  Maryland.  He  thought  that  only 
the  troops  necessary  to  garrison  Washington  should  be  re 
tained  there,  and  that  every  thing  else  available  should  be  sent 


280          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

to  him.  If  re-enforced  and  allowed  to  take  his  own  course, 
he  said,  he  would  be  responsible  for  the  safety  of  the  Capital. 
On  the  1st  of  October,  President  LINCOLN  visited  the  army 
and  made  careful  inquiry  into  its  strength  and  condition.  On 
the  6th,  he  issued  the  following  order  for  an  immediate  ad 
vance  : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  d,  October  6,  1862. 

I  am  instructed  to  telegraph  to  you  as  follows  :  Tho  President  directs 
that  you  cross  tho  Potomac  and  give  battle  to  the  enemy,  or  drive  him 
south.  Tour  army  must  move  now,  while  the  roads  are  good.  If 
you  cross  the  river  between  tho  enemy  and  Washington,  and  cover  the 
latter  by  your  operation,  you  can  be  re-enforced  with  thirty  thousand 
men.  If  you  move  up  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah  not  more  than 
twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  can  bo  sent  you.  The  President  advises  the 
interior  line  between  Washington  and  the  enemy,  but  does  not  order  it. 
Ho  is  very  desirous  that  your  army  move  as  soon  as  possible.  You 
will  immediately  report  what  line  you  adopt,  and  when  you  intend  to 
cross  the  river  :  also  to  what  point  the  re-enforcements  are  to  bo  sent. 
It  is  necessary  that  the  plan  of  your  operations  be  positively  determined 
on,  before  orders  are  given  for  building  bridges  and  repairing  railroads. 
I  am  directed  to  add,  that  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  General-in- 
Chief  fully  concur  with  the  President  in  these  instructions. 

H.  W.  HALLECK,  General-in-  Chief. 

M;ijor-General  M 


On  receiving  this  order,  Gen.  McClellan  inquired  as  to  the 
character  of  troops  that  would  be  sent  him,  and  as  to  'the 
number  of  tents  at  command  of  the  army.  He  also  called 
for  very  large  quantities  of  shoes,  clothing,  and  other  sup 
plies,  and  said  that  without  these  the  army  could  not  move. 
On  the  llth,  the  rebel  Gen.  Stuart,  with  a  force  of  about 
2,500  men,  made  a  raid  into  Pennsylvania,  going  completely 
round  our  army,  and  thwarting  all  the  arrangements  by  which 
Gen.  McClellan  had  reported  that  his  capture  was  certain. 
On  the  13th,  in  consequence  of  his  protracted  delays,  the 
President  addressed  to  General  McClellan  the  following  letter: 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LETTER  TO  M'CLELLAX.         281 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION-,  "WASHINGTON,  Oct.  13,  18C2. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: — You  remember  my  speaking  to  you  of  what  I  called 
your  overcautiousness.  Are  you  not  overcautious  when  you  assume 
that  you  cannot  do  what  the  enemy  is  constantly  doing  ?  Should  you 
not  claim  to  be  at  least  his  equal  in  prowess,  and  act  upon  the  claim? 

As  I  understand,  you  telegraphed  Gen.  Halleck  that  you  cannot  sub 
sist  your  army  at  Winchester  unless  the  railroad  from  Harper's  Ferry 
to  that  point  be  put  in  working  order.  But  the  enemy  does  now  sub 
sist  his  army  at  Winchester,  at  a  distance  nearly  twice  as  great  from 
railroad  transportation  as  you  would  have  to  do  without  the  railroad 
last  named.  He  now  wagons  from  Culpepper  Court-IIouse,  which  is 
just  about  twice  as  far  as  you  would  have  to  do  from  Harper's  Ferry. 
He  is  certainly  not  more  than  half  as  well  provided  with  wagons  as 
you  are.  I  certainly  should  be  pleased  for  you  to  have  the  advantage 
of  the  railroad  from  Harper's  Ferry  to  Winchester ;  but  it  wastes  all  the 
remainder  of  autumn  to  give  it  to  you,  and,  in  fact,  ignores  the  question 
of  time,  which  cannot  and  must  not  be  ignored. 

Again,  one  of  the  standard  maxims  of  war,  as  you  know,  is,  "to 
operate  upon  the  enemy's  communications  as  much  as  possible,  without 
exposing  your  own."  You  seem  to  act  as  if  this  applies  against  you,  but 
can  not  apply  in  your  favor.  Change  positions  with  the  enemy,  and 
think  you  not  he  would  break  your  communication  with  Richmond 
within  the  next  twenty-four  hours  ?  You  dread  his  going  into  Penn 
sylvania.  But  if  he  does  so  in  full  force,  he  gives  up  his  communica 
tions  to  you  absolutely,  and  you  have  nothing  to  do  but  to  follow  and 
ruin  him ;  if  he  does  so  with  less  than  full  force,  fall  upon  and  beat 
what  is  left  behind  all  the  easier. 

Exclusive  of  the  water  line,  you  are  now  nearer  Richmond  than  the 
enemy  is  by  the  route  that  you  can  and  he  must  take.  Why  can  you 
not  reach  there  before  him,  unless  you  admit  that  he  is  more  than  your 
equal  on  a  march  ?  His  route  is  the  arc  of  a  circle,  while  yours  is  the 
chord.  The  roads  are^  a»"gdod  on  yours  as  on  his. 

You  know  I^desfred,  but  did  not  order,  you  to  cross  the  Potomac 
below  instead  of  above  the  Shenandoah  and  Blue  Ridge.  My  idea  was, 
that  this  would  at  once  menace  the  enemy's  communications,  which  I 
would  seize  if  he  would  permit.  If  he  should  move  northward,  I  would 
follow  him  closely,  holding  his  communications.  If  he  should  prevent 
our  seizing  his  communications,  and  move  toward  Richmond,  I  would 
press  closely  to  him,  fight  him  if  a  favorable  opportunity  should  present, 
and  at  least  try  to  beat  him  to  Richmond  on  the  inside  track.  I  say 


282  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

"try;"  if  we  never  try,  we  shall  never  succeed.  If  be  make  a  stand 
at  "Winchester,  moving  neither  north  nor  south,  I  would  fight  him  there, 
on  the  idea  that  if  we  cannot  beat  him  when  he  bears  the  wastage  of 
coming  to  us,  we  never  can  wheu  we  bear  the  wastage  of  going  to 
him.  This  proposition  is  a  simple  truth,  and  is  too  important  to  be  lost 
sight  of  for  a  moment.  In  coining  to  us,  he  tenders  us  an  advantage 
which  we  should  not  waive.  We  should  not  so  operate  as  to  merely 
drive  him  away.  As  we  must  beat  him  somewhere,  or  fail  finally, 
•we  can  do  it,  if  at  all,  easier  near  to  us  than  far  away.  If  we  cannot 
beat  the  enemy  where  he  now'is,  we  never  can,  he  again  being  within 
the  intrenchments  of  Richmond.  Recurring  to  the  idea  of  going  to 
Richmond  on  the  inside  track,  the  facility  of  supplying  from,  the  side 
away  from  the  enemy  is  remarkable,  as  it  were,  by  the  different  spokes 
of  a  wheel,  extending  from  the  hub  toward  the  rim,  and  this  whether 
you  move  directly  by  the  chord,  or  on  the  inside  arc,  hugging  the  Blue 
Ridge  more  closely.  The  chord-line,  as  you  see,  carries  you  by  Aldie, 
Haymarket,  and  Fredericksburg,  and  you  see  how  turnpikes,  railroads, 
and  finally  the  Potomac  by  Aquia  Creek,  meet  you  at  all  points  from 
Washington.  The  same,  only  the  lines  lengthened  a  little,  if  you  press 
closer  to  the  Blue  Ridge  part  of  the  way.  The  gaps  through  the  Blue 
Ridge  I  understand  to  be  about  the  following  distances  from  Harper's 
Ferry,  to  wit:  Vestal's,  five  miles;  Gregory's,  thirteen;  Snicker's, 
eighteen;  Ashby's,  twenty-eight;  Manassas,  thirty-eight;  Chester,  forty- 
five  ;  and  Thornton's,  fifty-three.  I  should  think  it  preferable  to  take  the 
route  nearest  the  enemy,  disabling  him  to  make  an  important  move 
without  your  knowledge,  and  compelling  him  to  keep  his  forces  together 
for  dread  of  you.  The  gaps  would  enable  you  to  attack  if  you 
should  wish.  For  a  great  part  of  the  way  you  would  be  practically 
between  the  enemy  and  both  Washington  and  Richmond,  enabling  us 
to  spare  you  the  greatest  number  of  troops  from  here.  When,  at  length, 
running  to  Richmond  ahead  of  him  enables  him  to  move  this  way,  if  ho 
does  so,  turn  and  attack  him  in  the  rear.  But  I  think  he  should  bo 
engaged  long  before  such  point  is  reached.  It  is  all  easy  if  our  troops 
march  as  well  as  the  enemy,  and  it  is  unmanly  to  say  they  cannot  do 
it.  This  letter  is  in  no  sense  an  order. 

Yours,  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

Major-Gen.  MCCLELLAN. 

For  over  a  fortnight  longer  Gen.  McClellan   delayed   any 
attempt  to  move  bis   army  in  obedience   to   the  President's 


THE    PRESIDENT   PROTESTS   AGAIXST   DELAY.          283 

order.  He  spent  this  interval  in  complaints  of  inadequate 
supplies,  and  in  incessant  demands  for  re-enforcements ;  and 
on  the  21st  inquired  whether  it  was  still  the  President's  wish 
that  he  should  march  upon  the  enemy  at  once,  or  await  the 
arrival  of  fresh  horses.  He  was  told  in  reply  that  the  order 
of  the  6th  was  unchanged,  and  that  while  the  President  did  not 
expect  impossibilities,  he  was  "very  anxious  that  all  this  good 
weather  should  not  be  wasted  in  inactivity."  Gen.  McCicllan 
states  in  his  report  that  he  inferred,  from  the  tenor  of  this 
dispatch,  that  it  was  left  to  his  own  judgment  whether 
it  would  be  safe  for  the  army  to  advance  or  not;  and 
he  accordingly  fixed  upon  the  first  of  November  as  the 
earliest  date  at  which  the  forward  movement  could  be  com 
menced.  On  the  25th  he  complained  to  the  Department 
of  the  condition  of  bis  cavalry,  saying  that  the  horses  were 
fatigued  and  greatly  troubled  with  sore  tongue  ;  whereupon 
the  President  addressed  him  the  following  inquiry  : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON,  Oct.  25,  1862. 
I  have  just  read  your  dispatch  about  sore-tongue  and  fatigued  horses. 
Will  you  pardon  me  for  asking  what  the  horses  of  your  army  have  done 
Bince  the  battle  of  Antietam  that  fatigues  anything  ? 

A.  LINCOLN. 

The  General  replied  that  they  had  been  engaged  in  making 
reconnoissances,  scouting,  and  picketing,  to  which  the  Presi 
dent  thus  rejoined  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  ) 

WASHINGTON,  Oct.  26th,  1862.    f 

Tours  in  reply  to  mine  about  horses  received.  Of  course  you  know 
the  facts  better  than  I.  Still,  two  considerations  remain:  Stuart's 
cavalry  outmarched  ours,  having  certainly  done  more  marked  service  on 
the  Peninsula  and  everywhere  since.  Secondly:  will  not  a  movement 
of  our  army  be  a  relief  to  the  cavalry,  compelling  the  enemy  to  concen 
trate  instead  of  "foraging"  in  squads  everywhere?  But  I  am  so 
rejoiced  to  learn  from  your  dispatch  to  General  Halleck  that  you  began 

crossing  the  river  this  morning. 

A.  LINCOLN. 


284          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

The  General  replied  in  a  long  dispatch,  rehearsing  in  detail 
the  labors  performed  by  his  cavalry,  to  which  he  thought  the 
President  had  done  injustice.  This  note  elicited  the  following 
reply  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  ) 

WASHINGTON,  Oct.  26 to,  1862.    f 

Yours  of  yesterday  received.  Most  certainly  I  intend  no  injustice  to 
any,  and  if  I  have  done  any  I  deeply  regret  it.  To  be  told,  after  moro 
than  five  weeks  total  inaction  of  the  army,  and  during  which  period  wo 
had  sent  to  that  army  every  fresh  horse  we  possibly  could,  amounting 
in  the  whole  to  7,918,  that  the  cavalry  horses  were  too  much  fatigued  to 
move,  presented  a  very  cheerless,  almost  hopeless,  prospect  for  tho 
future,  and  it  may  have  forced  something  of  impatience  into  my  dis 
patches.  If  not  recruited  and  rested  then,  when  could  they  ever  be  ? 
1  suppose  the  river  is  rising,  and  I  am  glad  to  believe  you  are  crossing. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

The  General  next  started,  as  a  new  topic  of  discussion,  the 
extent  to  which  the  line  of  the  Potomac  should  be  guarded 
after  he  left  it,  so  as  to  cover  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania 
from  farther  invasions.  He  thought  strong  garrisons  should 
be  left  at  certain  points,  complained  that  his  forces  were 
inadequate,  and  made  some  suggestion  concerning  the  position 
of  the  rebel  army  under  Bragg,  which  led  General  Ilalleck  in 
reply  to  remind  him  that  Bragg  was  four  hundred  miles  away, 
while  Lee  was  but  twenty.  On  the  27th  the  General  tele 
graphed  to  the  President  that  it  was  necessary  to  "fill  up  the 
old  regiments  of  his  command  before  taking  them  again  into 
action,"  to  which  the  President  thus  replied  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  ) 

WASHINGTON,  Oct.  27 to,  1862.    J" 

Tour  dispatch  of  three  P.  M.  to-day,  in  regard  to  filling  up  old  regi 
ments  with  drafted  men,  is  received,  and  the  request  therein  shall  bo 
complied  with  as  far  as  practicable.  And  now  I  ask  a  distinct  answer 
to  tho  question,  "  Is  it  your  purpose  not  to  go  into  action  again  till  the 
men  now  being  drafted  in  the  States  are  incorporated  in  the  old 
regiments?"  A.  LINCOLN. 


GENERAL   il'CLELLAN   RELIEVED   FROM    COMMAND.     285 

The  General,  in  reply,  explained  that  the  language  of  the 
dispatch,  which  was  prepared  by  one  of  his  aids,  had  incor 
rectly  expressed  his  meaning,  and  that  he  should  not  postpone 
the  advance  until  the  regiments  were  filled  by  drafted  men. 
The  army  was  gradually  crossed  over,  and  on  the  5th  of  No 
vember  the  General  announced  to  the  President  that  it  was  all 
on  the  Virginia  side.  This  was  just  a  month  after  the  order 
to  cross  had  been  given — the  enemy  meantime  having  taken 
possession  of  all  the  strong  points,  and  falling  back,  at  his 
leisure,  towards  his  base  of  operations.  These  unaccountable 
delays  in  the  movement  of  the  army  created  the  most  intense 
dissatisfaction  in  the  public  mind,  and  completely  exhausted 
the  patience  of  the  Government.  Accordingly,  on  the  5th  of 
November,  an  order  was  issued  relieving  General  McClellan 
from  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  directing 
General  Burnside  to  take  his  place. 


Thus  closed  a  most  remarkable  chapter  in  the  history  of  the 
war.  For  over  fifteen  months  General  McClellan  had  com 
manded  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  the  largest  and  most 
powerful  army  ever  marshalled  upon  this  continent — consisting 
of  160,000  men,  and  furnished,  in  lavish  profusion,  with 
every  thing  requisite  for  effective  service.  Throughout  the 
whole  of  this  long  period  that  army  had  been  restrained  by  its 
commander  from  attacking  the  enemy  :  except  in  the  single 
instance  of  Antietam,  where,  moreover,  there  was  no  possi 
bility  of  avoiding  an  engagement,  every  battle  which  it  fought 
was  on  the  defensive.  According  to  the  sworn  testimony  of 
his  own  commanders,  General  McClellan  might  have  over 
whelmed  the  rebel  forces  arrayed  against  him  at  Manassas,  at 
Yorktown,  after  Williamsburgh,  Fair  Oaks,  Malvern  Hill,  and 
Antietam ;  but  on  every  one  of  these  occasions  he  carefully 
forbore  to  avail  himself  of  the  superiority  of  his  position,  and 
gave  the  enemy  ample  time  to  prepare  for  more  complete  and 


286 

effective  resistance.  It  is  no  part  of  our  present  purpose  to 
inquire  into  the  causes  of  this  most  extraordinary  conduct  on 
the  part  of  a  commander  to  whom,  more  completely  than  to 
any  other,  were  entrusted  the  destinies  of  the  nation  during 
the  most  critical  period  of  its  existence.  Whether  he  acted 
from  an  innate  disability,  or  upon  a  political  theory — whether 
he  intentionally  avoided  a  decisive  engagement  in  order  to  ac 
complish  certain  political  results  which  he  and  his  secret  ad 
visers  deemed  desirable,  or  whether  be  was,  by  the  native 
constitution  of  his  mind,  unable  to  meet  the  gigantic  responsi 
bilities  of  his  position  when  the  critical  moment  of  trial  arrived, 
are  points  which  the  public  and  posterity  will  decide  from  an 
unbiased  study  of  the  evidence  which  his  acts  and  his  words 
afford.  As  the  record  we  have  given  shows,  President 
LINCOLN  lost  no  opportunity  of  urging  upon  him  more  prompt 
and  decisive  action,  while  in  no  instance  did  he  withhold  from 
him  any  aid  which  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  Government  to 
give. 

Nothing  can  show  more  clearly  the  disposition  of  the  Presi 
dent  to  sustain  him  to  the  utmost,  and  to  protect  him  from 
the  rapidly  rising  tide  of  public  censure  and  discontent  with 
his  ruinous  and  inexplicable  delays,  than  the  following  remarks 
made  by  him  at  a  war  meeting  held  at  Washington  on  the  6th 
of  August,  after  the  retreat  to  the  James  River,  and  just  be 
fore  the  withdrawal  of  the  army  from  the  Peninsula : 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  ;  I  believe  there  is  no  precedent  for  my  appearing 
before  you  on  this  occasion,  but  it  is  also  true  that  there  is  no  prece 
dent  for  your  being  here  yourselves,  and  I  offer,  in  justification  of  my 
self  and  of  you,  that,  upon  examination,  I  have  found  nothing  in  the 
Constitution  against  it.  I,  however,  have  an  impression  that  there  are 
younger  gentlemen  who  will  entertain  you  better,  and  better  address 
your  understanding  than  I  wilJ  or  could,  and  therefore  I  propose  but  to 
detain  you  a  moment  longer. 

I  am  very  little  inclined  on  any  occasion  to  say  any  thing  umt-ss  I 
hope  to  produce  some  good  by  it.  The  only  thing  I  think  of  jusc  now 


A    SPEECH    BY    THE    PKESIDENT.  287 

not  likely  to  be  better  said  by  some  one  else,  is  a  matter  in  which  we 
have  heard  some  other  persons  blamed  for  what  I  did  myself.  There 
has  been  a  very  wide-spread  attempt  to  have  a  quarrel  between  General 
McClellan  and  the  Secretary  of  War.  Now,  I  occupy  a  position  that 
enables  me  to  observe,  that  these  t\vo  gentlemen  are  not  nearly  so  deep 
in  the  quarrel  as  some  pretending  to  be  their  friends.  General  McClel- 
lan's  attitude  is  such  that,  in  the  very  selfishness  of  his  nature,  he  can 
not  but  wish  to  be  successful,  and  I  hope  he  will — and  the  Secretary  of 
War  is  in  precisely  the  same  situation.  If  the  military  commanders  in 
the  field  cannot  be  successful,  not  only  the  Secretary  of  War,  but  my 
self,  for  the  time  being  the  master  of  them  both,  cannot  but  be  failures. 
I  know  General  McClellan  wishes  to  be  successful,  and  I  know  he  does 
not  wish  it  any  more  than  the  Secretary  of  War  for  him,  and  both  of 
them  together  no  more  than  I  wish  it.  Sometimes  we  have  a  dispute 
about  how  many  men  General  McClellan  has  had,  and  those  who  would 
disparage  him  say  that  he  has  had  a  very  large  number,  and  those  who 
would  disparage  the  Secretary  of  War  insist  that  General  McCLellan  has 
had  a  very  small  number.  The  basis  for  this  is.  there  is  always  a  wide 
difference,  and  on  this  occasion,  perhaps  a  wider  one  than  usual,  between 
the  grand  total  on  McClellan's  rolls  and  the  men  actually  fit  for  duty; 
and  those  who  would  disparage  him  talk  of  the  grand  total  on  paper, 
and  those  who  would  disparage  the  Secretary  of  War  talk  of  those  at 
present  fit  for  duty.  General  McClellan  has  sometimes  asked  for  things 
that  the  Secretary  of  War  did  not  give  him.  General  McCleUan  is  not  to 
blame  for  asking  what  he  wanted  and  needed,  and  the  Secretary  of  War 
is  not  to  blame  for  not  giving  when  he  had  none  to  give.  And  I  say 
here,  as  far  as  I  know,  the  Secretary  of  War  has  withheld  no  one  thing 
at  any  time  in  my  power  to  give  him.  I  have  no  accusation  against 
him.  I  believe  he  is  a  brave  and  able  man,  and  I  stand  here,  as  justice 
requires  me  to  do,  to  take  upon  myself  what  has  been  charged  on  the 
Secretary  of  War,  as  withholding  from  him. 

I  have  talked  longer  than  I  expected  to  do,  and  now  I  avail  myself 
of  my  privilege  of  saying  no  more. 


288 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MILITARY    OPERATIONS    IN    THE    WEST    AND    SOUTH,    AND    THE 
GENERAL    CONDUCT    OF    THE    ADMINISTRATION    IN    1862. 

IN  every  other  section  of  the  country,  except  in  Eastern 
Virginia,  the  military  operations  of  the  year  1862  were  marked 
by  promptitude  and  vigor,  and  attended  by  success  to  the 
National  arms.  Early  in  February  a  lodgment  had  been 
effected  by  the  expedition  under  General  Burnside  on  the 
coast  of  North  Carolina,  and  on  the  19th  of  January  the 
victory  of  Mill  Springs  had  released  Western  Kentucky  from 
rebel  rule,  and  opened  a  path  for  the  armies  of  the  Union  into 
East  Tennessee.  The  President's  order  of  January  27th,  for 
an  advance  of  all  the  forces  of  the  Government  on  the  22d  of 
February,  had  been  promptly  followed  by  the  capture  of  Forts 
Henry  and  Donelson  on  the  Cumberland  River,  which  led  to 
the  evacuation  of  Bowling  Green,  the  surrender  of  Nashville, 
and  the  fall  of  Columbus,  the  rebel  stronghold  on  the  Missis 
sippi.  Fort  Pulaski,  which  guarded  the  entrance  to  Savannah, 
was  taken,  after  eighteen  hours  bombardment,  on  the  12th  of 
April,  and  the  whole  west  coast  of  Florida  had  been  occupied 
by  our  forces.  By  the  skilful  strategy  of  General  Ilalleck, 
commanding  the  Western  Department,  seconded  by  the  vigor 
ous  activity  of  General  Curtis,  the  rebel  commander  in  Mis 
souri,  General  Price,  had  been  forced  to  retreat,  leaving  the 
whole  of  that  State  in  our  hands ;  and  he  was  badly  beaten  in 
a  subsequent  engagement  at  Sugar  Creek  in  Arkansas.  On  the 
1  1th,  Island  No.  10,  commanding  the  passage  of  the  Missis- 


SUCCESSES   IX   THE    SOUTHWEST.  289 

sippi,  was  taken  by  General  Pope,  and  on  the  4th  of  June  Forts 
Pillow  and  Randolph,  still  lower  down,  were  occupied  by  our 
forces.  On  the  6th  the  city  of  Memphis  was  surrendered  by 
the  rebels.  Soon  after  the  fail  of  Nashville  a  formidable 
expedition  had  ascended  the  Tennessee  River,  and  being  joined 
by  all  the  available  Union  forces  in  that  vicinity,  the  whole 
under  command  of  General  Ilalleck,  prepared  to  give  battle 
to  the  rebel  army  which,  swelled  by  large  re-enforcements 
from  every  quarter,  was  posted  in  the  vicinity  of  Corinth, 
ninety  miles  east  of  Memphis,  intending  by  a  sudden  attack  to 
break  the  force  of  the  Union  army,  which  was  sweeping 
steadily  down  upon  them  from  the  field  of  its  recent  con 
quests.  The  rebels  opened  the  attack  with  great  fury  and 
effect,  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  April,  at  Pittsburg  Land 
ing,  three  miles  in  advance  of  Corinth.  The  fight  lasted 
nearly  all  day,  the  rebels  having  decidedly  the  advantage; 
but  in  their  final  onset  they  were  driven  back,  and  the  next 
day  our  army,  strengthened  by  the  opportune  arrival  of 
General  Buell,  completed  what  proved  to  be  a  signal  and  most 
important  victory.  Wh'.-n  news  of  it  reached  Washington 
President  LINCOLN  issued  the  following  proclamation : 

It  has  pleased  Almighty  God  to  vouchsafe  signal  victories  to  the 
land  and  naval  forces  engaged  in  suppressing  an  internal  rebellion,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  avert  from  our  country  the  dangers  of  foreign 
intervention  and  invasion. 

It  is  therefore  recommended  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  that 
at  their  next  weekly  assemblages  in  their  accustomed  places  of  public 
worship,  which  shall  occur  after  the  notice  of  this  Proclamation  shall 
have  been  received,  they  especially  acknowledge  and  render  thanks  to 
our  Heavenly  Father  for  these  inestimable  blessings ;  that  they  then  and 
there  implore  spiritual  consolation  in  behalf  of  all  those  who  have  been 
brought  into  affliction  by  the  casualties  and  calamities  of  sedition  and 
civil  war ;  and  that  they  reverently  invoke  the  Divine  guidance  for  our 
national  counsels,  to  the  end  that  they  may  speedily  result  in  the 
restoration  of  peace,  harmony,  and  unity  throughout  our  borders,  and 
13 


290          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

hasten  the  establishment  of  fraternal  relations  among  all  the  countries 
of  the  earth. 

In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the  seal 
of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  tenth  day  of  April,  in  the  year  of 
[L.  s.]    our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-two,  and  of 
the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty-sixth. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
By  the  President : 

WM.-H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

On  the  28th  of  May  the  rebels  evacuated  Corinth,  and  were 
pushed  southward  by  our  pursuing  forces  for  some  twenty-five 
or  thirty  miles.  General  Mitchell,  by  a  daring  and  most 
gallant  enterprise  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  took  possession 
of  Huntsville  in  Alabama.  In  February  a  formidable  naval 
expedition  had  been  fitted  out  under  Commodore  Farragut 
for  the  capture  of  New  Orleans  ;  and  on  the  18th  of  April  the 
attack  commenced  upon  Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip,  by 
which  the  passage  of  the  Mississippi  below  the  city  is  guarded. 
After  six  days'  bombardment  the  whole  fleet  passed  the  forts 
$>n  the  night  of  the  23d,  under  a  terrible  fire  from  both;  and 
on  the  25th  the  rebel  General  Lovell,  who  had  command  of  the 
military  defences  of  the  city,  withdrew,  and  Commodore  Farra 
gut  took  possession  of  the  town,  which  he  retained  until  the 
arrival  of  General  Butler  on  the  1st  of  May,  who  thereupon 
entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  commander  of  that 
Department. 

During  the  summer  a  powerful  rebel  army,  under  General 
Bragg,  invaded  Kentucky  for  the  double  purpose  of  obtaining 
supplies  and  affording  a  rallying  point  for  what  they  believed 
to  be  the  secession  sentiment  of  the  State.  In  the  accom 
plishment  of  the  former  object  they  were  successful,  but  not  in 
the  latter.  They  lost  more  while  in  the  State  from  desertions 
than  they  gained  by  recruits ;  and  after  a  battle  at  Perryville 
on  the  7th  of  October  they  began  their  retreat.  On  the  5th 


RECOGNIZED    OBJECTS    OF    THE    WAR.  291 

of  October  a  severe  battle  was  fought  at  Corinth,  from  which 
a  powerful  rebel  army  attempted  to  drive  our  troops  under 
General  Rosecrans,  but  they  were  repulsed  with  very  heavy  loss 
es,  and  the  campaign  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  was  virtually 
at  an  end.  A  final  effort  of  the  enemy  in  that  region  led  to  a 
severe  engagement  at  Murfreesborough  on  the  31st  of  Decem 
ber,  which  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  the  rebel  forces,  and  in 
relieving  Tennessee  from  the  presence  of  the  rebel  armies. 

In  all  the  military  operations  of  this  year  especial  care  had 
been  taken  by  the  Generals  in  command  of  the  several  De 
partments,  acting  under  the  general  direction  of  the  Govern 
ment,  to  cause  it  to  be  distinctly  understood  that  the  object  of 
the  war  was  the  preservation  of  the  Union  and  the  restoration 
of  the  authority  of  the  Constitution.  The  rebel  authorities, 
both  civil  and  military,  lost  no  opportunity  of  exciting  the 
fears  and  resentments  of  the  people  of  the  Southern  States,  by 
ascribing  to  the  National  Government  designs  of  the  most 
ruthless  and  implacable  hostility  to  their  institutions  and  their 
persons.  It  was  strenuously  represented  that  the  object  of 
the  war  was  to  rob  the  Southern  people  of  their  rights  and 
their  property,  and  especially  to  set  free  their  slaves.  The 
Government  did  every  thing  in  its  power  to  allay  the  appre 
hensions  and  hostilities  which  these  statements  were  calculated 
to  produce.  General  Garfield,  while  in  Kentucky,  just  before 
the  victory  of  Mill  Springs,  issued  on  the  16th  of  January  an 
address  to  the  citizens  of  that  section  of  the  State,  exhorting 
them  to  return  to  their  allegiance  to  the  Federal  Government, 
which  had  never  made  itself  injuriously  felt  by  any  one  among 
them,  and  promising  them  full  protection  for  their  persons  and 
their  property,  and  full  reparation  for  any  wrongs  they  might 
have  sustained.  After  the  battle  of  Mill  Springs  the  Secretary 
of  War,  under  the  direction  of  the  President,  issued  an  order 
of  thanks  to  the  soldiers  engaged  in  it,  in  which  he  again 
announced  that  the  "  purpose  of  the  war  was  to  attack,  pursue 


292 

and  destroy  a  rebellious  enemy,  and  to  deliver  the  country 
from  danger  menaced  by  traitors."  On  the  20th  of  November, 
1861,  General  Halleck,  commanding  the  Department  of  the 
Missouri,  on  the  eve  of  the  advance  into  Tennessee,  issued  an 
order  enjoining  upon  the  troops  the  necessity  of  discipline 
and  of  order,  and  calling  on  them  to  prove  by  their  acts  that 
they  came  *k  to  restore,  not  to  violate  the  Constitution  and  the 
law?,"  and  that  the  people  of  the  South,  under  the  flag  of  the 
Union,  should  "  enjoy  the  same  protection  of  life  and  property 
as  in  former  days."  "  It  does  not  belong  to  the  military," 
said  this  order,  "  to  decide  upon  the  relation  of  master  and 
slave.  Such  questions  must  be  settled  by  the  civil  courts.  No 
fugitive  slave  will,  therefore,  be  admitted  within  our  lines  or 
camps  except  when  specially  ordered  by  the  General  command 
ing."*  So  also  General  Burnside,  when  about  to  land  on  the 
soil  of  North  Carolina,  issued  an  order,  February  3d,  1262, 
calling  upon  the  soldiers  of  his  army  to  remember  that  they 
were  there  "to  support  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  to  put 
down  rebellion,  and  to  protect  the  persons  and  property  of  the 
loyal  and  peaceable  citizens  of  the  State."  And  on  the  18th  of 

*  In  regard  to  this  order,  which  was  afterwards  severely  criticised 
in  Congress,  General  Halleck  wrote  the  following  letter  of  explanation: 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OP  THE  MISSOURI,  ) 
ST.  Louis,  December  8,   1861.  j 

MY  DEAR  COLONEL:  Yours  of  the  4th  instant  is  just  received.  Or 
der  No.  3  was,  in  my  mind,  clearly  a  military  necessity.  Unauthorized 
persons,  black  or  white,  free  or  slaves,  must  be  kept  out  of  our  camps, 
unless  we  are  willing  to  publish  to  the  enemy  every  thing  we  do,  or  in 
tend  to  do.  It  was  a  military,  and  not  a  political  order. 

I  am  ready  to  carry  out  any  lawful  instructions  in  regard  to  fugitive 
slaves,  which  my  superiors  may  give  me,  and  to  enforce  any  law  which 
Congress  may  pass.  But  1  cannot  make  law,  and  will  not  violate  it. 
You  know  my  private  opinion  on  the  policy  of  confiscating  tho  slave 
property  of  the  rebels  in  arms.  If  Congress  shall  pass  it,  you  may  be 
certain  that  I  shall  enforce  it.  Perhaps  my  policy  as  to  the  treatment 
of  rebels  and  their  property  is  as  well  set  out  in  Order  No.  13,  issued 
the  day  your  letter  was  written,  as  I  could  now  describe  it. 

Hon.  F.  F.  BLAIR,  Washington. 


RELATIONS    OP   THE    WAR   TO    SLAVERY.  293 

the  same  month,  after  Fort  Henry  and  Roanoke  Island  had 
fallen  into  our  hands,  Commodore  Goldsborough  and  General 
Burnside  issued  a  joint  proclamation,  denouncing  as  false  and 
slanderous  the  attempt  of  the  rebel  leaders  to  impose  on  the 
credulity  of  the  Southern  people  by  telling  them  of  "our  desire 
to  destroy  their  freedom,  demolish  their  property,  and  liberate 
their  slaves,"  and  declaring  that  the  Government  asked  only 
that  its  authority  might  be  recognized,  and  that  "  in  no  way 
or  manner  did  it  desire  to  interfere  with  their  laws,  consti 
tutionally  established,  their  institutions  of  any  kind  whatever, 
their  property  of  .any  sort,  or  their  usages  in  any  respect." 
And  on  the  1st  of  March  General  Curtis  in  Arkansas  had 
addressed  a  proclamation  to  the  people  of  that  State,  de 
nouncing  as  false  and  calumnious  the  statements  widely  cir 
culated  of  the  designs  and  sentiments  of  the  Union  armies, 
and  declaring  that  they  sought  only  "  to  put  down  rebellion 
by  making  war  against  those  in  arms,  their  aiders  and 
abettors" — and  that  they  came  to  "vindicate  the  Constitution, 
and  to  preserve  and  perpetuate  civil  and  religious  liberty 
under  a  flag  that  was  embalmed  in  the  blood  of  our  revolu 
tionary  fathers."  In  all  this  the  Government  adhered,  with 
just  and  rigorous  fidelity,  to  the  principles  it  had  adopted  for 
its  conduct  at  the  outset  of  the  war ;  and  in  its  anxiety  to 
avoid  all  cause  of  complaint  and  all  appearance  of  justification 
for  those  who  were  in  arms  against  its  authority,  it  incurred 
the  distrust  and  even  the  denunciation  of  the  more  zealous  and 
vehement  among  its  own  friends  and  supporters  in  the  North 
ern  States. 

On  the  22d  of  July,  in  order  to  secure  unity  of  action 
among  the  commanders  of  the  several  military  departments, 
upon  the  general  use  to  be  made  of  rebel  property,  the  Presi 
dent  directed  the  issue  of  the  following  order : 


294  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON,  July  22,  1862. 

First.  Ordered  that  military  commanders  within  the  States  of  Vir 
ginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana, 
Texas,  and  Arkansas,  in  an  orderly  manner  seize  and  use  any  property, 
real  or  personal,  which  may  be  necessary  or  convenient  for  their  several 
commands,  for  supplies,  or  for  other  military  purposes ;  and  that  while 
property  may  be  destroyed  for  proper  military  objects,  none  shall  bo 
destroyed  in  wantonness  or  malice. 

Second.  That  military  and  naval  commanders  shall  employ  as  laborers, 
within  and  from  said  States,  so  many  persons  of  African  descent  as  can 
be  advantageously  used  for  military  or  naval  purposes,  giving  them 
reasonable  wages  for  their  labor. 

Third.  That,  as  to  both  property,  and  persons  of  African  descent, 
accounts  shall  be  kept  sufficiently  accurate  and  in  detail  to  show 
quantities  and  amounts,  and  from  whom  both  property  and  such  persons 
shall-  have  come,  as  a  basis  upon  which  compensation  can  be  made  in 
proper  cases;  and  the  several  departments  of  this  Government  shall 
attend  to  and  perform  their  appropriate  parts  towards  the  execution  of 
these  orders. 
'  By  order  of  the  President : 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON  Secretary  of  War. 

And  on  the  25th  of  July  he  issued  the  following  proclama 
tion,  warning  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  against  per- 
Bisting  in  their  rebellion,  under  the  penalties  prescribed  by  the 
confiscation  act  passed  by  Congress  at  its  preceding  session: 

By  Order  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

A  PROCLAMATION. 

In  pursuance  of  the  sixth  section  of  the  Act  of  Congress,  entitled  "  An 
Act  to  suppress  insurrection,  to  punish  treason  and  rebellion,  to  seize 
and  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels,  and  for  other  purposes,"  approved 
July  17th,  1862,  and  which  Act,  and  the  joint  resolution  explanatory 
thereof,  are  herewith  published,  I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the 
United  States,  do  hereby  proclaim  to  and  warn  all  persons  within  the 
contemplation  of  said  sixth  section  to  ceaso  participating  in,  aiding, 
countenancing,  or  abetting  the  existing  rebellion,  or  any  rebellion, 
against  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  return  to  their 
proper  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  on  pain  of  the  forfeiture  and 
seizures  as  within  and  by  said  sixth  section  provided. 


OUE   FOREIGN   RELATIONS.  295 

In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  twenty-fifth  day  of  July,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-two, 
[L.  s.]  and  of  the   independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty- 
seventh. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
By  the  President : 

.    WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

Our  relations  with  foreign  nations  during  the  year  1862 
continued  to  be  in  the  main  satisfactory.  The  President  held 
throughout,  in  all  his  intercourse  with  European  powers,  the 
same  firm  and  decided  language  in  regard  to  the  rebellion 
which  had  characterized  the  correspondence  of  the  previous 
year.  Our  Minister  in  London,  with  vigilance  and  ability, 
pressed  upon  the  British  Government  the  duty  of  preventing 
the  rebel  authorities  from  building  and  fitting  out  vessels  of 
war  in  English  ports  to  prey  upon  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States ;  but  in  every  instance  these  remonstrances  were  with 
out  practical  effect.  The  Government  could  never  be  con 
vinced  that  the  evidence  in  any  specific  case  was  sufficient  to 
warrant  its  interference,  and  thus  one  vessel  after  another  was 
allowed  to  leave  British  ports,  go  to  some  other  equally 
neutral  locality  and  take  on  board  munitions  of  war,  and  enter 
upon  its  career  of  piracy  in  the  rebel  service.  As  early  as  the 
18th  of  February,  1862,  Mr.  Adams  had  called  the  attention  of 
Earl  Russell  to  the  fact  that  a  steam  gunboat,  afterwards 
called  the  Oreto,  was  being  built  in  a  Liverpool  ship-yard, 
under  the  supervision  of  well-known  agents  of  the  rebel  Gov 
ernment,  and  evidently  intended  for  the  rebel  service.  The 
Foreign  Secretary  replied  that  the  vessel  was  intended  for  the 
use  of  parties  in  Palermo,  Sicily,  and  that  there  was  no  reason 
to  suppose  she  was  intended  for  any  service  hostile  to  the 
United  States.  Mr.  Adams  sent  evidence  to  show  that  the 
claim  of  being  designed  for  service  in  Sicily  was  a  mere 


290  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

pretext ;  but  he  failed,  by  this  dispatch,  as  in  a  subsequent 
personal  conference  with  Earl  Russell  on  the  15th  of  April,  to 
induce  him  to  take  any  steps  for  her  detention.     She  sailed 
soon  after,  and  was  next  heard  of  at  the  British  "neutral"  port 
of  Nassau,  where  she  was   seized   by  the  authorities  at  the 
instance  of  the  American  consul,  but  released  by  the  same 
authorities  6n  the  arrival  of  Captain  Semmes  to  take  command 
of  her  as  a  Confederate  privateer.     In  October  an  intercepted 
letter  was  sent  to  Earl  Russell  by  Mr.  Adams,  written  by  the 
.Secretary  of  the  Navy  of  the  Confederate  Government,  to  a 
person  in  England,  complaining  that  he  had  not  followed  the 
Oreto  on  her  departure  from  England  and  taken  command  of 
her,  in  accordance  with  his  original   appointment.     In  Juno 
Mr.  Adams  called  Earl  Russell's  attention  to  another  powerful 
war-steamer,  then  in  progress  of  construction  in  the  ship-yard 
of  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons,  evidently  intended 
for  the  rebel  service.     This  complaint  went  through  the  usual 
formalities,  was  referred  to  the  "  Lords  Commissioners  of  her 
Majesty's  Treasury,"  who  reported  in  due  time  that  they  could 
discover  no  evidence  sufficient  to  warrant  the  detention  of  the 
vessel.      Soon  afterwards,   however,   evidence  was   produced 
which  was  sufficient  to  warrant  the  collector  of  the  port  of 
Liverpool  in  ordering  her  detention ;  but  before  the  necessary 
formalities  could  be  gone  through  with,  and  through  delays 
caused,  as  Earl  Russell  afterwards  explained,  by  the  "  sudden 
development  of  a  malady  of  the  Queen's  advocate,  totally  in 
capacitating  him  for  the  transaction  of  business,"  the  vessel, 
whose  managers  were  duly  advertised  of  every  thing  that  was 
going  on,  slipped  out  of  port,  took  on  board  an  armament  in 
the  Azores,  and  entered  the  rebel  service  as  a  privateer.     Our 
Government  subsequently  notified    the    British    Government 
that  it  would  be  held  responsible  for  all  the  damage  which 
this  vessel,  known  first  as  "  290,"  and  afterwards  as  the  Ala 
bama,  might  inflict  on  American  commerce. 


PROPOSED    MEDIATION    OF    THE    FRENCH    EMPEROR.       297 

Discussions  were  had  upon  the  refusal  of  the  British 
authorities  to  permit  American  vessels  of  war  to  take  in  coal 
at  Nassau,  upon  the  systematic  attempts  of  British  merchants 
to  violate  our  blockade  of  Southern  ports,  and  upon  the  re 
capture,  by  the  crew,  of  the  Emily  St.  Pierre,  which  had  been 
seized  in  attempting  to  run  the  blockade  at  Charleston,  and 
was  on  her  way  as  a  prize  to  the  port  of  New  York.  The 
British  Government  vindicated  her  rescue  as  sanctioned  by 
the  principles  of  international  law. 

The  only  incident  of  special  importance  which  occurred 
during  the  year  in  our  foreign  relations,  grew  out  of  an  attempt 
on  the  part  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French  to  secure  a  joint 
effort  at  mediation  between  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  and  the  rebel  authorities,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain 
and  Russia  in  connection  with  his  own  Government.  Rumors 
of  such  an  intention  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor  led  Mr. 
Dayton  to  seek  an  interview  with  the  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  on  the  6th  of  November,  at  which  indications  of  such 
a  purpose  were  apparent.  The  attempt  failed,  as  both  the 
other  powers  consulted  declined  to  join  in  any  such  action. 
The  French  Government  thereupon  determined  to  take  action 
alone,  and  on  the  9th  of  January,  1863,  the  Foreign  Secretary 
wrote  to  the  French  Minister  at  Washington  a  dispatch, 
declaring  the  readiness  of  the  French  Emperor  to  do  any 
thing  in  his  power  which  might  tend  towards  the  termination 
of  the  war,  and  suggesting  that  "  nothing  would  hinder  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  without  renouncing  the 
advantages  which  it  believes  it  can  attain  by  a  continuation  of 
the  war,  from  entering  upon  informal  conferences  with  the 
Confederates  of  the  South,  in  case  they  should  show  them 
selves  disposed  thereto."  The  specific  advantages  of  such  a 
conference,  and  the  mode  in  which  it  was  to  be  brought  about, 
were  thus  set  forth  in  this  dispatch : 


298  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN  S    ADMINISTRATION. 

Representatives  or  commissioners  of  the  two  parties  could  assemble 
at  such  point  as  it  should  be  deemed  proper  to  designate,  and  which 
could,  for  this  purpose,  be  declared  neutral.  Reciprocal  complaints 
would  be  examined  into  at  this  meeting.  In  place  of  the  accusations 
which  North  and  South  mutually  cast  upon  each  other  at  this  time, 
would  be  substituted  an  argumentative  discussion  of  the  interests  which 
divide  them.  They  would  seek  out  by  means  of  well-ordered  and  pro 
found  deliberations  whether  these  interests  are  definitively  irreconcila 
ble — whether  separation  is  an  extreme  which  can  no  longer  be  avoided, 
or  whether  the  memories  of  a  common  existence,  whether  the  ties  of 
any  kind  which  have  made  of  the  North  and  of  the  South  one  sole  and 
whole  Federative  State,  and  have  borne  them  on  to  so  high  a  degree  of 
prosperity,  are  not  more  powerful  than  the  causes  which  have  placed 
arms  in  the  hands  of  the  two  populations.  A  negotiation,  the  object  of 
which  would  be  thus  determinate,  would  not  involve  any  of  the.  objec 
tions  raised  against  the  diplomatic  interventions  of  Europe,  and,  without 
giving  birth  to  the  same  hopes  as  the  immediate  conclusion  of  an  armis 
tice,  would  exercise  a  happy  influence  on  the  march  of  events. 

"Why,  therefore,  should  not  a  combination  which  respects  all  the  relations 
of  the  United  States  obtain  the  approbation  of  the  Federal  Government  ? 
Persuaded  on  our  part  that  it  is  in  conformity  with  their  true  interests, 
we  do  not  hesitate  to  recommend  it  to  their  attention ;  and,  not  having 
sought  in  the  project  of  a  mediation  of  the  maritime  powers  of  Europe 
any  vain  display  of  influence,  we  would  applaud,  with  entire  freedom 
from  all  susceptibility  of  self-esteem,  the  opening  of  a  negotiation  which 
would  invite  the  two  populations  to  discuss,  without  the  co-operation  of 
Europe,  the  solution  of  their  difference. 

The  reply  which  the  President  directed  to  be  made  to  this 
proposition  embraces  so  many  points  of  permanent  interest 
and  importance  in  connection  with  his  Administration,  that 
we  give  it  in  full.  It  was  as  follows : 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  WASHINGTON,  Feb.  6,  1863. 
Sm:  The  intimation  given  in  your  dispatch  of  January  15th,  that  I 
might  expect  a  special  visit  from  M.  Mercier,  has  been  realized.  He 
called  on  the  3d  instant,  and  gave  me  a  copy  of  a  dispatch  which  he 
had  just  then  received  from  M.  Drouyn  de  1'IIuys  under  the  date  of  the 
9th  of  January. 


REPLY  TO  THE  FRENCH  PROPOSAL.         299 

I  have  taken  the  President's  instructions,  and  I  now  proceed  to  give 
you  his  views  upon  the  subject  in  question. 

It  has  been  considered  with  seriousness,  resulting  from  the  reflection 
that  the  people  of  France  are  known  to  be  faultless  sharers  with  the 
American  nation  in  the  misfortunes  and  calamities  of  our  unhappy 
civil  war;  nor  do  we  on  this,  any  more  than  on  other  occasions,  forget 
the  traditional  friendship  of  the  two  countries,  which  we  unhesitatingly 
believe  has  inspired  the  counsels  that  M.  Drouyn  de  1'Huys  has  im 
parted. 

He  says,  "  the  Federal  Government  does  not  despair,  we  know,  of 
giving  more  active  impulse  to  hostilities;"  and  again  he  remarks,  "the 
protraction  of  the  struggle,  in  a  word,  has  not  shaken  the  confidence  (of 
the  Federal  Government)  in  the  definitive  success  of  its  efforts." 

(These  passages  seem  to  me  to  do  unintentional  injustice  to  the  lan 
guage,  whether  confidential  or  public,  in  which  this  Government  has 
constantly  spoken  on  the  subject  of  the  war.  It  certainly  has  had  and 
avowed  only  one  purpose — a  determination  to  preserve  the  integrity  of 
the  country.  So  far  from  admitting  any  laxity  of  effort,  or  betraying 
any  despondency,  the  Government  has,  on  the  contrary,  borne  itself 
cheerfully  in  all  vicissitudes,  with  unwavering  confidence  in  an  early 
and  complete  triumph  of  the  national  cause.  Xow,  when  we  are,  in  a 
manner,  invited  by  a  friendly  power  to  review  the  twenty-one  months' 
history  of  the  conflict,  we  find  no  occasion  to  abate  that  confidence. 
Through  such  an  alternation  of  victories  and  defeats  as  is  the  appointed 
incident  of  every  war,  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States 
have  steadily  advanced,  reclaiming  from  the  insurgents  the  ports,  -forts, 
and  posts  which  they  had  treacherously  seized  before  the  strife  actually 
began,  and  even  before  it  was  seriously  apprehended.  So  many  of 
the  States  and  districts  which  the  insurgents  included  in  the  field  of 
their  projected  exclusive  sjaveholding  dominions  have  already  been  re 
established  under  the  flag  of  the  Union,  that  they  now  retain  only  the 
States  of  Georgia,  Alabama,  and  Texas,  with  half  of  Virginia,  half  of 
North  Carolina,  and  two  thirds  of  South  Carolina,  half  of  Mississippi 
and  one-third  respectively  of  Arkansas  and  Louisiana.  The  nation^ 
forces  hold  even  this  small  territory  in  close  blockade  and  siege. 

This  Government,  if  required,  does  not  hesitate  to  submit  its  achieve 
ments  to  the  test  of  comparison;  and  it  maintains  that  in  no  part  of  the 
world,  and  in  no  times,  ancient  or  modern,  has  a  nation,  when  rendered 
all  unready  for  combat  by  the  enjoyment  of  eighty  years  of  almost  un 
broken  peace,  so  quickly  awakened  at  the  alarm  of  sedition,  put  forth 


energies  so  vigorous,  and  achieved  successes  so  signal  and  effective  as 
those  which  have  marked  the  progress  of  this  contest  on  the  part  of  the 
Union. 

M.  Drouyn  de  1'lluys,  I  fear,  lias  taken  other  light  than  the  corre 
spondence  of  this  Government  for  his  guidance  in  ascertaining  its  temper 
and  firmness,  lie  has  probably  read  of  divisions  of  sentiment  among 
those  who  hold  themselves  forth  as  organs  of  public  opinion  here,  and 
has  given  to  them  an  undue  importance.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that 
this  is  a  nation  of  thirty  millions,  civilly  divided  into  forty-one  States  and 
Territories,  which  cover  an  expanse  hardly  less  than  Europe ;  that  the 
people  are  a  pure  democracy,  exercising  everywhere  the  utmost  freedom 
of  speech  and  suffrage;  that  a  great  crisis  necessarily  produces  vehe 
ment  as  well  as  profound  debate,  with  sharp  collisions  of  individual, 
local,  and  sectional  interests,  sentiments,  and  ambitions ;  and  that  this 
heat  of  controversy  is  increased  by  the  intervention  of  speculations, 
interests,  prejudices,  and  passions  from  every  other  part  of  the  civilized 
world.  It  is,  however,  through  such  debates  that  the  agreement  of  the 
nation  upon  any  subject  is  habitually  attained,  its  resolutions  formed, 
and  its  policy  established.  While  there  has  been  much  difference  of 
popular  opinion  and  favor  concerning  the  agents  who  shall  carry  on  the 
war,  the  principles  on  which  it  shall  be  waged,  and  the  means  with 
which  it  shall  be  prosecuted,  M.  Drouyn  de  1'IIuys  has  only  to 
refer  to  the  statute  book  of  Congress  and  the  Executive  ordi 
nances  to  learn  that  the  national  activity  has  hitherto  been,  and  yet 
is,  as  efficient  as  that  of  any  other  nation,  whatever  its  form  of  gov 
ernment,  ever  was,  under  circumstances  of  equally  grave  import  to 
its  peace,  safety,  and  welfare.  Not  one  voice  has  been  raised  any 
where,  out  of  the  immediate  field  of  the  insurrection,  in  favor  of  foreign 
intervention,  of  mediation,  of  arbitration,  or  of  compromise,  with  the 
rehnquishment  of  one  acre  of  the  national  domain,  or  the  surrender  of 
even  one  constitutional  franchise.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  manifest  to 
the  world  that  our  resources  are  yet  abundant,  and  our  credit  adequate 
to  the  existing  emergency. 

What  Af.  Drouyn  de  I'Huys  suggests  is  that  this  Government  shall 
appoint  commissioners  to  meet,  on  neutral  ground,  commissioners  of  thy 
insurgents.  He  supposes  that  in  the  conferences  to  be  thus  held,  re 
ciprocal  complaints  could  be  discussed,  and  in  place  of  the  accusations 
which  the  North  and  South  now  mutually  cast  upon  each  other,  the 
conferees  would  be  engaged  with  discussions  of  the  interests  which 
divide  them.  He  assumes,  further,  that  the  commissioners  would  seek. 


301 

by  means  of  -well-ordered  and  profound  deliberation,  whether  these 
interests  are  definitively  irreconcilable,  whether  separation  is  an  ex 
treme  that  can  no  longer  be  avoided,  or  whether  the  memories  of  a 
common  existence,  the  ties  of  every  kind  which  have  made  the  North 
and  the  South  one  whole  Federative  State,  and  have  borne  them  on  to 
so  high  a  degree  of  prosperity,  are  not  more  powerful  than  the  causes 
which  have  placed  arms  in  the  hands  of  the  two  populations. 
f  The  suggestion  is  not  an  extraordinary  one,  and  it  may  well  have 
been  thought  by  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  in  the  earnestness  of  his 
benevolent  desire  for  the  restoration  of  peace,  a  feasible  one.  But 
when  M.  Drouyn  de  1'IIuys  shall  come  to  review  it  in  the  light  in  which 
it  must  necessarily  be  examined  in  this  country,  I  think  he  can  hardly 
fail  to  perceive  that  it  amounts  to  nothing  less  than  a  proposition  that, 
while  this  Government  is  engaged  in  suppressing  an  armed  insurrection, 
with  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  constitutional  national  authority, 
and  preserving  the  integrity  of  the  country,  it  shall  enter  into  diplo 
matic  discussion  with  the  insurgents  upon  the  questions  whether  that 
authority  shall  not  be  renounced,  and  whether  the  country  shall  not  be 
delivered  over  to  disunion,  to  be  quickly  followed  by  ever-increasing 
anarchy. 

If  it  were  possible  for  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  com 
promise  the  national  authority  so  far  as  to  enter  into  such  debates,  it  is 
not  easy  to  perceive  what  good  results  could  be  obtained  by  them. 

The  commissioners  must  agree  in  recommending  either  that  the  Union 
shall  stand  or  that  it  shall  be  voluntarily  dissolved;  or  else  they  must 
leave  the  vital  question  unsettled,  to  abide  at  last  the  fortunes  of  the 
war.  The  Government  has  not  shut  out  the  knowledge  of  the  present 
temper,  any  more  than  of  the  past  purposes  of  the  insurgents.  There 
is  not  the  least  ground  to  suppose  that  the  controlling  actors  would  be 
persuaded  at  this  moment,  by  any  arguments  which  national  commis 
sioners  could  offer,  to  lorego  the  ambition  that  has  impelled  them  to  the 
disloyal  position  they  are  occupying.  Any  commissioners  who  should 
be  appointed  by  these  actors,  or  through  their  dictation  or  influence, 
must  enter  the  conference  imbued  with  the  spirit  and  pledged  to  the 
personal  fortunes  of  the  insurgent  chiefs.  The  loyal  people  in  the  in 
surrectionary  States  would  be  unheard,  and  any  offer  of  peace  by  this 
Government,  on  the  condition  of  the  maintenance  of  the  Union,  must 
necessarily  be  rejected. 

Oil  the  other  hand,  as  I  have  already  intimated,  this  Government  has 
not  the  least  thought  of  relinquishing  the  trust  which  has  been  con- 


302 

fided  to  it  by  the  nation  under  the  most  solemn  of  all  political  sanc 
tions  ;  and  if  it  had  any  such  thought,  it  would  still  have  abundant 
reason  to  know  that  peace  proposed  at  the  cost  of  dissolution  would  be 
immediately,  unreservedly,  and  indignantly  rejected  by  the  American 
people.  It  is  a  great  mistake  that  European  statesmen  make,  if  they 
suppose  this  people  are  demoralized.  Whatever,  in  the  case  of  an  in 
surrection,  the  people  of  France,  or  of  Great  Britain,  or  of  Switzerland, 
or  of  the  Netherlands  would  do  to  save  their  national  existence,  no 
matter  how  the  strife  might  bo  regarded  by  or  might  affect  foreign 
nations,  just  so  much,  and  certainly  no  less,  the  people  of  the  United 
States  will  do,  if  necessary  to  save  for  the  common  benefit  the  region 
which  is  bounded  by  the  Pacific  and  the  Atlantic  coasts,  and  by  the 
shores  of  the  Gulfs  of  St.  Lawrence  and  Mexico,  together  with  the  free 
and  common  navigation  of  the  Rio  Grande,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Missis 
sippi,  Ohio,  St.  Lawrence,  Hudson,  Delaware,  Potomac,  and  other 
natural  highways  by  which  this  land,  which  to  them  is  at  once  a  land 
of  inheritance  and  a  land  of  promise,  is  opened  and  watered.  Even  if 
the  agents  of  the  American  people  now  exercising  their  power  should, 
through  fear  or  faction,  fall  below  this  height  of  the  national  virtue, 
they  would  be  speedily,  yet  constitutionally,  replaced  by  others  of 
sterner  character  and  patriotism. 

I  must  be  allowed  to  say,  also,  that  M.  Drouyn  de  I'lluys  errs  in  his 
description  of  the  parties  to  the  present  conflict.  We  have  here,  in 
the  political  sense,  no  North  and  South,  no  Northern  and  Southern 
States.  We  have  an  insurrectionary  party,  which  is  located  chiefly 
upon  and  adjacent  to  the  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico ;  and  we  have, 
on  the  other  hand,  a  loyal  people,  who  constitute  not  only  Northern 
States,  but  also  Eastern,  Middle,  Western,  and  Southern  States. 

I  have  on  many  occasions  heretofore  submitted  to  the  French  Gov 
ernment  the  President's  views  of  the  interests,  and  the  ideas  more 
effective  for  the  time  than  even  interests,  which  lie  at  the  bottom  of 
the  determination  of  the  American  Government  and  people  to  maintain 
the  Federal  Union.  The  President  has  done  the  same  thing  in  his 
Messages  and  other  public  declarations.  I  refrain,  therefore,  from  re 
viewing  that  argument  in  connection  with  the  existing  question. 

M.  Drouyn  de  I'Huys  draws  to  his  aid  the  conferences  which  took 
place  between  the  Colonies  and  Great  Britain  in  our  Revolutionary 
War.  He  will  allow  us  to  assume  that  action  in  the  crisis  of  a  nation 
must  accord  with  its  necessities,  and  therefore  can  seldom  be  conformed 
to  precedents.  Great  Britain,  when  entering  on  the  negotiations,  had 


SECRETARY   SEWARD?S   DISPATCH.  303 

manifestly  come  to  entertain  doubts  of  her  ultimate  success  ;  and  it  is 
certain  that  the  councils  of  the  Colonies  could  not  fail  to  take  new 
courage,  if  not  to  gain  other  advantage,  when  the  parent  State  compro 
mised  so  far  as  to  treat  of  peace  on  the  terms  of  conceding  their  inde 
pendence. 

It  is  true,  indeed,  that  peace  must  come  at  some  time,  and  that  con 
ferences  must  attend,  if  they  are  not  allowed  to  precede  the  pacification. 
There  is,  however,  a  better  form  for  such  conferences  than  the  one  which 
M.  Drouyn  de  PHuys  suggests.  The  latter  would  be  palpably  hi  deroga 
tion  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  would  carry  no  weight, 
because  destitute  of  the  sanction  necessary  to  bind  either  the  disloyal  or 
the  loyal  portions  of  the  people.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Congress  of  tho 
United  States  furnishes  a  constitutional  forum  for  debates  between  the 
alienated  parties.  Senators  and  representatives  from  the  loyal  portion 
of  the  people  are  there  already,  freely  empowered  to  confer ;  and  seats 
also  are  vacant,  and  inviting  senators  and  representatives  of  this  dis 
contented  party  who  may  be  constitutionally  sent  there  from  the  States 
involved  in  the  insurrection.  Moreover,  the  conferences  which  can 
thus  be  held  in  Congress  have  this  great  advantage  over  any  that  could 
be  organized  upon  the  plan  of  M.  Drouyn  de  1'Huys,  namely,  that  the 
Congress,  if  it  were  thought  wise,  could  call  a  national  convention  to 
adopt  its  recommendations,  and  give  them  ah1  the  solemnity  and  bind 
ing  force  of  organic  law.  Such  conferences  between  the  alienated 
parties  may  be  said  to  have  already  begun.  Maryland,  Virginia, 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Missouri — States  which  are  claimed  by  the 
insurgents — are  already  represented  in  Congress,  and  submitting  with 
perfect  freedom  and  hi  a  proper  spirit  their  advice  upon  the  course  best 
calculated  to  bring  about,  in  the  shortest  time,  a  firm,  lasting,  and 
honorable  peace.  Representatives  have  been  sent  also  from  Louisiana, 
and  others  are  understood  to  be  coming  from  Arkansas. 

There  is  a  preponderating  argument  in  favor  of  the  Congressional 
form  of  conference  over  that  which  is  suggested  by  M.  Drouyn  de 
1'Huys,  namely,  that  while  an  accession  to  the  latter  would  brrag  this 
Government  into  a  concurrence  with  the  insurgents  in  disregarding  and 
setting  aside  an  important  part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
and  so  would  be  of  pernicious  example,  the  Congressional  conference, 
on  the  contrary,  preserves  and  gives  new  strength  to  that  sacred  writing 
which  must  continue  through  future  ages  the  sheet  anchor  of  the  Republic. 
5Tou  will  be  at  liberty  to  read  this  dispatch  to  M.  Drouyn  do  1'Huys, 
and  to  give  him  a  copy  if  he  shall  desire  it. 


304 

To  the  end  that  you  may  be  informed  of  the  whole  case,  I  transmit 
a  copy  of  M.  Drouyn  de  1'Huys's  dispatch. 

I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

The  effect  of  this  dispatch  was  very  marked.  It  put  an 
end  to  all  talk  of  foreign  intervention  in  any  form,  and  met 
the  cordial  and  even  enthusiastic  approbation  of  the  people 
throughout  .the  country.  Its  closing  suggestions  as  to  the 
mode  in  which  the  Southern  States  could  resume  their  old 
relations  to  the  Federal  Government,  were  regarded  as  signifi 
cant  indications  of  the  policy  the  Administration  was  inclined 
to  pursue  whenever  the  question  of  restoration  should  become 
practical ;  and  while  they  were  somewhat  sharply  assailed  in 
some  quarters,  they  commanded  the  general  assent  of  the  great 
body  of  the  people. 

The  subject  of  appointing  commissioners  to  confer  with  the 
authorities  of  the  rebel  Confederacy  had  been  discussed,  before 
the  appearance  of  this  correspondence,  in  the  Northern  States.  It 
had  emanated  from  the  party  most  openly  in  hostility  to  the  Ad 
ministration,  and  those  men  in  that  party  who  had  been  most 
distinctly  opposed  to  any  measures  of  coercion,  or  any  resort 
to  force  for  the  purpose  of  overcoming  the  rebellion.  It  was 
represented  by  these  persons  that  the  civil  authorities  of  the 
Confederacy  were  restrained  from  abandoning  the  contest  only 
by  the  refusal  or  neglect  of  the  Government  to  give  them  an 
opportunity  of  doing  so  without  undue  humiliation  and  dis 
honor;  and  in  December  Hon.  Fernando  Wood,  of  New 
York,  wrote  to  the  President  informing  him  that  he  had 
reason  to  believe  the  Southern  States  would  "  send  representa 
tives  to  the  next  Congress,  provided  a  full  and  general  amnesty 
should  permit  them  to  do  so,"  and  asking  the  appointment  of 
commissioners  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  these  assurances. 

To  this  request  the  President  made  the  following  reply : 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LETTER  TO  FERNANDO  W'OOD.    305 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Dec.  12,  1862. 
HON.  FERNANDO  WOOD  : 

MY  DEAR  SIR:— Your  letter  of  the  8th,  with  the  accompanying  note  of 
same  date,  was  received  yesterday. 

The  most  important  paragraph  in  the  letter,  as  I  consider,  is  in  these 
words:  "  On  the  25th  of  November  last  I  was  advised  by  an  authority 
which  I  deemed  likely  to  be  well  informed  as  well  as  reliable  and  truth 
ful,  that  the  Southern  States  would  send  representatives  to  the  next 
Congress,  provided  that  a  full  and  general  amnesty  should  permit  them 
to  do  so.  No  guarantee  or  terms  were  asked  for  other  than  the  amnesty 
referred  to." 

I  strongly  suspect  your  information  will  prove  to  be  groundless ; 
nevertheless,  I  thank  you  for  communicating  it  to  me.  Understanding 
the  phrase  in  the  paragraph  above  quoted— "the  Southern  States  would 
send  representatives.^  the  next  Congress"— to  be  substantially  the 
same  as  that  "  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  would  cease  resistance, 
and  would  reinaugurate,  submit  to,  and  maintain  the  national  authority 
within  the  limits  of  such  States,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,"  I  say  that  in  such  case  the  war  would  cease  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States ;  and  that  if  within  a  reasonable  time  "  a  full  and  general 
amnesty"  were' necessary  to  such  end,  it  would  not  be  withheld. 

I  do  not  think  it  would  be  proper  now  to  communicate  this,  formally 
or  informally,  to  the  people  of  the  Southern  States.  My  belief  is  that 
they  already  know  it ;  and  when  they  choose,  if  ever,  they  can  com 
municate  with  me  unequivocally.  Nor  do  I  think  it  proper  now  to 
suspend  military  operations  to  try  any  experiment  of  negotiation. 

I  should  nevertheless  receive,  with  great  pleasure,  the  exact  infor 
mation  you  now  have,  and  also  such  other  as  you  may  in  any  way 
obtain.  Such  information  might  be  more  valuable  before  the  1st  of 
January  than  afterward. 

While  there  is  nothing  in  this  letter  which  I  shall  dread  to  see  in 
history,  it  is,  perhaps,  better  for  the  present  that  its  existence  should 
not  beccme  public.  I  therefore  have  to  request  that  you  will  regard  it 
as  confidential.  Tour  obedient  servant, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

The  intimation  in  this  letter  that  information  concerning 
the  alleged  willingness  of  the  rebels  to  resume  their  allegiance, 
"  might  be  more  valuable  before  the  1st  of  January  than  after- 


306  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

wards,"  had  reference  to  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  which 
lie  proposed  to  issue  on  that  day,  unless  the  offer  of  his  pre 
liminary  proclamation  should  be  accepted.  That  proclamation 
had  been  issued  on  the  22d  of  September,  and  the  sense  of 
responsibility  under  which  this  step  was  taken,  was  clearly 
indicated  in  the  following  remarks  made  by  the  President  on 
the  evening  of  the  24th  of  that  month,  in  acknowledging  the 
compliment  of  a  serenade  at  the  executive  mansion  : 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  I  appear  before  you  to  do  little  more  than  acknowl 
edge  the  courtesy  you  pay  me,  and  to  thank  you  for  it.  I  have  not 
been  distinctly  informed  why  it  is  that  on  this  occasion  you  appear  to 
do  mo  this  honor,  though  I  suppose  it  is  because  of  the  Proclamation 
What  I  did,  I  did  after  a  very  full  deliberation,  and  under  a  very  heavy 
and  solemn  sense  of  responsibility.  I  can  only  trust  in  God  I  have 
made  no  mistake.  I  shall  make  no  attempt  on  this  occasion  to  sustain 
what  I '  have  done  or  said  by  any  comment.  It  is  now  for  the  country 
and  the  world  to  pass  judgment,  and  may  be  take  action  upon  it.  I 
will  say  no  more  upon  this  subject.  In  my  position  I  am  environed 
with  difficulties.  Yet  they  are  scarcely  so  great  as  the  difficulties  of 
those  who,  upon  the  battle-field,  are  endeavoring  to  purchase  with  their 
blood  and  their  lives,  the  future  happiness  and  prosperity  of  this  coun 
try.  Let  us  never  forget  them.  On  the  14th  and  17th  days  of  this 
present  month,  there  have  been  battles  bravely,  skilfully,  and  success 
fully  fought.  "We  do  not  yet  know  the  particulars.  Let  us  be  sure  that, 
in  giving  praise  to  certain  individuals,  we  do  no  injustice  to  others.  I 
only  ask  you  at  the  conclusion  of  these  few  remarks,  to  give  three  hearty 
cheers  to  all  good  and  brave  officers  and  men  who  fought  those  success 
ful  battles. 

In  November  the  President  published  the  following  order 
regarding  the  observance  of  the  day  of  rest,  and  the  vice  of 
profanity,  in  the  army  and  navy : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Nov.  16,  1862. 

The  President,  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy,  desires  and 

enjoins  the  orderly  observance  of  the  Sabbath  by  the  officers  and  men 

in  the  military  and  naval  service.     The  importance  for  man  and  beast 

of  tho  prescribed  weekly  rest,  the  sacred  rights  of  Christian  soldiers  and 


OBSERVANCE  OF  THE  SABBATH.  307 

sailors  a  becoming  deference  to  the  best  sentiment  of  a  Christian  peo 
ple,  and  a  due  regard  for  the  Divine  will,  demand  that  Sunday  labor  in 
the'  army  and  navy  be  reduced  to  the  measure  of  strict  necessity. 

The  discipline  and  character  of  the  national  forces  should  not  suffer, 
nor  the  cause  they  defend  be  imperilled,  by  the  profanation  of  the  day 
or  name  of  the  Most  High.  «  At  this  time  of  public  distress,"  adopting 
the  words  of  Washington  in  1776,  "men  may  find  enough  to  do  in  tb 
service  of  God  and  their  country,  without  abandoning  themselves  to  vice 
and  immorality."  The  first  general  order  issued  by  the  Father  of  his 
Country  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  indicates  the  spirit  m 
which  our  institutions  were  founded,  and  should  ever  be  defended. 
«  The  general  hopes  and  trusts  that  every  officer  and  man  will  endeavor 
to  live  and  act  as  becomes  a  Christian  soldier  defending  the  dearest 
rights  and  liberties  of  his  country."  ^  LINCOLN 


308 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  CONGRESSIONAL    SESSION  OF  1862-'63. MESSAGE    OP    THE 

PRESIDENT,    AND     GENERAL    ACTION    OF    THE    SESSION. 

THE  third  session  of  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress  opened  on 
the  first  day  of  December,  1862 — the  supporters  of  the 
Administration  having  a  large  majority  in  both  branches. 
The  general  condition  of  the  country,  and  the  progress  made 
in  quelling  the  rebellion,  are  clearly  set  forth  in  the  following 
Message  of  President  LINCOLN,  which  was  sent  in  to  Congress 
at  the  beginning  of  the  session  : 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  OP  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OP  REPRESENTATIVES  : 
Since  your  last  annual  assembling,  another  year  of  health  and  bountiful 
harvests  has  passed,  and  while  it  has  not  pleased  the  Almighty  to  bless 
us  with  a  return  of  peace,  we  can  but  press  on,  guided  by  the  best  light 
Ho  gives  us,  trusting  that,  in  his  own  good  time  and  wise  way,  all  will 
be  well. 

The  correspondence,  touching  foreign  affairs,  which  has  taken  place 
during  the  last  year,  is  herewith  submitted,  in  virtual  compliance  with 
a  request  to  that  effect  made  by  the  House  of  Representatives  near  the 
close  of  the  last  session  of  Congress.  If  the  condition  of  our  relations 
with  other  nations  is  less  gratifying  than  it  has  usually  been  at  former 
periods,  it  is  certainly  more  satisfactory  than  a  nation  so  unhappily  dis 
tracted  as  we  are  might  reasonably  have  apprehended.  In  the  month 
of  June  last  there  were  some  grounds  to  expect  that  the  maritime 
Powers  which,  at  the  beginning  of  our  domestic  difficulties,  so  unwisely 
and  unnecessarily,  as  wre  think,  recognized  the  insurgents  as  a  belliger 
ent,  would  soon  recede  from  that  position,  which  has  proved  only  less 
injurious  to  themselves  than  to  our  own  country.  But  the  temporary 
reverses  which  afterward  befel  the  National  arms,  and  which  were 


309 

exaggerated  by  our  own  disloyal  citizens  abroad,  have  hitherto  delayed 
that  act  of  simple  justice. 

The  civil  war  which  has  so  radically  changed  for  the  moment  the 
occupations  and  habits  of  the  American  people,  has  necessarily  disturbed 
the  social  condition,  and  affected  very  deeply  the  prosperity  of  the 
nations  with  which  we  have  carried  on  a  commerce  that  has  been 
steadily  increasing  throughout  a  period  of  half  a  century.  It  has,  at  the 
same  time,  excited  political  ambitions  and  apprehensions  which  have 
produced  a  profound  agitation  throughout  the  civilized  world.  In  this 
unusual  agitation  we  have  forborne  from  taking  part  in  any  controversy 
between  foreign  states,  and  between  parties  or  factions  in  such  states. 
We  have  attempted  no  propagandism,  and  acknowledged  no  revolution. 
But  we  have  left  to  every  nation  the  exclusive  conduct  and  management 
of  its  own  affairs.  Our  struggle  has  been,  of  course,  contemplated  by 
foreign  nations  with  reference  less  to  its  own  merits,  than  to  its 
supposed  and  often  exaggerated  effects  and  consequences  resulting  to 
those  nations  themselves.  Nevertheless,  complaint  on  the  part  of  this 
Government,  even  if  it  were  just,  would  certainly  be  unwise. 

The  treaty  with  Great  Britain  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade 
has  been  put  into  operation  with  a  good  prospect  of  complete  success.  It 
is  an  occasion  of  special  pleasure  to  acknowledge  that  the  execution  of 
it  on  the  part  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  has  been  marked  with  a 
jealous  respect  for  the  authority  of  the  United  States  and  the  rights  of 
their  moral  and  loyal  citizens. 

The  convention  with  Hanover  for  the  abolition  of  the  stade  dues 
has  been  carried  into  full  effect,  under  the  act  of  Congress  for  that 
purpose. 

A  blockade  of  three  thousand  miles  of  seacoast  could  not  be  estab 
lished  and  vigorously  enforced,  in  a  season  of  great  commercial  activity 
like  the  present,  without  committing  occasional  mistakes,  and  inflicting 
unintentional  injuries  upon  foreign  nations  and  their  subjects. 

A  civil  war  occurring  in  a  country  where  foreigners  reside  and  carry 
on  trade  under  treaty  stipulations  is  necessarily  fruitful  of  complaints  of 
the  violation  of  neutral  rights.  All  such  collisions  tend  to  excite  mis 
apprehensions,  and  possibly  to  produce  mutual  reclamations  between 
nations  which  have  a  common  interest  in  preserving  peace  and  friend 
ship.  In  clear  cases  of  these  kinds  I  have,  so  far  as  possible,  beard  and 
redressed  complaints  which  have  been  presented  by  friendly  Powers. 
There  is  still,  however,  a  large  and  an  augmenting  number  of  doubtful 
cases,  upon  which  the  Government  is  unable  to  agree  with  the  Govern- 


310  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

merits  whose  protection  is  demanded  by  the  claimants.  There  are, 
moreover,  many  cases  in  which  the  United  States,  or  their  citizens, 
suffer  wrongs  from  the  naval  or  military  authorities  of  foreign  nations, 
which  the  Governments  of  these  states  are  not  at  once  prepared  to 
redress.  I  have  proposed  to  some  of  the  foreign  states  thus  interested, 
mutual  conventions  to  examine  and  adjust  such  complaints.  This  propo 
sition  has  been  made  especially  to  Great  Britain,  to  France,  to  Spain, 
and  to  Prussia.  In  each  case  it  has  been  kindly  received,  but  has  not 
yet  been  formally  adopted. 

I  deem  it  my  duty  to  recommend  an  appropriation  in  behalf  of  the 
owners  of  the  Norwegian  bark  Admiral  P.  Tordenskiold,  which  vessel 
was  in  May,  1861,  prevented  by  the  commander  of  the  blockading  force 
off  Charleston  from  leaving  that  port  with  cargo,  notwithstanding  a 
similar  privilege  had,  shortly  before,  been  granted  to  an  English  ves 
sel.  I  have  directed  the  Secretary  of  State  to  cause  the  papers  in  the 
case  to  be  communicated  to  the  proper  committees. 

Applications  have  been  made  to  me  by  many  free  Americans  of 
African  descent  to  favor  their  emigration,  with  a  view  to  such  coloniza 
tion  as  was  contemplated  in  recent  acts  of  Congress.  Other  parties, 
at  home  and  abroad — some  from  interested  motives,  others  upon  patri 
otic  considerations,  and  still  others  influenced  by  philanthropic  senti 
ments — have  suggested  similar  measures ;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
several  of  the  Spanish- American  Eepublics  have  protested  against  the 
sending  of  such  colonies  to  their  respective  territories.  Under  these 
circumstances  I  have  declined  to  move  any  such  colony  to  any  State 
without  first  obtaining  the  consent  of  its  Government,  with  an  agree 
ment  on  its  part  to  receive  and  protect  such  emigrants  in  all  the  rights 
of  freemen ;  and  I  have  at  the  same  time  offered  to  the  several  States 
situated  within  the  tropics,  or  having  colonies  there,  to  negotiate  with 
them,  subject  to  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  favor  the 
voluntary  emigration  of  persons  of  that  class  to  their  respective  terri 
tories,  upon  conditions  which  shall  be  equal,  just  and  humane.  Liberia 
and  Hayti  are,  as  yet,  the  only  countries  to  which  colonists  of  African 
descent  from  here  could  go  with  certainty  of  being  received  and  adopted 
as  citizens ;  and  I  regret  to  say  such  persons,  contemplating  colonization, 
do  not  seem  so  willing  to  migrate  to  those  countries  as  to  some  others, 
nor  so  willing  as  I  think  their  interest  demands.  I  believe,  however, 
opinion  among  them  in  this  respect  is  improving ;  and  that  ere  long 
there  will  be  an  augmented  and  considerable  migration  to  both  these 
countries  from  the  United  States. 


311 

The  new  commercial  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  the  Sultan 
of  Turkey  has  been  carried  into  execution. 

A  commercial  and  consular  treaty  has  been  negotiated,  subject  to  the 
Senate's  consent,  with  Liberia ;  aud  a  similar  negotiation  is  now  pend 
ing  with  the  Republic  of  Hayti.  A  considerable  improvement  of  the 
national  commerce  is  expected  to  result  from  these  measures. 

Our  relations  with  Great  Britain,  France,  Spam,  Portugal,  Russia, 
Prussia,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Austria,  the  Netherlands,  Italy,  Rome,  and 
the  other  European  states  remain  undisturbed.  Very  favorable  rela 
tions  also  continue  to  be  maintained  with  Turkey,  Morocco,  China, 
and  Japan. 

During  the  last  year  there  has  not  only  been  no  change  of  our  previ 
ous  relations  with  the  Independent  States  of  our  own  continent,  but 
more  friendly  sentiments  than  have  heretofore  existed  are  believed  to . 
be  entertained  by  these  neighbors,  whose  safety  and  progress  are  so 
intimately  connected  with  our  own.  This  statement  especially  applies 
to  Mexico,  Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  Honduras,  Peru,  and  Chili. 

The  commission  under  the  convention  with  the  Republic  of  New 
Granada  closed  its  session  without  having  audited  and  passed  upon  all 
the  claims  which  were  submitted  to  it.  A  proposition  is  pending  to 
revive  the  convention,  that  it  be  able  to  do  more  complete  justice.  The 
joint  commission  between  the  United  States  and  the  Republic  of  Costa 
Rica  has  completed  its  labors  and  submitted  its  report. 

I  have  favored  the  project  for  connecting  the  United  States  with 
Europe  by  an  Atlantic  telegraph,  and  a  similar  project  to  extend  the 
telegraph  from  San  Francisco  to  connect  by  a  Pacific  telegraph  with 
the  line  which  is  being  extended  across  the  Russian  Empire. 

The  Territories  of  the  United  States,  with  unimportant  exceptions, 
have  remained  undisturbed  by  the  civil  war ;  and  they  are  exhibiting 
such  evidence  of  prosperity  as  justifies  an  expectation  that  some  of 
them  will  soon  be  in  a  condition  to  be  organized  as  States,  and  be  con 
stitutionally  admitted  into  the  Federal  Union. 

The  immense  mineral  resources  of  some  of  those  Territories  ought 
to  be  developed  as  rapidly  as  possible.  Every  step  in  that  direction 
would  have  a  tendency  to  improve  the  revenues  of  the  Government 
and  dimmish  the  burdens  of  the  people.  It  is  worthy  of  your  serious 
consideration  whether  some  extraordinary  measures  to  promote  that 
end  cannot  be  adopted.  The  means  which  suggests  itself  as  most 
likely  to  be  effective,  is  a  scientific  exploration  of  the  mineral  regions 
in  those  Territories,  with  a  view  to  the  publication  of  its  results  at 


312  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

home  and  in  foreign  countries — results  which  cannot  fail  to  be  auspi 
cious. 

The  condition  of  the  finances  •will  claim  your  most  diligent  considera 
tion.  The  vast  expenditures  incident  to  the  military  and  naval  opera 
tions  required  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  have  been  hitherto 
met  with  a  promptitude  and  certainty  unusual  in  similar  circumstances  : 
and  the  public  credit  has  been  fully  maintained.  The  continuance  of 
the  war,  however,  and  the  increased  disbursements  made  necessary  by 
the  augmented  forces  now  in  the  field,  demand  your  best  reflections  as 
to  the  best  modes  of  providing  the  necessary  revenue,  without  injury 
to  business,  and  with  the  least  possible  burdens  upon  labor. 

The  suspension  of  specie  payments  by  the  Banks,  soon  after  tho 
commencement  of  your  last  session,  made  large  issues  of  United  States 
notes  unavoidable.  In  no  other  way  could  the  payment  of  the  troops 
and  the  satisfaction  of  other  just  demands,  be  so  economically  or  so 
well  provided  for.  The  judicious  legislation  of  Congress,  securing  the 
receivability  of  these  notes  for  loans  and  internal  duties,  and  making 
them  a  legal  tender  for  other  debts,  has  made  them  a  universal  cur 
rency,  and  has  satisfied,  partially  at  least,  and  for  the  time,  the  long  felt 
want  of  an  uniform  circulating  medium,  saving  thereby  to  the  people 
immense  sums  in  discounts  and  exchanges. 

A  return  to  specie  payments,  however,  at  the  earliest  period  com 
patible  with  due  regard  to  all  interests  concerned,  should  ever  be  kept 
in  view.  Fluctuations  iu  the  value  of  currency  are  always  injurious, 
and  to  reduce  these  fluctuations  to  the  lowest  possible  point  will  always 
be  a  leading  purpose  in  wise  legislation.  Convertibility,  prompt  and 
certain  convertibility  into  coin,  is  generally  acknowledged  to  be  the 
best  and  surest  safeguard  against  them ;  and  it  is  extremely  doubtful 
whether  a  circulation  of  United  States  notes,  payable  in  coin,  and  suf 
ficiently  large  for  the  wants  of  the  people,  can  be  permanently,  use 
fully,  and  safely  maintained. 

Is  there,  then,  any  other  mode  in  which  the  necessary  provision  for 
the  public  wants  can  be  made,  and  the  great  advantages  of  a  safe  and 
uniform  currency  secured  ? 

I  know  of  none  which  promises  so  certain  results,  and  is,  at  the  same 
time,  so  unobjectionable  as  the  organization  of  banking  associations, 
under  a  general  act  of  Congress,  well  guarded  in  its  provisions.  To 
such  associations  the  Government  might  furnish  circulating  notes,  on 
the  security  of  United  States  bonds  deposited  in  the  Treasury.  These 
notes,  prepared  under  the  supervision  of  proper  officers,  being  uniform 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  313 

in  appearance  and  security,  and  convertible  always  into  coin,  would  at 
once  protect  labor  against  the  evils  of  a  vicious  currency,  and  facilitate 
commerce  by  cheap  and  safe  exchanges. 

A  moderate  reservation  from  the  interest  on  the  bonds  would  com 
pensate  the  United  States  for  the  preparation  and  distribution  of  the 
notes,  and  a  general  supervision  of  the  system,  and  would  lighten  the 
burden  of  that  part  of  the  public  debt  employed  as  securities.  The 
public  credit,  moreover,  would  be  greatly  improved,  and  the  negotiation 
of  new  loans  greatly  facilitated  by  the  steady  market  demand  for  Gov 
ernment  bonds  which  the  adoption  of  the  proposed  system  would  create. 

It  is  an  additional  recommendation  of  the  measure,  of  considerable 
weight,  in  my  judgment,  that  it  would  reconcile  as  far  as  possible  all 
existing  interests,  by  the  opportunity  offered  to  existing  institutions  to 
reorganize  under  the  act,  substituting  only  the  secured  uniform  national 
circulation  for  the  local  and  various  circulation,  secured  and  unsecured, 
now  issued  by  them. 

The  receipts  into  the  Treasury,  from  all  sources,  including  loans,  and 
balance  from  the  preceding  year,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  on  the  30th 
of  June,  1862,  were  $583,885,247  60,  of  which  sum  $49,056,397  62 
were  derived  from  customs ;  $1,795,331  73  from  the  direct  tar;  from 
public  lands,  $152,203  77;  from  miscellaneous  sources,  $931,787  64; 
from  loans  in  all  forms,  $529,692,460  50.  The  remainder,  $2,257,065  80, 
was  the  balance  from  last  year. 

The  disbursements  during  the  same  period  were  for  Congressional, 
Executive,  and  Judicial  purposes,  $5,939,009  29;  for  foreign  intercourse, 
$1,339,710  35;  for  miscellaneous  expenses,  including  the  mints,  loans, 
post-office  deficiencies,  collection  of  revenue,  and  other  like  charges, 
$14,129,771  50;  for  expenses  under  the  Interior  Department,  $3,102,- 
S85  52  under  the  War  Department,  $394,368,407  36  ;  under  the  Navy 
Department,  $42,674,569  69;  for  interest  on  public  debt,  $13,190,324 
45 ;  and  for  payment  of  public  debt,  including  reimbursement  of 
temporary  loan,  and  redemptions,  $96,096,922  09;  making  an  aggre 
gate  of  $570,841,700  25,  and  leaving  a  balance  in  the  Treasury  on  the 
1st  day  of  July,  1862,  of  13,043,546  81. 

It  should  be  observed  that  the  sum  of  $96,096,922  09,  expended  for 
reimbursements  and  redemption  of  public  debt,  being  included  also  in 
the  loans  made,  may  be  properly  deducted,  both  from  receipts  and  ex 
penditures,  leaving  the  actual  receipts  for  the  year  $487,788,324  97, 
and  the  expenditures,  $474.744.778  16. 

Other  information  on  the  subject  of  the  finances  will  be  found  in  the 
14 


314 

report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  whose  statements  and  views 
I  invite  your  most  candid  and  considerate  attention. 

The  reports  of  the  Secretaries  of  War  and  of  the  Navy  are  herewith 
transmitted.  These  reports,  though  lengthy,  are  scarcely  more  than 
brief  abstracts  of  the  very  numerous  and  extensive  transactions  and  op 
erations  conducted  through  those  Departments.  Nor  could  I  give  a  sum 
mary  of  them  here,  upon  any  principle  which  would  admit  of  its  being 
much  shorter  than  the  reports  themselves.  I  therefore  content  myself 
with  laying  the  reports  before  you,  and  asking  your  attention  to  them. 

It  gives  me  pleasure  to  report  a  decided  improvement  in  the  financial 
condition  of  the  Post-Office  Department,  as  compared  with  several  pre 
ceding  years.  The  receipts  for  the  fiscal  year  1861  amounted  to 
$8,349,296,  40,  which  embraced  the  revenue  from  all  the  States  of  the 
Union  for  three  quarters  of  that  year.  Notwithstanding  the  cessation 
of  revenue  from  the  so-called  seceded  States  during  the  last  fiscal  year, 
the  increase  of  the  correspondence  of  the  loyal  States  has  been  suf 
ficient  to  produce  a  revenue  during  the  same  year  of  $8,299,820  90, 
being  only  $50,000  less  than  was  derived  from  all  the  States  of  the 
Union  during  the  previous  year.  The  expenditures  show  a  still  more 
favorable  result.  The  amount  expended  in  1861  was  $13,606,759  11. 
For  the  last  year  the  amount  has  been  reduced  to  $11,125,364  13, 
showing  a  decrease  of  about  $2,481,000  in  the  expenditures  as  com 
pared  with  the  preceding  year,  and  about  $3,750,000  as  compared  with 
the  fiscal  year  1860.  The  deficiency  in  the  Department  for  the  previ 
ous  year  was  $4,551,966  98.  For  the  last  fiscal  year  it  was  reduced  to 
$2,112,814  57.  These  favorable  results  are  in  part  owing  to  the  cessa 
tion  of  mail  service  in  the  insurrectionary  States,  and  in  part  to  a  care 
ful  review  of  all  expenditures  in  that  department  in  the  interest  of 
economy.  The  efficiency  of  the  postal  service,  it  is  believed,  has  also 
been  much  improved.  The  Postmaster-General  has  also  opened  a  cor 
respondence,  through  the  Department  of  State,  with  foreign  Govern 
ments,  proposing  a  convention  of  postal  representatives  for  the  purpose 
of  simplifying  the  rates  of  foreign  postage,  and  to  expedite  the  foreign 
mails.  This  proposition,  equally  important  to  our  adopted  citizens  and 
to  the  commercial  interests  of  this  country,  has  been  favorably  enter 
tained  and  agreed  to  by  all  the  Governments  from  whom  replies  have 
been  received. 

I  aak  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  suggestions  of  the  Postmaster- 
General  in  his  report  respecting  the  further  legislation  required,  in  his 
opinion,  for  the  benefit  of  the  postal  service. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  •       315 

The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  reports  as  follows  IL  regard  to  the 
public  lands : 

The  public  lands  have  ceased  to  be  a  source  of  revfuue.  From  the 
1st  July,  1861,  to  tae  80th  September,  1862,  the  entire  cash  receipts  from 
the  sale  of  lands  were  §137,476  26 — a  sum  much  less  than  the  expenses 
of  our  land  system  during  the  same  period.  The  homestead  law,  which 
will  take  elfect  on  the  1st  of  January  next,  offers  such  inducements  to 
settlers  that  sales  for  cash  cannot  be  expected,  to  an  extent  sufficient  to 
meet  the  expense  of  the  General  Land  Office,  and  the  cost  of  surveying 
and  bringing  the  land  into  market. 

The  discrepancy  between  the  sum  here  stated  as  arising  from  the 
sales  of  the  public  lands,  and  the  sum  derived  from  the  same  source  as 
reported  from  the  Treasury  Department,  arises,  as  I  understand,  from 
the  fact  that  the  periods  of  time,  though  apparently,  were  not  really 
coincident  at  the  beginning- point — the  Treasury  report  including  a  con 
siderable  sum  now  which  had  previously  been  reported  from  the  In 
terior — sufficiently  large  to  greatly  overreach  the  sum  de lived  from  the 
three  mouths  now  reported  upon  by  the  Interior,  and  not  by  the 
Treasury. 

The  Indian  tribes  upon  our  frontiers  have,  during  the  past  year, 
manifested  a  spint  of  insubordination,  and,  at  several  points,  have 
engaged  in  open  hostilities  against  the  white  settlements  in  their 
vicinity.  The  tribes  occupying  the  Indian  country  south  of  Kansas 
renounced  their  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  and  entered  into 
treaties  with  the  insurgents.  Those  who  remained  loyal  to  the  United 
States  were  driven  from  the  country.  The  chief  of  the  Cherokees  has 
visited  this  city  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  the  former  relations  of  the 
tribe  with  the  United  States.  He  alleges  that  they  were  constrained, 
by  superior  force,  to  enter  into  treaties  with  the  insurgents,  and  that 
the  United  States  neglected  to  furnish  the  protection  which  their  treaty 
stipulations  required. 

In  the  month  of  August  last,  the  Sioux  Indians  in  Minnesota,  attacked 
the  settlement  in  their  vicinity  with  extreme  ferocity,  killing,  in 
discriminately,  men,  women,  and  children.  This  attack  was  wholly 
unexpected,  and  therefore  no  means  of  defence  had  been  provided.  It 
is  estimated  that  not  less  than  eight  hundred  persons  were  killed  by 
the  Indians,  and  a  large  amount  of  property  was  destroyed.  How  this 
outbreak  was  induced  is  not  definitely  known,  and  suspicions,  which 
may  be  unjust,  need  not  to  be  stated.  Information  was  received  by  the 
Indian  Bureau,  from  different  sources,  about  the  time  hostilities  were 
commenced,  that  a  simultaneous  attack  was  to  be  made  upon  the  white 


816  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

settlements  by  all  the  tribes  between  the  Mississippi  River  and  tho 
Rocky  Mountains.  The  State  of  Minnesota  has  suffered  great  injury 
from  this  Indian  war.  A  large  portion  of  her  territory  has  been  de 
populated,  and  a  severe  loss  has  been  sustained  by  the  destruction  of 
property.  The  people  of  that  State  manifest  much  anxiety  for  the  re 
moval  of  the  tribes  beyond  the  limits  of  the  State  as  a  guarantee  against 
future  hostilities.  The  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  will  furnish  full 
details.  I  submit  for  your  especial  consideration  whether  our  Indian 
system  shall  not  be  remodelled.  Many  wise  and  good  men  have  im 
pressed  me  with  the  belief  that  this  can  be  profitably  done. 

I  submit  a  statement  of  the  proceedings  of  commissioners,  which 
shows  the  progress  that  has  been  made  in  the  enterprise  of  construct 
ing  the  Pacific  railroad.  And  this  suggests  the  earliest  completion  of 
this  road,  and  also  the  favorable  action  of  Congress  upon  the  projects 
now  pending  before  them  for  enlarging  the  capacities  of  the  great 
canals  in  New  York  and  Illinois,  as  being  of  vital  and  rapidly  increas 
ing  importance  to  the  whole  nation,  and  especially  to  the  vast  interior 
region  hereinafter  to  be  noticed  at  some  greater  length.  I  purpose 
having  prepared  and  laid  before  you  at  an  early  day  some  interesting 
and  valuable  statistical  information  upon  this  subject.  The  military 
and  commercial  importance  of  enlarging  the  Illinois  and  Michigan 
canal,  and  improving  the  Illinois  river,  is  presented  in  the  report  of 
Col.  Webster  to  the  Secretary  of  "War,  and  now  transmitted  to  Con 
gress.  I  respectfully  ask  attention  to  it. 

To  carry  out  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  Congress  of  the  15th  of 
May  last,  I  have  caused  the  Department  of  Agriculture  of  the  United 
States  to  be  organized. 

.  The  Commissioner  informs  me  that  within  the  period  of  a  few  months 
this  department  has  established  an  extensive  system  of  correspondence 
and  exchanges,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  which  promises  to  effect 
highly  beneficial  results  in  the  development  of  a  correct  knowledge  of 
recent  improvements  in  agriculture,  in  the  introduction  of  new  products, 
and  in  the  collection  of  the  agricultural  statistics  of  the  different  States. 
Also,  that  it  will  soon  be  prepared  to  distribute  largely  seeds,  cereals, 
plants  and  cuttings,  and  has  already  published  and  liberally  diffused 
much  valuable  information  in  anticipation  of  a  more  elaborate  report, 
which  will  in  due  time  be  furnished,  embracing  some  valuable  tests  in 
chemical  science  now  in  progress  in  the  laboratory. 

The  creation  of  this  department  was  for  the  more  immediate  benefit 
of  a  large  class  of  our  most  valuable  fellow-citizens  ;  and  I  trust  that 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  317 

*;he  liberal  basis  upon  which  it  has  been  organized  will  not  only  meet 
your  approbation,  but  that  it  will  realize,  at  no  distant  day,  all  the 
fondest  anticipations  of  its  most  sanguine  friends,  and  become  the  fruit 
ful  source  of  advantage  to  all  our  people. 

On  the  22d  day  of  September  last,  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  tho 
Executive,  a  copy  of  which  is  herewith  submitted. 

In  accordance  with  the  purpose  expressed  in  the  second  paragraph 
of  that  paper,  I  now  respectfully  call  your  attention  to  what  may  be 
called  "  compensated  emancipation." 

A  nation  may  be  said  to  consist  of  its  territory,  its  people,  and  its 
laws.  The  territory  is  the  only  part  which  is  of  certain  durability. 
"  One  generation  passeth  away,  and  another  generation  cometh,  but  the 
earth  abideth  forever."  It  is  of  the  first  importance  to  duly  consider 
and  estimate  this  ever-enduring  part.  That  portion  of  the  earth's  sur 
face  which  is  owned  and  inhabited  by  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
is  well  adapted  to  the  home  of  one  national  family ;  and  it  is  not  well 
adapted  for  two  or  more.  Its  vast  extent,  and  its  variety  of  climate  and 
productions,  are  of  advantage  in  this  age  for  one  people,  whatever  they 
might  have  been  in  former  ages.  Steam,  telegraphs,  and  intelligence 
have  brought  these  to  be  an  advantageous  combination  for  one  united 
people. 

In  the  Inaugural  Address  I  briefly  pointed  out  the  total  inadequacy 
of  disunion  as  a  remedy  for  tho  differences  between  the  people  of  the 
two  sections.  I  did  so  in  language  which  I  cannot  improve,  and  which, 
therefore,  I  beg  to  repeat : 

"  One  section  of  our  country  believes  slavery  is  right,  and  ought  to 
be  extended,  while  the  other  believes  it  is  wrong,  and  ought  not  to  be 
extended.  This  is  the  only  substantial  dispute.  The  fugitive  slave 
clause  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  law  for  the  suppression  of  the  foreign 
slave-trade,  are  each  as  well  enforced,  perhaps,  as  any  law  can  ever  be 
in  a  community  where  the  moral  sense  of  the  people  imperfectly  sup 
ports  the  law  itself.  The  great  body  of  the  people  abide  by  the  dry 
legal  obligation  in  both  cases,  and  a*  few  break  over  in  each.  This,  I 
think,  cannot  be  perfectly  cured ;  and  it  would  be  worse,  in  both  cases, 
after  the  separation  of  the  sections  than  before.  The  foreign  slave- 
trade,  now  imperfectly  suppressed,  would  be  ultimately  revived  without 
restriction  in  one  section ;  while  fugitive  slaves,  now  only  partially 
surrendered,  would  not  be  surrendered  at  all  by  the  other. 

"  Physically  speaking,  we  cannot  separate.  We  cannot  remove  our 
respective  sections  from  each  other,  nor  build  an  impassable  wall  be 
tween  them.  A  husband  and  wife  may  be  divorced,  and  go  out  of  the 
presence  and  beyond  the  reach  of  each  other ;  but  the  different  parts 
of  our  country  cannot  do  this.  They  cannot  but  remain  face  to  face  ; 


318  PRESIDENT    LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

and  intercourse,  cither  amicable  or  hostile,  must  continue  between 
them.  Is  it  possible,  then,  to  make  that  intercourse  more  advantageous 
or  more  satisfactory  after  separation  than  before  ?  Can  aliens  make 
treaties  easier  than  friends  can  make  laws  ?  Can  treaties  be  more  faith 
fully  enforced  between  aliens  than  laws  can  among  friends  ?  Suppose 
you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  light  always ;  and  when,  after  much  loss  on 
both  sides,  and  no  gain  on  either,  you  cease  fighting,  the  identical  old 
questions,  as  to  terms  of  intercourse,  are  again  upon  you." 

There  is  no  line,  straight  or  crooked,  suitable  for  a  national  boundary, 
upon  which  to  divide.  Trace  through,  from  east  to  west,  upon  the 
line  between  the  free  and  slave  country,  and  we  shall  find  a  little 
more  than  one-third  of  its  length  are  rivers,  easy  to  be  crossed,  and 
populated,  or  soon  to  be  populated,  thickly  upon  both  sides;  while 
nearly  all  its  remaining  length  are  merely  surveyors'  lines,  over  which 
people  may  walk  back  and  forth  without  any  consciousness  of  their 
presence.  No  part  of  this  line  can  be  made  any  more  difficult  to  pass 
by  writing  it  down  on  paper  or  parchment  as  a  national  boundary.  The 
fact  of  separation,  if  it  comes,  gives  up,  on  the  part  of  the  seceding  sec 
tion,  the  fugitive  slave  clause,  along  with  all  other  constitutional  obliga 
tions  upon  the  section  seceded  from,  while  I  should  expect  no  treaty 
stipulation  would  ever  be  made  to  take  its  place. 

But  there  is  another  difficulty.  The  great  interior  region,  bounded 
east  by  the  Alleghanies,  north  by  the  British  domiuions,  west  by  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  and  south  by  the  line  along  which  the  culture  of 
corn  and  cotton  meets,  and  which  includes  part  of  Virginia,  part  of  Ten 
nessee,  all  of  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  Illinois, 
Missouri,  Kansas,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  and  the  Territories  of  Dakota,  Ne 
braska,  and  part  of  Colorado,  already  has  above  ten  millions  of  people, 
and  will  have  fifty  millions  within  fifty  years  if  not  prevented  by  any 
political  folly  or  mistake.  It  contains  more  than  one-third  of  the  coun 
try  owned  by  the  United  States — certainly  more  than  one  million  of 
square  miles.  Once  half  as  populous  as  Massachusetts  alreadj'-  is,  it 
would  have  more  than  seventy-five  millions  of  people.  A  glance  at  the 
map  shows  that,  territorially  speaking,  it  is  the  great  body  of  the  Re 
public.  The  other  parts  are  but  marginal  borders  to  it,  the  magnificent 
region  sloping  west  from  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  tho  Pacific  being  the 
deepest,  and  also  the  richest  in  undeveloped  resources.  In  the  produc 
tion  of  provisions,  grains,  grasses,  and  all  which  proceed  from  them, 
this  great  interior  region  is  naturally  one  of  the  most  important  of  the 
world.  Ascertain  from  the  statistics  the  small  proportion  of  the  region 
which  has  as  yet  been  brought  into  cultivation,  and  also  tho  large  and 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  319 

rapidly  increasing  amount  of  its  products,  and  we  shall  be  overwhelmed 
with  the  magnitude  of  the  prospect  presented.  And  yet  this  region  has 
no  sencoast — touches  no  ocean  anywhere.  As  part  of  one  nation,  its 
peopb  now  find,  and  may  forever  find,  their  way  to  Europe  by  New 
York,  to  South  America  and  Africa  by  New  Orleans,  and  to  Asia  by 
San  Francisco.  But  separate  our  common  country  into  two  nations,  as 
designed  by  the  present  rebellion,  and  every  man  of  this  great  interior 
region  is  thereby  cut  off  from  some  one  or  more  of  these  outlets,  not 
perhaps  by  a  physical  barrier,  but  by  embarrassing  and  onerous  trade 
regulations. 

And  this  is  true,  wherever  a  dividing  or  boundary  line  may  be  fixed. 
Place  it  between  the  now  free  and  slave  country,  or  place  it  south  of 
Kentucky,  or  north  of  Ohio,  and  still  the  truth  remains  that  none  south 
of  it  can  trade  to  any  port  or  place  north  of  it,  and  none  north  of  it  can 
trade  to  any  port  or  place  south  of  it,  except  upon  terms  dictated  by  a 
Government  foreign  to  them.  These  outlets,  east,  west,  and  south,  are 
indispensable  to  the  well-being  of  the  people  inhabiting  and  to  inhabit  this 
vast  interior  region.  Which  of  the  three  may  be  the  best  is  no  proper 
question.  AH  are  better  than  either,  and  all  of  right  belong  to  that 
people  and  to  their  successors  forever.  True  to  themselves,  they  will 
not  ask  where  a  line  of  separation  shall  be,  but  will  vow  rather  that 
there  shall  be  no  such  line.  Nor  are  the  marginal  regions  less  interested 
in  these  communications  to  and  through  them  to  the  great  outside  world. 
They  too,  and  each  of  them,  must  have  access  to  this  Egypt  of  the  West, 
without  paying  toll  at  the  crossing  of  any  national  boundary. 

Our  national  strife  springs  not  from  our  permanent  part ;  not  from 
the  land  we  inhabit;  not  from  our  national  homestead.  There  is  no 
possible  severing  of  this  but  would  multiply  and  not  mitigate  evils 
among  us.  In  all  its  adaptations  and  aptitudes  it  demands  union  and 
abhors  separation.  In  fact,  it  would  ere  long  force  reunion,  however 
much  of  blood  and  treasure  the  separation  might  have  cost. 

Our  strife  pertains  to  ourselves — to  the  passing  generations  of  men 
and  it  can,  without  convulsion,  be  hushed  forever  with  the  passing  of  o 
generation. 

In  this  view,  I  recommend  the  adoption  of  the  following  resolution 
and  articles  amendatory  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States : 

Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled  (two-thirds  of  both  Houses  concurring), 
That  the  following  articles  be  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  (or  Conven 
tions)  of  the  several  States  as  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the 


320  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

United  States,  all  or  any  of  which  articles,  when  ratified  by  three-fourths 
of  M^S±S  ^C°—  tio-)>  to  be  valid  as  part  or  parts 


ARTICLE.  —  Every  State,  wherein  Slavery  now  exists,  which  shall  abolish 
c  same  therein  at  any  time  or  times  before  the  first  clay  of  January   in 
lie  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  and  nine  hundred,  shall  receive  com 
pensation  from  the  United  States  as  follows,  to  wit  • 

The  President  of  the  United  States  shall  deliver  to  every  such  State 
bonds  of  the  United  States,  bearing  interest  at  the  rate  of  —  per  cent 
per  annum,  to  an  amount  equal  to  the  aggregate  sum  of  _  for  each" 
slave  shown  to  have  been  therein  by  the  eighth  census  of  the  United 
States,  said  bonds  to  be  delivered  to  such  State  by  installments  or  in  one 
parcel,  at  the  completion  of  the  abolishment,  accordingly  as  'the  same 
sball  have  been  gradual,  or  at  one  time,  within  such  State  :  and  interest 
snail  begin  to  run  upon  any  such  bond  only  from  the  proper  time  of  its 
deliveryaa  aforesaid.  Any  State  having  received  bonds  as  aforesaid  and 
afterwards  remtroducing  or  tolerating  slavery  therein,  shall  refund  to  the 
U  nited  btates  the  bonds  so  received,  or  the  value  thereof,  and  all  interest 

ARTICLE  —All  slaves  who  shall  have  enjoyed  actual  freedom  by  the 
chances  of  the  war,  at  any  time  before  the  end  of  the  rebellion  shall  be 
i  ^T  frce  '  but  a11  9wuers  of  sucn  wb°  shall  not  have  been  disloyal 
shall  be  compensated  for  them  at  the  same  rates  as  is  pro  vidcd  for  States 
adopting  abolishment  of  slavery,  but  in  such  way  that  no  slave  shall  be 
twice  accounted  for. 

ARTICLE.  —  Congress  may  appropriate  money,  and  otherwise  provide 
for  colonizing  free  colored  persons,  with  their  own  consent,  at  any  place 
or  places  without  the  United  States. 

I  beg  indulgence  to  discuss  these  proposed  articles  at  some  length. 
Without  slavery  the  rebellion  could  never  have  existed;  without 
slavery  it  could  not  continue. 

Among  the  friends  of  the  Union  there  is  great  diversity  of  sentiment 
and  of  policy  in  regard  to  slavery,  and  the  African  race  amongst  us. 
Some  would  perpetuate  slavery  ;  some  would  abolish  it  suddenly,  and 
without  compensation  ;  some  would  abolish  it  gradually,  and  with  com 
pensation;  some  would  remove  the  freed  people  from  us,  and  some 
would  retain  them  with  us:  and  there  are  yet  other  minor  diversities. 
Because  of  these  diversities  we  waste  much  strength  among  ourselves. 
By  mutual  concession  we  should  harmonize  and  act  together.  This 
would  be  compromise  ;  but  it  would  be  compromise  among  the  friends, 
and  not  with  the  enemies  of  the  Union.  These  articles  are  intended  to 
embody  a  plan  of  such  mutual  concessions.  If  the  plan  shall  be  adopted, 
it  is  assumed  that  emancipation  will  follow  in  at  least  several  of  the 
States. 

As  to  the  first  article,  the  main  points  are  :  first,  the  emancipation  ; 
secondly,  the  length  of  time  for  consummating  it-  -thirty-seven  years  ; 
and,  thirdly,  the  compensation. 


321 

The  emancipation  will  be  unsatisfactory  to  the  advocates  of  perpetual 
slavery ;  but  the  length  of  time  should  greatly  mitigate  their  dissatis 
faction.  The  time  spares  both  races  from  the  evils  of  sudden  derange 
ment — in  fact,  from  the  necessity  of  any  derangement ;  while  most  of 
those  whose  habitual  course  of  thought  will  be  disturbed  by  the  meas 
ure  will  have  passed  away  before  its  consummation.  They  will  never 
see  it.  Another  class  will  hail  the  prospect  of  emancipation,  but  will 
deprecate  the  length  of  time.  They  will  feel  that  it  gives  too  little  to 
the  now  living  slaves.  But  it  really  gives  them  much.  It  saves  them 
from  the  vagrant  destitution  which  must  largely  attend  immediate 
emancipation  in  localities  where  their  numbers  are  very  great ;  and  it 
gives  the  inspiring  assurance  that  their  posterity  shall  be  free  forever. 
The  plan  leaves  to  each  State  choosing  to  act  under  it,  to  abolish 
slavery  now,  or  at  the  end  of  the  century,  or  at  any  intermediate  time, 
or  by  degrees,  extending  over  the  whole  or  any  part  of  the  period ;  and 
it  obliges  no  two  States  to  proceed  alike.  It  also  provides  for  compen 
sation,  and  generally  the  mode  of  making  it.  This,  it  would  seem, 
must  further  mitigate  the  dissatisfaction  of  those  who  favor  perpetual 
slavery,  and  especially  of  those  who  are  to  receive  the  compensation. 
Doubtless  some  of  those  who  are  to  pay  and  not  receive  will  object. 
Yet  the  measure  is  both  just  and  economical.  In  a  certain  sense  the 
liberation  of  slaves  is  the  destruction  of  property — property  acquired 
bv  descent  or  by  purchase,  the  same  as  any  other  property.  It  is  no  less 
true  for  having  been  often  said,  that  the  people  of  the  South  are  not  more 
responsible  for  the  original  introduction  of  this  property  than  are  the 
people  of  the  North ;  and  when  it  is  remembered  how  unhesitatingly 
we  all  use  cotton  and  sugar,  and  share  tbe  profits  of  dealing  in  them, 
it  may  not  be  quite  safe  to  say  that  the  South  has  been  more  responsible 
than  the  North  for  its  continuance.  If,  then,  for  a  common  object  this 
property  is  to  be  sacrificed,  is  it  not  just  that  it  be  done  at  a  common 
charge  ? 

And  if  with  less  money,  or  money  more  easily  paid,  we  can  preserve 
the  benefits  of  the  Union  by  this  means  than  we  can  by  the  war  alone, 
is  it  not  also  economical  to  do  it  ?  Let  us  consider  it,  then.  Let  us 
ascertain  the  sum  we  have  expended  in  the  war  since  compensated 
emancipation  was  proposed  last  March,  and  consider  whether,  if  that 
measure  had  been  promptly  accepted  by  even  some  of  the  Slave  States, 
the  same  sum  would  not  have  done  more  to  close  the  war  than  haa 
been  otherwise  done.  If  so,  the  measure  would  save  money,  and,  in 
that  view,  would  be  a  prudent  and  economical  measure.  Certainly  it  is 
14* 


322  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

not  so  easy  to  pay  something  as  it  is  to  pay  nothing ;  but  it  is  easier 
pay  a  large  sum  than  it  is  to  pay  a  larger  one.  And  it  is  easier  to 
to  pay  any  sum  when  we  are  able  than  it  is  to  pay  it  before  we  are  able. 
The  war  requires  large  sums,  and  requires  them  at  ouce.  The  aggre 
gate  sum  necessary  for  compensated  emancipation  of  course  would  be 
large.  But  it  would  require  no  ready  cash,  nor  the  bonds  even,  any 
faster  than  the  emancipation  progresses.  This  might  not,  and  probably 
would  not,  close  before  the  end  of  the  thirty-seven  years.  At  that 
time  we  shall  probably  have  a  hundred  millions  of  people  to  share  the 
burden,  instead  of  thirty-one  millions,  as  now.  And  not  only  so,  but 
the  increase  of  our  population  may  be  expected  to  continue  for  a  long 
time  after  that  period  as  rapidly  as  before ;  because  our  territory  will 
not  have  become  full.  I  do  not  state  this  inconsiderately. 

At  the  same  ratio  of  increase  which  we  have  maintained,  on  an  aver 
age,  from  our  first  national  census,  in  1790,  until  that  of  1860,  we 
should,  in  1900,  have  a  population  of  103,208,415.  And  why  may  we 
not  continue  that  ratio — far  beyond  that  period?  Our  abundant  room — 
our  broad  national  homestead — is  our  ample  resource.  Were  our  terri 
tory  as  limited  as  are  the  British  Isles,  very  certainly  our  population 
could  not  expand  as  stated.  Instead  of  receiving  the  foreign  born  as 
now,  we  should  be  compelled  to  send  part  of  the  native  born  away. 
But  sucli  is  not  our  condition.  We  have  two  millions  nine  hundred 
and  sixty-three  thousand  square  miles.  Europe  has  three  millions  and 
eight  hundred  thousand,  with  a  population  averaging  seventy-three  and 
one-third  persons  to  the  square  mile.  "Why  may  not  our  country  at 
some  time  average  as  many?  Is  it  less  fertile?  Has  it  more  waste 
surface,  by  mountains,  rivers,  lakes,  deserts,  or  other  causes  ?  Is  it 
inferior  to  Europe  in  any  natural  advantage  ?  If  then  we  are,  at  some 
time,  to  be  as  populous  as  Europe,  how  soon  ?  As  to  when  this  may 
be.  we  can  judge  by  the  past  and  the  present ;  as  to  when  it  will  be,  if 
over,  depends  much  on  whether  we  maintain  the  Union.  Several  of 
our  States  are  already  above  the  average  of  Europe — seventy-three 
aud  a  third  to  the  square  mile.  Massachusetts  157  ;  Rhode  Island  133  ; 
Connecticut  99;  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  each  80.  Also  two  other 
great  States,  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  are  not  far  below,  the  former 
having  63  and  the  latter  59.  The  States  already  above  the  European 
average,  except  New  York,  have  increased  in  as  rapid  a  ratio,  since 
passing  that  point,  as  ever  before  ;  while  no  one  of  them  is  equal  to 
some  other  parts  of  our  country  in  natural  capacity  for  sustaining  a 
dense  population. 


3,929,827 
5,305,937 

35.02  per  cent,  ratio  of  increase. 

7,239,814 

36.45 

u 

9,638,131 

33.13 

II 

12,866,020 

33.49 

(( 

17,069,453 

32.67 

11 

23,191,876 

35.87 

(( 

31,443,790 

35.58 

u 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  323 

Taking  the  nation  in  the  aggregate,  and  we  find  its  population  and 
ratio  of  increase,  for  the  several  decennial  periods,  to  be  as  follows  : 

1799. 
1800. 
1810. 
1820. 
1830. 
1840. 
1850. 


This  shows  an  average  decennial  increase  of  34.60  per  cent,  in 
population  through  the  seventy  years,  from  our  first  to  our  last  census 
yet  taken.  It  is  seen  that  the  ratio  of  increase,  at  no  one  of  these  two 
periods,  is  either  two  per  cent,  below  or  two  per  cent,  above  the  aver 
age  :  thus  showing  how  inflexible,  and  consequently  how  reliable,  the 
law  of  increase  in  our  case  is.  Assuming  that  it  will  continue,  it  gives 
the  following  results : 

1870..                         42,323,341 

1880                      56,967,216 

1890 76,677,872 

1900              103,208,415 

1910    138,918,526 

1920                    186,984,335 

1930 251,680,914 

These  figures  show  that  our  country  may  be  as  populous  as  Europe 
now  is  at  some  point  between  1920  and  1930 — say  about  1925 — our 
territory,  at  seventy-three  and  a  third  persons  to  the  square  mile,  being 
of  capacity  to  contain  217,186.000. 

And  we  will  reach  this,  too,  if  we  do  not  ourselves  relinquish  the 
chance,  by  the  folly  and  evils  of  disunion,  or  by  long  and  exhausting 
wars  springing  from  the  only  great  element  of  national  discord  among 
us.  While  it  cannot  be  foreseen  exactly  how  much  one  huge  example 
of  secession,  breeding  lesser  ones  indefinitely,  would  retard  population, 
civilization,  and  piosperity.no  one  can  doubt  that  the  extent  of  it  would 
be  very  great  and  injurious. 

Tho  proposed  emancipation  would  shorten  the  war,  perpetuate  peace, 
insure  this  increase  of  population,  and  proportionately  the  wealth  of 
the  country.  With  these  we  should  pay  all  the  emancipation  would 
cost,  together  with  our  other  debt,  easier  than  we  should  pay  our  other 
debt  without  it.  If  we  had  allowed  our  old  national  debt  to  run  at  six 


324  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

per  cent,  per  annum,  simple  interest,  from  the  end  of  our  Revolutionary 
struggle  until  to-day,  without  paying  anything  on  either  principal  or 
interest,  each  man  of  us  would  owe  less  upon  that  debt  now  than  each 
man  owed  upon  it  then;  and  this  because  our  increase  of  men,  through 
Iho  whole  period,  has  been  greater  than  six  per  cent. ;  has  run  faster 
than  the  interest  upon  the  debt.  Thus,  time  alone  relieves  a  debtor 
nation,  so  long  as  its  population  increases  faster  than  unpaid  interest 
accumulates  on  its  debt. 

This  fact  would  be  no  excuse  for  delaying  payment  of  what  is  justly 
due ;  but  it  shows  the  great  importance  of  time  in  this  connection — the 
great  advantage  of  a  policy  by  which  we  shall  not  have  to  pay  until 
we  number  a  hundred  millions,  what,  by  a  different  policy,  we  would 
have  to  pay  now,  when  \ve  number  but  thirty-one  millions.  In  a  word, 
it  shows  that  a  dollar  will  be  much  harder  to  pay  for  the  war  than  will 
be  a  dollar  for  the  emancipation  on  the  proposed  plan.  And  then 
the  latter  will  cost  no  blood,  no  precious  life.  It  will  be  a  saving  of 
both. 

As  to  the  second  article,  I  think  it  would  bo  impracticable  to  return 
to  bondage  the  class  of  persons  therein  contemplated.  Some  of  them, 
doubtless,  in  the  property  sense,  belong  to  loyal  owners;  and  henco 
provision  is  made  in  this  article  for  compensating  such. 

The  third  article  relates  to  the  future  of  the  freed  people.  It  does 
not  oblige,  but  merely  authorizes  Congress  to  aid  in  colonizing  such  as 
may  consent.  This  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as  objectionable  on  the 
one  hand  or  on  the  other,  in  so  much  as  it  comes  to  nothing  unless  by 
the  mutual  consent  of  the  people  to  be  deported,  and  the  American 
voters,  through  their  representatives  in  Congress. 

I  cannot  make  it  better  known  than  it  already  is  that  I  strongly  favor 
colonization.  And  yet  I  wish  to  say  there  is  an  objection  urged  against 
free  colored  persons  remaining  in  the  country  which  is  largely  imagin 
ary,  if  not  sometimes  malicious. 

It  is  insisted  that  their  presence  would  injure  and  displace  white  labor 
and  white  laborers.  If  there  ever  could  be  a  proper  time  for  mere  catch 
arguments,  that  time  surely  is  not  now.  In  times  like  the  present  men 
should  utter  nothing  for  which  they  would  not  willingly  be  responsible 
through  time  and  in  eternity.  Is  it  true,  then,  that  colored  people  can 
displace  any  more  white  labor  by  being  free  than  by  remaining  slaves? 
If  they  stay  in  their  old  places  they  jostle  no  white  laborers ;  if  they 
\ave  their  old  places  they  leave  them  open  to  white  laborers.  Logic 
ally  there  is  neither  more  nor  less  of  it.  Emancipation  even  without 


325 

deportation,  would  probably  enhance  the  wages  of  white  labor,  and, 
very  surely,  would  not  reduce  them.  Thus  the  customary  amount  of 
labor  would  still  have  to  be  performed — the  freed  people  would  surely 
not  do  more  than  their  old  proportion  of  it,  and  very  probably  for  a 
time  would  do  less,  leaving  an  increased  part  to  white  laborers,  bring 
ing  their  labor  into  greater  demand,  and  consequently  enhancing  the 
wages  of  it.  With  deportation,  even  to  a  limited  extent,  enhanced 
wages  to  white  labor  is  mathematically  certain.  Labor  is  like  any 
other  commodity  in  the  market — increase  the  demand'  for  it  and  you 
increase  the  price  of  it.  Reduce  the  supply  of  black  labor,  by  colo 
nizing  the  black  laborer  out  of  the  country,  and  by  precisely  so  much 
you  increase  the  demand  for  and  wages  of  white  labor. 

But  it  is  dreaded  that  the  freed  prople  will  swarm  forth  and  cover 
the  whole  land  1  Are  they  not  already  in  the  land  ?  "Will  liberation 
make  them  any  more  numerous?  Equally  distributed  among  the 
whites  of  the  whole  country,  and  there  would  be  but  one  colored  to 
seven  whites.  Could  the  one,  in  any  way,  greatly  disturb  the  seven  ? 
There  are  many  communities  now  having  more  than  one  free  colored 
person  to  seven  whites;  and  this,  without  any  apparent  consciousness 
of  evil  from  it.  The  District  of  Columbia  and  the  States  of  Maryland 
and  Delaware  are  all  in  this  condition.  The  District  has  more  than  one 
free  colored  to  six  whites ;  and  yet,  in  its  frequent  petitions  to  Con 
gress,  I  believe  it  has  never  presented  the  presence  of  free  colored 
persons  as  one  of  its  grievances.  But  why  should  emancipation  South 
send  the  freed  people  North?  People  of  any  color  seldom  run  unless 
there  be  something  to  run  from.  Heretofore  colored  people  to  some 
extent  have  fled  Xorth  from  bondage ;  and  now,  perhaps,  from  bondage 
and  destitution.  But  if  gradual  emancipation  and  deportation  be 
adopted  they  will  have  neither  to  flee  from.  Their  old  masters  will 
give  them  wages  at  least  until  new  laborers  can  be  procured,  and  the 
freed  men  in  turn  will  gladly  give  their  labor  for  the  wages  till  new 
homes  can  be  found  for  them  in  congenial  climes  and  with  people  of 
their  own  blood  and  race.  This  proposition  can  be  trusted  on  the 
mutual  interests  involved.  And  in  any  event,  cannot  the  North  decide 
for  itself  whether  to  receive  them  ? 

Again,  as  practice  proves  more  than  theory,  in  any  case,  has  there 
been  any  irruption  of  colored  people  northward  because  of  the  abolish 
ment  of  slavery  in  this  District  last  spring  ? 

What  I  have  said  of  the  proportion  of  free  colored  persons  to  the 
whites  in  the  District  is  from  the  census  of  1860,  having  no  reference 


320  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

to  persons  called  contrabands,  nor  to  those  made  free  by  the  act  of 
Congress,  abolishing  slavery  here. 

The  plan  consisting  of  these  articles  is  recommended,  not  but  that 
a  restoration  of  national  viuthority  would  bo  accepted  without  its  adop 
tion. 

Xor  will  the  war,  nor  proceedings  under  the  proclamation  of  Septem 
ber  22,  1862,  be  stayed  because  of  the  recommendation  of  this  plan. 
Its  timely  adoption,  I  doubt  not,  would  bring  restoration,  and  thereby 
stay  both. 

And.  notwithstanding  this  plan,  the  recommendation  that  Congress 
provide  by  law  for  compensating  any  State  which  may  adopt  emancipa 
tion  before  this  plan  shall  have  been  acted  upon,  is  hereby  earnestly 
renewed.  Such  would  be  only  an  advanced  part  of  the  plan,  and  the 
same  arguments  apply  to  both. 

This  plan  is  recommended  as  a  means,  not  in  exclusion  of,  but  ad 
ditional  to,  all  others  for  restoring  and  preserving  the  national  authority 
throughout  the  Union.  The  subject  is  presented  exclusively  in  its 
economical  aspect.  The  plan  would,  I  am  confident,  secure  peace  more 
speedily,  and  maintain  it  more  permanently,  than  can  be  done  by  force 
alone ;  while  all  it  would  cost,  considering  amounts,  and  manner  of 
payment,  and  times  of  payment,  would  be  easier  paid  than  will  be  the 
additional  cost  of  the  war,  if  we  solely  rely  upon  force.  It  is  much — 
very  much — that  it  would  cost  no  blood  at  all. 

The  plan  is  proposed  as  permanent  constitutional  law.  It  cannot 
become  such,  without  the  concurrence  of,  first,  two-thirds  of  Congress, 
and  afterward  three-fourths  of  the  States.  The  requisite  three-fourths 
of  the  States  will  necessarily  include  seven  of  the  Slave  States. 
Their  concurrence,  if  obtained,  will  give  assurance  of  their  severally 
adopting  emancipation,  at  no  very  distant  day,  upon  the  new  constitu 
tional  terms.  This  assurance  would  end  the  struggle  now,  and  save 
the  Union  forever. 

I  do  not  forget  the  gravity  which  should  characterize  a  paper  ad 
dressed  to  the  Congress  of  the  nation  by  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
nation.  Nor  do  I  forget  that  some  of  you  are  my  seniors ;  nor  that 
many  of  you  have  more  experience  than  I  in  the  conduct  of  public 
affairs.  Yet  1  trust  that,  in  view  of  the  great  responsibility  resting 
upon  me,  you  will  perceive  no  want  of  respect  to  yourselves  in  any 
undue  earnestness  I  may  seem  to  display. 

Is  it  doubted,  then,  that  the  plan  I  propose,  if  adopted,  would  shorten 
the  war,  and  thus  lessen  its  expenditure  of  money  and  of  blood  ?  Is  it 


THE 


327 


doubted  that  it  would  restore  the  national  authority  and  national  pros 
perity,  and  perpetuate  both  indefinitely  ?  Is  it  doubted  that  we  here — 
Congress  and  Executive — can  secure  its  adoption  ?  Will  not  the  good 
people  respond  to  a  united  and  earnest  appeal  from  us  ?  Can  we,  can 
they,  by  any  other  means,  so  certainly  o.;-*3O  speedily  assure  these  vital 
objects  ?  We  can  succeed  only  by  concert.  It  is  not  "  can  any  of  us 
imagine  better  ?"  but  "  can  we  aU  do  better  ?"  Object  whatsoever  is 
possible,  still  the  question  recurs,  "  can  we  do  better  ?"  The  dogmas 
of  the  quiet  past  are  inadequate  to  the  stormy  present.  The  occasion 
is  piled  high  with  difficulty,  and  we  must  rise  with  the  occasion.  As 
our  case  is  new,  so  we  must  think  anew,  and  act  anew.  We  must 
disenthral  ourselves,  and  then  we  shall  save  our  country. 

Fellow-citizens,  we  cannot  escape  history.  We  of  this  Congress  and 
this  Administration  will  be  remembered  in  spite  of  ourselves.  No 
personal  significance  or  insignificance  can  spare  one  or  another  of  us. 
The  fiery  trial  through  which  we  pass  will  light  us  down  in  honor  or 
dishonor  to  the  latest  generation.  We  say  that  we  are  for  the  Union. 
The  world  will  not  forget  that  we  say  this.  We  know  how  to  save  the 
Union.  The  world  knows  we  do  know  how  to  save  it.  We — even  we 
here — hold  the  power  and  bear  the  responsibility.  In  giving  freedom 
to  the  slave  wo  assure  freedom  to  the  free — honorable  alike  in  what 
we  give  and  what  we  preserve.  We  shall  nobly  save  or  meanly  lose 
the  last  best  hope  of  earth.  Other  means  may  succeed;  this  could 
not,  cannot  fail.  The  way  is  plain,  peaceful,  generous,  just — a  way 
which,  if  followed,  the  world  will  forever  applaud  and  God  must  for 
ever  bless. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
December  1,  1862. 

At  the  very  outset  of  the  session,  resolutions  were  introduced 
by  the  opponents  of  the  Administration,  censuring,  in  strong 
terms,  its  arrest  of  individuals,  in  the  loyal  States,  suspected 
of  giving,  or  intending  to  give  aid  and  comfort  to  the  rebellion. 
These  arrests  were  denounced  as  utterly  unwarranted  by  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  as  involving 
the  subversion  of  the  public  liberties.  In  the  Senate,  the  gen 
eral  subject  was  discussed  in  a  debate,  commencing  on  the  8th 
of  December,  the  opponents  of  the  Administration  setting 
forth  very  fully  and  very  strongly  their  opinion  of  the  unjusti- 


328  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

liable  nature  of  this  action,  and  its  friends  vindicating?  it  as 

7  & 

made  absolutely  necessary  by  the  emergencies  of  the  case. 
Every  department  of  the  Government,  and  every  section  of  the 
country,  were  filled  at  the  outset  of  the  war  with  men  actively 
engaged  in  doing  the  work  of  spies  and  informers  for  the  rebel 
authorities ;  and  it  was  known  that,  in  repeated  instances,  the 
plans  and  purposes  of  the  Government  had  been  betrayed  and 
defeated  by  these  aiders  and  abettors  of  treason.  It  became 
absolutely  necessary,  not  for  purposes  of  punishment  but  of 
prevention,  to  arrest  these  men  in  the  injurious  and  perhaps 
fatal  action  they  were  preparing  to  take ;  and  on  this  ground 
the  action  of  the  Government  was  vindicated  and  justified  by 
the  Senate.  On  the  8th  of  December,  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  a  bill  was  introduced,  declaring  the  suspension  of 
the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  to  have  been  required  by  the  public 
safety,  confirming  and  declaring  valid  all  arrests  and  imprison 
ments,  by  whomsoever  made  or  caused  to  be  made,  under  the 
authority  of  the  President,  and  indemnifying  the  President, 
secretaries,  heads  of  departments,  and  all  persons  who  have 
been  concerned  in  making  such  arrests,  or  in  doing  or  advising 
any  such  acts,  and  making  void  all  prosecutions  and  proceed 
ings  whatever  against  them  in  relation  to  the  matters  in  ques 
tion.  It  also  authorized  the  President,  during  the  existence 
of  the  war,  to  declare  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  cor- 
l-u*,  "  at  such  times,  and  in  such  places,  and  with  regard  to 
such  persons,  as  in  his  judgment  the  public  safety  may  require." 
This  bill  was  passed,  receiving  ninety  votes  in  its  favor,  and 
forty-five  against  it.  It  was  taken  up  in  the  Senate  on  the  22d 
of  December,  and  after  a  discussion  of  several  days,  a  new  bill 
was  substituted  and  passed ;  ayes  33,  noes  7.  This  was  taken 
up  in  the  House  on  the  18th  of  February,  and  the  substitute 
of  the  Senate  was  rejected.  This  led  to  the  appointment  of  a 
committee  of  conference,  which  recommended  that  the  Senate 
recede  from  its  amendments,  and  that  the  bill,  substantially  as 
9 


ARE    THE    REBEL    STATES    ALIENS?  329 

it  camo  from  the  House,  be  passed.     This  report  was  agreed 
to,  after  long  debate,  and  the  bill  thus  became  a  law. 

The  relations  in  which  the  Rebel  States  are  placed  by  their 
acts  of  secession  towards  the  General  Government,  became  a 
topic  of  discussion  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  a  debate 
which  arose  on  the  8th  of  January,  upon  an  item  in  the  appro- 
pyation  bill,  limiting  the  amount  to  be  paid  to  certain  commis 
sioners  to  the  amount  that  might  be  collected  from  taxes  in 
the  insurrectionary  States.  Mr.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania, 
pronounced  the  opinion  that  the  Constitution  did  not  embrace 
a  State  that  was  in  arms  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  He  maintained  that  those  States  held  towards  us  the 
position  of  alien  enemies — that  every  obligation  existing  be 
tween  them  and  us  had  been  annulled,  and  that  with  regard 
to  all  the  Southern  States  in  rebellion,  the  Constitution  has 
no  binding  force  and  no  application.  This  position  was  very 
strongly  controverted  by  men  of  both  parties.  Those  who 
were  not  in  full  sympathy  with  the  Administration  opposed 
it,  because  it  denied  to  the  Southern  people  the  protection  of 
the  Constitution ;  while  many  Republicans  regarded  it  as  a 
virtual  acknowledgment  of  the  validity  and  actual  force  of  the 
ordinances  of  secession  passed  by  the  Rebel  States.  Mr. 
Thomas,  of  Massachusetts,  expressed  the  sentiment  of  the  lat 
ter  class  very  clearly  when  he  said  that  one  object  of  the  bill 
under  discussion  was  to  impose  a  tax  upon  States  in  rebellion, 
• — that  our  only  authority  for  so  doing  was  the  Constitution  of 

J  J  & 

the  United  States, — and  that  we  could  only  do  it  on  the 
ground  that  the  authority  of  the  Government  over  those  States 
is  jnst  as  valid  now  as  it  was  before  the  acts  of  secession  were 
passed,  and  that  every  one  of  those  acts  is  utterly  null  and 
void.  No  vote  was  taken  which  declared  directly  the  opinion 
of  the  House  on  the  theoretical  question  thus  involved. 

The  employment  of  negroes  as  soldiers  was  subjected  to  a 
vigorous  discussion,  started  on  the  27th  of  January,  by    an 


330  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

amendment  offered  to  a  pending  bill  by  Mr.  Stevens,  directing 
the  President  to  raise,  arm,  and  equip  as  many  volunteers  of 
African  descent  as  he  might  deem  useful,  for  such  term  of 
service  as  he  might  think  proper,  not  exceeding  five  years, — 
to  be  officered  by  white  or  black  persons  in  the  President's 
discretion — slaves  to  be  accepted  as  well  as  freemen.  The 
members  from  the  Border  States  opposed  this  proposition  with 
great  earnestness,  as  certain  to  do  great  harm  to  the  Union 
cause  among  their  constituents,  by  arousing  prejudices  which, 
whether  reasonable  or  not,  were  very  strong,  and  against  which 
argument  would  be  found  utterly  unavailing.  Mr.  Crittenden, 
of  Kentucky,  objected  to  it  mainly  because  it  would  convert 
the  war  against  the  rebellion  into  a  servile  war,  and  establish 
abolition  as  the  main  end  for  which  the  war  was  carried  on. 
Mr.  Sedgwick,  of  New  York,  vindicated  the  policy  suggested 
as  having  been  dictated  rather  by  necessity  than  choice.  He 
pointed  out  the  various  steps  by  which  the  President,  as  the 
responsible  head  of  the  Government,  had  endeavored  to  prose 
cute  the  war  successfully  without  interfering  with  slavery,  and 
showed  also  how  the  refusal  of  the  Rebel  States  to  return  to 
their  allegiance  had  compelled  him  to  advance,  step  by  step, 
to  the  more  rigorous  and  effective  policy  which  had  now  be 
come  inevitable.  After  considerable  further  discussion,  tho 
bill,  embodying  substantially  the  amendment  of  Mr.  Stevens, 
was  passed  ;  ayes  83,  noes  54.  On  reaching  the  Senate  it  was 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  which,  on  the 
12th  of  February,  reported  against  its  passage,  on  the  ground 
that  the  authority  which  it  was  intended  to  confer  upon  the 
President  was  already  sufficiently  granted  in  the  act  of  the 
previous  session,  approved  July  17,  1862,  which  authorized 
the  President  to  employ,  in  any  military  or  naval  service  for 
which  they  might  be  found  competent,  persons  of  African 
descent. 

One  of  the  most  important  acts  of  the  session  was  that  which 


THE    PROVISION   FOR    A   DRAFT.  331 

provided  for  the  creation  of  a  national  force  by  enrolling  and 
drafting  the  militia  of  the  whole  country, — each  State  being 
required  to  contribute  its  quota  in  the  ratio  of  its  population, 
and  the  whole  force,  when  raised,  to  be  under  the  control  of 
the  President.  Some  measure  of  the  kind  seemed  to  have 
been  rendered  absolutely  necessary  by  the  revival  of  party 
spirit  throughout  the  loyal  States,  and  by  the  active  and  effect 
ive  efforts  made  by  the  Democratic  party,  emboldened  by  the 
results  of  the  fall  elections  of  1862,  to  discourage  and  prevent 
volunteering.  So  successful  had  they  been  in  this  work,  that 
the  Government  seemed  likely  to  fail  in  its  efforts  to  raise  men 
for  another  campaign;  and  it  was  to  avert  this  threatening 
evil  that  the  bill  in  question  was  brought  forward  for  the  action 
of  Congress.  It  encountered  a  violent  resistance  from  the  oppo 
sition  party,  and  especially  from  those  members  whose  sym 
pathies  with  the  secessionists  were  the  most  distinctly  marked. 
But  after  the  rejection  of  numerous  amendments,  more  or  less 
affecting  its  character  and  force,  it  was  passed  in  the  Senate, 
and  taken  up  on  the  23d  of  February  in  the  House,  where  it 
encountered  a  similar  ordeal.  It  contained  various  provis 
ions  for  exempting  from  service  persons  upon  whom  others 
were  most  directly  and  entirely  dependent  for  support, — such 
as  the  only  son  of  a  widow,  the  only  son  of  aged  and  infirm 
parents  who  relied  upon  him  for  a  maintenance,  etc.  It 
allowed  drafted  persons  to  procure  substitutes ;  and,  to  cover 
the  cases  in  which  the  prices  of  substitutes  might  become  ex 
orbitant,  it  also  provided  that  upon  payment  of  $300  the 
Government  itself  would  procure  a  substitute,  and  release  the 
person  drafted  from  service.  The  bill  was  passed  in  the  House 
with  some  amendments,  by  a  vote  of  115  to  49, — and  the 
amendments  being  concurred  in  by  the  Senate,  the  bill  became 
a  law. 

The  finances  of  the  country  enlisted  a  good  deal  of  atten 
tion  during  this  session.     It  was  necessary  to  provide  in  some 


332 

way  for  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  also  for  a  currency  ;  and 
two  bills  were  accordingly  introduced  at  an  early  stage  of  the 
session  relating  to  these  two  subjects.  The  Financial  bill, 
as  finally  passed  by  both  houses,  authorized  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  to  borrow  and  issue  bonds  for  $900,000,000, 
at  not  more  than  six  per  cent,  interest,  and  payable  at  a  time 
not  less  than  ten  nor  more  than  forty  years.  It  also  author 
ized  the  Secretary  to  issue  Treasury  notes  to  the  amount 
of  $400,000,000,  bearing  interest,  and  also  notes  not  bearing 
interest  to  the  amount  of  $150,000,000.  While  this  bill 
was  pending,  a  joint  resolution  was  passed  by  both  houses, 
authorizing  the  issue  of  Treasury  notes  to  the  amount  of 
$100,000,000  to  meet  the  immediate  wants  of  the  soldiers 
and  sailors  in  the  service. 

The  President  announced  that  he  had  signed  this  resolution 
in  the  following 

MESSAGE. 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

I  have  signed  the  joint  resolution  to  provide  for  the  immediate  pay 
ment  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  passed  by  the  House 
of  Representatives  on  the  14th,  and  by  the  Senate  on  the  15th  inst. 
The  joint  resolution  is  a  simple  authority,  amounting,  however,  under 
the  existing  circumstances,  to  a  direction  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  to  make  an  additional  issue  of  $100,000,000  in  United  States  notes, 
if  so  much  money  is  needed,  for  the  payment  of  the  army  and  navy. 
My  approval  is  given  in  order  that  every  possible  facility  may  be  afforded 
for  the  prompt  discharge  of  all  arrears  of  pay  duo  to  our  soldiers  and 
our  sailors. 

While  giving  this  approval,  however,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  express 
my  sincere  regret  that  it  has  been  found  necessary  to  authorize  so  large 
an  additional  issue  of  United  States  notes,  when  this  circulation,  and 
that  of  the  suspended  banks  together,  have  become  already  so  redundant 
as  to  increase  prices  beyond  real  values,  thereby  augmenting  the  cost 
of  living,  to  the  injury  of  labor,  and  the  cost  of  supplies — to  the  injury 
of  the  whole  country.  It  seems  very  plain  that  continued  issues  of 
United  States  notes,  without  any  check  to  the  issues  of  suspended 
banks,  and  without  adequate  provision  for  the  raising  of  money  by 


MESSAGE    ON   THE    FINANCES   AND   CURRENCY.         333 

loans,  and  for  funding  the  issues,  so  as  to  keep  them  within  due  limits, 
must  soon  produce  disastrous  consequences ;  and  this  matter  appears  to 
me  so  important  that  I  feel  bound  to  avail  myself  of  this  occasion  to 
ask  the  special  attention  of  Congress  to  it. 

That  Congress  has  power  to  regulate  the  currency  of  the  country  can 
hardly  admit  of  doubt,  and  that  a  judicious  measure  to  prevent  the 
deterioration  of  this  currency,  by  a  reasonable  taxation  of  bank  circu 
lation,  or  otherwise,  is  needed,  seems  equally  clear.  Independently 
of  this  general  consideration,  it  would  be  unjust  to  the  people  at  large 
to  exempt  banks  enjoying  the  special  privilege  of  circulation,  from  their 
just  proportion  of  the  public  burdens. 

In  order  to  raise  money  by  way  of  loans  most  easily  and  cheaply,  it 
is  clearly  necessary  to  give  every  possible  support  to  the  public  credit. 
To  that  end,  a  uniform  currency,  in  which  taxes,  subscriptions,  loans, 
and  all  other  ordinary  public  dues  may  be  paid,  is  almost  if  not  quite 
indispensable.  Such  a  currency  can  be  furnished  by  banking  associa 
tions  authorized  under  a  general  act  of  Congress,  as  suggested  in  my 
message  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  session.  The  securing  of  this 
circulation  by  the  pledge  of  the  United  States  bonds,  as  herein  sug 
gested,  would  still  further  facilitate  loans,  by  increasing  the  present  and 
causing  a  future  demand  for  such  bonds. 

In  view  of  the  actual  financial  embarrassments  of  the  Government, 
and  of  the  greater  embarrassment  sure  to  come  if  the  necessary  means 
of  relief  be  not  afforded,"!  feel  that  I  should  not  perform  my  duty  by  a 
simple  announcement  of  my  approval  of  the  joint  resolution,  which 
proposes  relief  only  by  increasing  the  circulation,  without  expressing 
my  earnest  desire  that  measures,  such  in  substance  as  that  I  have  just 
referred  to,  may  receive  the  early  sanction  of  Congress.  By  such 
measures,  in  my  opinion,  will  payment  be  most  certainly  secured,  not 
only  to  the  army  and  navy,  but  to  all  honest  creditors  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  satisfactory  provision  made  for  future  demands  on  the 
Treasury.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  second  bill— that  to  provide  a  national  currency,  secured 
by  a  pledge  of  United  States  stocks,  and  to  provide  for  the  circu 
lation  and  redemption  thereof,  was  passed  in  the  Senate, — ayes 
23,  noes  21,  and  in  the  House,  ayes  78,  noes  64, — under  the  two 
fold  conviction  that  so  long  as  the  war  continued  the  country 
must  have  a  large  supply  of  paper-money,  and  that  it  was  also 


334 

highly  desirable  that  this  money  should  be  national  in  its  char 
acter,  and  rest  on  the  faith  of  the  Government  as  its  security. 
Another  act  of  importance,  passed  by  Congress  at  this  ses 
sion,  was  the  admission  of  Western  Virginia  into  the  Union. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares  that  no  new 
State  shall  be  formed  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any  State 
without  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  concerned, 
'as  well  as  of  the  Congress.  The  main  question  on  which  tho 
admission  of  the  new  State  turned,  therefore,  was  whether  that 
State  had  been  formed  with  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of 
Virginia.  The  facts  of  the  case  were  these :  In  the  winter  of 
1860-61,  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  convened  in  extra  session, 
had  called  a  convention,  to  be  held  on  the  14th  of  February, 
1861,  at  Richmond,  to  decide  on  the  question  of  secession.  A 
vote  was  also  to  be  taken,  when  the  delegates  to  this  conven 
tion  should  be  elected,  to  decide  whether  an  ordinance  of  se 
cession,  if  passed  by  the  convention,  should  be  referred  back 
to  the  people ;  and  this  was  decided  in  the  affirmative  by  a 
majority  of  nearly  60,000.  The  convention  met,  and  an  ordi 
nance  of  secession  was  passed,  and  referred  to  the  people  at  an 
election  to  be  held  on  the  fourth  Tuesday  of  May.  Without 
waiting  for  this  vote,  the  authorities  of  the  State  levied  war 
against  the  United  States,  joined  the  Rebel  Confederacy,  and 
invited  the  Confederate  armies  to  occupy  portions  of  their 
territory.  A  convention  of  nearly  five  hundred  delegates, 
chosen  in  Western  Virginia  under  a  popular  call,  met  early 
in  May,  declared  the  ordinance  of  secession  null  and  void,  and 
called  another  convention  of  delegates  from  all  the  counties  of 
Virginia,  to  be  held  at  Wheeling,  on  the  llth  of  June,  in  case 
the  secession  ordinance  should  be  ratified  by  the  popular  vote. 
It  was  so  ratified  and  the  convention  met.  It  proceeded  on 
the  assumption  that  the  officers  of  the  old  government  of  the 
State  had  vacated  their  offices  by  joining  the  rebellion  :  and  it 
accordingly  proceeded  to  fill  them,  and  to  reorganize  the  gov 


ADMISSION    OF    WESTEKN    VIRGINIA.  335 

ernment  of  the  whole  State.  On  the  20th  of  August  the  con 
vention  passed  an  ordinance  to  "  provide  for  the  formation  of 
a  new  State  out  of  a  portion  of  the  territory  of  this  State." 
Under  that  ordinance,  delegates  were  elected  to  a  convention 
which  met  at  Wheeling,  November  26,  and  proceeded  to  draft 
a  Constitution  for  the  State  of  Western  Virginia,  as  the  new 
State  was  named,  which  was  submitted  to  the  people  of  West 
ern  Virginia  in  April,  1862,  and  by  them  ratified, — 18,862 
voting  in  favor  of  it,  and  514  against  it.  The  Legislature  of 
Virginia,  the  members  of  which  were  elected  by  authority  of 
the  Wheeling  convention  of  June  llth,  met  in  extra  session, 
called  by  the  Governor  appointed  by  that  convention,  on  the 
6th  of  May,  1862,  and  passed  an  act  giving  its  consent  to  the 
formation  of  the  new  State,  and  making  application  to  Con 
gress  for  its  admission  into  the  Union.  The  question  to  be 
decided  by  Congress,  therefore,  was  whether  the  legislature 
which  met  at  Wheeling  on  the  llth  of  June  was  "  the  Legisla 
ture  of  Virginia,"  and  thus  competent  to  give  its  consent  to  the 
formation  of  a  new  State  within  the  State  of  Virginia.  The 
bill  for  admitting  it,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  several 
leading  and  influential  Republicans,  was  passed  in  the  House, 
ayes  96,  noes  55.  It  passed  in  the  Senate  without  debate,  and 
was  approved  by  the  President  on  the  31st  of  December,  1862. 
A  bill  was  brought  forward  in  the  Senate  for  discussion  on 
the  29th  of  January,  proposing  a  grant  of  money  to  aid  in  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  State  of  Missouri.  It  gave  rise  to  a 
good  deal  of  debate,  some  Senators  doubting  whether  Congress 
had  any  constitutional  right  to  make  such  an  appropriation, 
and  a  marked  difference  of  opinion,  moreover,  growing  up. as 
to  the  propriety  of  gradual  or  immediate  emancipation  in  that 
State.  Mr.  Sumner,  Mr.  Wilson,  and  several  others,  insisted 
that  the  aid  proposed  should  be  granted  only  on  condition 
that  emancipation  should  be  immediate  ;  while  the  Senators 
from  Missouri  thought  that  the  State  would  be  much  more 


336 

certain  to  provide  for  getting  rid  of  slavery  if  the  time  were 
extended  to  twenty-three  years,  as  the  bill  proposed,  than  if 
she  were  required  to  set  free  all  her  slaves  at  once.  The 
Senators  from  the  Slave  States  generally  opposed  the  measure, 
on  the  ground  that  Congress  had  no  authority  under  the 
Constitution  to  appropriate  any  portion  of  the  public  money 
for  such  a  purpose.  The  bill  was  finally  passed  in  the  Senate, 
but  it  failed  to  pass  the  House. 

Two  members  of  Congress  from  the  State  of  Louisiana 
were  admitted  to  seats  in  the  House  of  Representatives  under 
circumstances  which  made  that  action  of  considerable  im 
portance.  Immediately  after  the  occupation  of  New  Orleans 
by  the  national  forces  under  General  Butler,  the  President  had 
appointed  General  Shepley  military  governor  of  the  State 
of  Louisiana.  The  rebel  forces  were  driven  out  from  the  city 
of  New  Orleans,  and  some  of  the  adjoining  parishes;  and 
when,  during  the  ensuing  summer,  the  people  were  invited  to 
resume  their  allegiance  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  over  60,000  came  forward,  took  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
and  were  admitted  to  their  rights  as  citizens.  On  the  3d  of 
December  General  Shepley,  acting  as  military  governor  of  the 
State,  ordered  an  election  for  members  of  Congress  in  the  two 
districts  into  which  the  city  of  New  Orleans  is  divided — each 
district  embracing  also  some  of  the  adjoining  parishes.  In 
one  of  these  districts  B.  F.  Flanders  was  elected,  receiving 
2,370  votes,  and  all  others  273,  and  in  the  other  Michael 
Hahn  was  elected,  receiving  2,799  votes  out  of  5,117,  the  whole 
number  cast.  A  committee  of  the  House,  to  which  the  applica 
tion  of  these  cfentlemen  for  admission  to  their  seats  had  been 

O 

referred,  reported,  on  the  9th  of  February,  in  favor  of  their 
claim.  It  was  represented  in  this  report  that  the  requirements 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Louisiana  had  in  all  re 
spects  been  complied  with,  the  only  question  being,  whether 
a  military  governor,  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United 


CLOSE    OF   THE    SESSION.  337 

States,  could  properly  and  rightfully  perform  the  functions  of 
the  civil  governor  of  the  State.  The  committee  held  that  he 
could,  and  cited  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  not  only  recognizing  the  power  of  the  President  to 
appoint  a  military  governor,  but  also  recognizing  both  his  civil 
and  military  functions  as  of  full  validity  arid  binding  obligation. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  was  maintained  that  representatives  can 
be  elected  to  the  Federal  Legislature  only  in  pursuance  of  an 
act  of  the  State  Legislature,  or  of  an  act  of  the  Federal  Con 
gress.  In  this  case  neither  of  these  requirements  had  been 
fulfilled.  The  House,  however,  admitted  both  these  gentlemen 
to  their  seats,  by  a  vote  of  92  to  44. 

Before  adjourning,  Congress  passed  an  act,  approved  on  the 
3d  of  March,  authorizing  the  President,  "  in  all  domestic  and 
foreign  wars,"  to  issue  to  private  armed  vessels  of  the  United 
States,  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal, — said  authority  to 
terminate  at  the  end  of  three  years  from  the  date  of  the  act. 
Resolutions  were  also  adopted,  in  both  Houses,  protesting 
against  every  proposition  of  foreign  interference,  by  proffers 
of  mediation  or  otherwise,  as  "  unreasonable  and  inadmissible," 
and  declaring  the  "  unalterable  purpose  of  the  United  States 
to  prosecute  the  war  until  the  rebellion  shall  be  overcome." 
These  resolutions,  offered  by  Mr.  Sumner,  received  in  the 
Senate  31  votes  in  their  favor,  while  but  5  were  cast  against 
them,  and  in  the  House  103  were  given  for  their  passage,  and 
28  against  it. 

The  session  closed  on  the  4th  of  March,  1863.  Its  pro 
ceedings  had  been  marked  by  the  same  thorough  and  fixed 
determination  to  carry  on  the  war,  by  the  use  of  the  most 
vigorous  and  effective  measures  for  the  suppression  of  the 
rebellion,  and  by  the  same  full  and  prompt  support  of  the 
President,  which  had  characterized  the  preceding  Congress. 

While  some  members  of  the  Administration  party,  becom 
ing  impatient  of  the  delays  which  seemed  to  mark  the  progress 
15 


338  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

of  the  war,  were  inclined  to  censure  the  caution  of  the  Presi 
dent,  and  to  insist  upon  bolder  and  more  sweeping  assaults 
upon  the  persons  and  property  of  the  people  of  the  Rebel 
States,  and  especially  upon  the  institution  of  slavery — and 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  its  more  open  opponents  denounced 
every  thing  like  severity,  as  calculated  to  exasperate  the  South 
and  prolong  the  war,  the  great  body  of  the  members,  like 
the  great  body  of  the  people,  manifested  a  steady  and  firm 
reliance  on  the  patriotic  purpose  and  the  calm  sagacity 
evinced  by  the  President  in  his  conduct  of  public  affairs. 


THE    MATTER    OF    ARBITRARY    ARRESTS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ARBITRARY  ARRESTS. THE  SUSPENSION  OF  THE  WRIT  OF 

HABEAS  CORPUS. THE  DRAFT. 

AT  the  very  outbreak  of  the  rebellion,  the  Administration 
was  compelled  to  face  one  of  the  most  formidable  of  the  many 
difficulties  which  have  embarrassed  its  action.  Long  before 
the  issue  had  been  distinctly  made  by  the  rebels  in  the 
Southern  States,  while  under  the  protecting  toleration  of  Mr. 
Buchanan's  administration  the  conspirators  were  making 
preparations  for  armed  resistance  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  evidences  were  not  wanting  that  they  relied 
upon  the  active  co-operation  of  men  and  parties  in  the  Northern 
States,  whose  political  sympathies  had  always  been  in  harmony 
with  their  principles  and  their  action.  As  early  as  in  Jan- 
.  uary,  1861,  while  the  rebels  were  diligently  and  actively 
collecting  arms  and  other  munitions  of  war,  by  purchase  in 
the  Northern  States,  for  the  contest  on  which  they  had  re 
solved,  Fernando  Wood,  then  Mayor  of  New  York,  had 
apologized  to  Senator  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  for  the  seizure 
by  the  police  of  New  York  of  "  arms  intended  for  and  .con 
signed  to  the  State  of  Georgia,"  and  had  assured  him  that 
"  if  he  had  the  power  he  should  summarily  punish  the  authors 
of  this  illegal  and  unjustifiable  seizure  of  private  property." 
The  departments  at  Washington,  the  army  and  the  navy,  all 
places  of  responsibility  and  trust  under  the  Government,  and 
all  departments  of  civil  and  political  activity  in  the  Northern 
States,  were  found  to  be  largely  filled  by  persons  in  active 
sympathy  with  the  secession  movement,  and  ready  at  all  times 
to  give  it  all  the  aid  and  comfort  in  their  power.  Upon  the 


340 

advent  of  the  new  Administration,  and  when  active  measures 
began  to  be  taken  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  the 
Government  found  its  plans  betrayed  and  its  movements 
thwarted  at  every  turn.  Prominent  presses  and  politicians, 
moreover,  throughout  the  country,  began,  by  active  hostility, 
to  indicate  their  sympathy  with  those  who  sought,  under 
cover  of  opposition  to  the  Administration,  to  overthrow  the 
Government,  and  it  became  speedily  manifest  that  there  was 
sufficient  of  treasonable  sentiment  throughout  the  North  to 
paralyze  the  authorities  in  their  efforts,  aided  only  by  the  or 
dinary  machinery  of  the  law,  to  crush  the  secession  movement. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  resort 
to  the  exercise  of  the  extraordinary  powers  with  which,  in 
extraordinary  emergencies,  the  Constitution  had  clothed  the 
Government.  That  instrument  had  provided  that  "  the  privi 
lege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  should  not  be  suspended ; 
unless  when,  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public 
safety  might  require  it."  By  necessary  implication,  whenever, 
in  such  cases  either  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety 
did  require  it,  the  privilege  of  that  writ  might  be  suspended ; 
and,  from  the  very  necessity  of  the  case,  the  Government 
which  was  charged  with  the  care  of  the  public  safety,  was 
empowered  to  judge  when  the  contingency  should  occur.  The 
only  question  that  remained  was,  which  department  of  the 
Government  was  to  meet  this  responsibility.  If  the  act  was 
one  of  legislation,  it  could  only  be  performed  by  Congress 
and  the  President ;  if  it  was  in  its  nature  executive,  then  it 
might  be  performed,  the  emergency  requiring  it,  by  the  Presi 
dent  alone.  The  pressing  emergency  of  the  case,  moreover, 
went  far  towards  dictating  the  decision.  Congress  had  ad 
journed  on  the  4th  of  March,  and  could  not  be  again  assem 
bled  for  some  months ;  and  infinite,  and  perhaps  fatal  mischief 
might  be  done  during  the  interval,  if  the  Northern  allies  of  the 
rebellion  were  allowed  with  impunity  to  prosecute  their  plans. 


FIIiST   SUSPENSION    OF    THE    HABEAS    CORPUS.          341 

Under  the  influence  of  these  considerations  the  President, 
in  his  proclamation  of  the  3d  of  May,  1861,  directing  the 
commander  of  the  forces  of  the  United  States  on  the  Florida 
coast  to  permit  no  person  to  exercise  any  authority  upon  the 
islands  of  Key  West,  the  Tortugas,  and  Santa  Rosa,  which 
might  be  inconsistent  with  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
also  authorized  him,  u  if  he  should  find  it  necessary,  to  sus 
pend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  to  remove  from  the 
vicinity  of  the  United  States  fortresses  all  dangerous  or  sus 
pected  persons."  This  was  the  first  act  of  the  Administration 
in  that  direction ;  but  it  was  very  soon  found  necessary  to 
resort  to  the  exercise  of  the  same  powers  in  other  sections  of 
the  country.  On  the  25th  of  May,  John  Merryman,  a  resident 
of  llayfield,  in  Baltimore  County,  Maryland,  known  by  the 
Government  to  be  in  communication  with  the  rebels,  and  to 
be  giving  them  aid  and  comfort,  was  arrested  and  imprisoned 
in  Fort  McHenry,  then  commanded  by  General  Cadwallader. 
On  the  same  day  lie  forwarde'd  a  petition  to  Roger  B.  Taney, 
Chief-Justice  of  the  United  States,  reciting  the  circumstances 
of  his  arrest,  and  praying  for  the  issue  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus.  The  writ  was  forthwith  issued,  and  General  Cadwal 
lader  was  ordered  to  bring  the  body  of  Merryman  before  the 
Chief-Justice  on  the  27th.  On  that  day  Colonel  Lee  pre 
sented  a  written  communication  from  General  Cadwallader, 
stating  that  Merryman  had  been  arrested,  and  committed  to 
his  custody  by  officers  acting  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  charged  with  various  acts  of  treason,  with 
holding  a  commission  as  lieutenant  in  a  company  avowing  its 
purpose  of  armed  hostility  against  the  Government,  and  with 
having  made  often  and  unreserved  declarations  of  his  associa 
tion  with  this  armed  force,  and  of  his  readiness  to  co-operate  with 
those  engaged  in  the  present  rebellion  against  the  Government 
of  the  United  States.  The  General  added  that  he  was  "  duly 
authorized  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  suspend 


342 

the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  for  the  public  safety ;"  and  that, 
while  he  fully  appreciated  the  delicacy  of  the  trust,  he  was  also 
instructed  "  that,  in  times  of  civil  strife,  errors,  if  any,  should 
be  on  the  side  of  safety  to  the  country."  The  commanding 
General  accordingly  declined  to  obey  the  writ,  whereupon  an 
attachment  was  forthwith  issued  against  him  for  contempt  of 
court,  made  returnable  at  noon  on  the  next  day.  On  that 
day,  the  marshal  charged  with  serving  the  attachment  made 
return  that  he  was  not  admitted  within  the  fortress,  and  had 
consequently  been  unable  to  serve  the  writ.  The  Chief-Jus 
tice,  thereupon,  read  an  opinion  that  the  President  could  not 
suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  nor  authorize  any  military 
officer  to  do  so,  and  that  a  military  officer  had  no  right  to 
arrest  any  person,  not  subject  to  the  rules  and  articles  of  war, 
for  an  offence  against  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  except  in 
aid  of  the  judicial  authority,  and  subject  to  its  control.  The 
Chief-Justice  stated  further,  that  the  marshal  had  the  power  to 
summon  out  the  posse  comitatus  to  enforce,  the  service  of  the 
writ,  but  as  it  was  apparent  that  it  would  be  resisted  by  a  force 
notoriously  superior,  the  Court  could  do  nothing  further  in  the 
premises. 

On  the  12th  of  May,  another  writ  was  issued  by  Judge 
Giles,  of  Baltimore,  to  Major  Morris,  of  the  United  States 
Artillery,  at  Fort  McHcnry,  who,  in  a  letter  dated  the  14th, 
refused  to  obey  the  writ,  because  at  the  time  it  was  issued, 
and  for  two  weeks  previous,  the  city  of  Baltimore  had  been 
completely  under  the  control  of  the  rebel  authorities — United 
States  soldiers  had  been  murdered  in  the  streets — the  intention 
to  capture  that  fort  had  been  openly  proclaimed,  and  the 
Legislature  of  the  State  was  at  that  moment  debating  the 
question  of  making  war  upon  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  All  this,  in  his  judgment,  constituted  a  case  of 
rebellion,  and  afforded  sufficient  legal  cause  for  suspend 
ing  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  Similar  cases  arose,  and 


AID   AND   COMFORT   TO    THE    REBELS.  343 

were  disposed  of  in  a  similar  manner,  in  other  sections  of  the 
country. 

The  Governor  of  Virginia  had  proposed  to  Mr.  G.  Heincken, 
of  New  York,  the  agent  of  the  New  York  and  Virginia  Steam 
ship  Company,  payment  for  two  steamers  of  that  line,  the 
Yorktown  and  Jamestown,  which  he  had  seized  for  the  rebel 
service,  an  acceptance  of  which  proffer,  Mr.  Heincken  was  in 
formed,  would  be  treated  as  an  act  of  treason  to  the  Govern 
ment  ;  and  on  his  application,  Mr.  Seward,  the  Secretary  of 
State,  gave  him  the  following  reasons  for  this  decision : 

An  insurrection  has  broken  out  in  several  of  the  States  of  this  Union, 
including  Virginia,  designed  to  overthrow  the  Government  of  the 
United  States.  The  executive  authorities  of  that  State  are  parties  to 
that  insurrection,  and  so  are  public  enemies.  Their  action  in  seizing  or 
buying  vessels  to  be  employed  in  executing  that  design,  is  not  merely 
without  authority  of  law,  but  is  treason.  It  is  treason  for  any  person  to 
give  aid  and  comfort  to  public  enemies.  To  sell  vessels  to  them  which 
it  is  their  purpose  to  use  as  ships  of  war,  is  to  give  them  aid  and  com 
fort.  To  receive  money  from  them  in  payment  for  vessels  which  they 
have  seized  for  those  purposes,  would  be  to  attempt  to  convert  the  un 
lawful  seizure  into  a  sale,  and  would  subject  the  party  so  offending  to 
the  pains  and  penalties  of  treason,  and  the  Government  would  not  hesi 
tate  to  bring  the  offender  to  punishment. 

These  acts  and  decisions  of  the  Government  were  vehe 
mently  assailed  by  the  party  opponents  of  the  Administration, 
and  led  to  the  most  violent  and  intemperate  assaults  upon  the 
Government  in  many  of  the  public  prmts.  Some  of  these 
journals  were  refused  the  privilege  of  the  public  mails,  the 
Government  not  holding  itself  under  any  obligation  to  aid  in 
circulating  assaults  upon  its  own  authority,  and  stringent 
restrictions  were  placed  upon  the  transmission  of  intelligence 
by  telegraph.  On  the  5th  of  July,  1862,  Attorney-General 
Bates  transmitted  to  the  President  an  elaborate  opinion,  pre 
pared  at  his  request,  upon  his  power  to  make  arrests  of  per 
sons  known  to  have  criminal  intercourse  with  the  insurgents, 


344 

or  against  whom  there  is  probable  cause  for  suspicion  of  such 
criminal  complicity, — and  also  upon  his  right  to  refuse  to 
obey  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  case  of  such  arrests.  The 
Attorney-General  discussed  the  subject  at  considerable  length, 
and  reached  a  conclusion  favorable  to  the  action  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  From  that  time  forward  the  Government  exerted, 
with  vigor  and  energy,  all  the  power  thus  placed  in  its  hands 
to  prevent  the  rebellion  from  receiving  aid  from  those  in  sym 
pathy  with  its  objects  in  the  Northern  States.  A  large  num 
ber  of  persons,  believed  to  be  in  complicity  with  the  insur 
gents,  were  placed  in  arrest,  but  were  released  upon  taking  an 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  Baltimore  continued 
for  some  time  to  be  the  head-quarters  of  conspiracies  and 
movements  of  various  kinds  in  aid  of  the  rebellion,  and  the 
arrests  were  consequently  more  numerous  there  than  else 
where.  Indeed,  very  strenuous  efforts  were  made  throughout 
the  summer  to  induce  some  action  on  the  part  of  the  Legisla 
ture  which  should  place  the  State  in  alliance  with  the  rebel 
Confederacy,  and  it  was  confidently  believed  that  an  ordinance 
looking  to  this  end  would  be  passed  at  the  extra  session  which 
was  convened  for  the  17th  of  September ;  but  on  the  16th 
nine  secession  members  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  with  the 
officers  of  both  houses,  were  arrested  by  General  McClellan, 
then  in  command  of  the  army,  who  expressed  his  full  appro 
bation  of  the  proceedings,  and  the  session  was  not  held. 

The  President  at.the  time  gave  the  following  statement  of 
his  views  in  regard  to  these  arrests  : 

The  public  safety  renders  it  necessary  that  the  grounds  of  these 
arrests  should  at  present  be  withheld,  but  at  the  proper  time  they  will 
be  made  public.  Of  one  thing  the  people  of  Maryland  may  rest  as 
sured,  that  no  arrest  has  been  made,  or  will  be  made,  not  based  on 
substantial  and  unmistakable  complicity  with  those  in  armed  rebellion 
against  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  In  no  case  has  an  arrest 
been  made  on  mere  suspicion,  or  through  personal  or  partisan  animosi- 


EXECUTIVE    OllDEF.    ABOUT    ARKESTS.  345 

ties,  but  in  all  cases  the  Government  is  in  possession  of  tangible  and 
unmistakable  evidence,  which  will,  when  made  public,  be  satisfactory 
to  every  loyal  citizen. 

Arrests  continued  to  be  made  under  authority  of  the 
State  Department,  not  without  complaint,  certainly,  from  large 
numbers  of  the  people,  but  with  the  general  acquiescence  of  the 
whole  community,  and  beyond  all  question  greatly  to  the 
advantage  of  the  Government  and  the  country.  On  the  14th 
of  February,  1862,  an  order  was  issued  on  the  subject,  which 
transferred  control  of  the  whole  matter  to  the  War  Depart 
ment.  The  circumstances  which  had  made  these  arrests 
necessary  are  stated  with  so  much  clearness  and  force  in  that 
order,  that  we  insert  it  at  length  as  follows  : 

EXECUTIVE   ORDERS   IX   RELATION  TO   STATE   PRISONERS. 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON,  Feb.  14. 

The  breaking  out  of  a  formidable  insurrection,  based  on  a  conflict  of 
political  ideas,  being  an  event  without  precedent  in  the  United  States, 
was  necessarily  attended  by  great  confusion  and  perplexity  of  the  pub 
lic  mind.  Disloyalty,  before  unsuspected,  suddenly  became  bold,  and 
treason  astonished  the  world  by  bringing  at  once  into  the  field  military 
forces  superior  in  numbers  to  the  standing  army  of  the  United  States. 

Every  department  of  the  Government  was  paralyzed  by  treason. 
Defection  appeared  in  the  Senate,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  in 
the  Cabinet,  in  the  Federal  Courts ;  Ministers  and  Consuls  returned 
from  foreign  countries  to  enter  the  insurrectionary  councils,  or  land  or 
naval  forces ;  commanding  and  other  officers  of  the  army  and  in  the 
navy  betrayed  the  councils  or  deserted  their  posts  for  commands  in  the 
insurgent  forces.  Treason  was  flagrant  in  the  revenue  and  in  the  post- 
office  service,  as  well  as  in  the  territorial  governments  and  hi  the  In 
dian  reserves. 

Not  only  Governors,  Judges,  Legislators,  and  ministerial  officers  in 
the  States,  but  even  whole  States,  rushed,  one  after  another,  with  ap 
parent  unanimity,  into  rebellion.  The  capital  was  besieged  and  its  con 
nection  with  all  the  States  cut  off. 

Even  in  the  portions  of  the  country  which  were  most  loyal,  political 
combinations  and  secret  societies  were  formed  furthering  the  work  of 
15* 


346  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

disunion,  while,  from  motives  of  disloyalty  or  cupidity,  or  from  excited 
passions  or  perverted  sympathies,  individuals  were  found  furnishing 
men,  money,  and  materials  of  war  and  supplies  to  the  insurgents'  mili 
tary  and  naval  forces.  Armies,  ships,  fortifications,  navy  yards,  arse 
nals,  military  posts  and  garrisons,  one  after  another,  were  betrayed  or 
abandoned  to  the  insurgents. 

Congress  had  not  anticipated  and  so  had  not  provided  for  the  emer 
gency.  The  municipal  authorities  were  powerless  and  inactive.  The 
judicial  machinery  seemed  as  if  it  had  been  designed  not  to  sustain  the 
Government,  but  to  embarrass  and  betray  it. 

Foreign  intervention,  openly  invited  and  industriously  instigated  by 
tho  abetters  of  the  insurrection,  became  imminent,  and  has  only  been 
prevented  by  the  practice  of  strict  and  impartial  justice  with  the  most 
perfect  moderation  in  our  intercourse  with  nations. 

The  public  mind  was  alarmed  and  apprehensive,  though  fortunately 
not  distracted  or  disheartened.  It  seemed  to  be  doubtful  whether  the 
Federal  Government,  which  one  year  before  had  been  thought  a  model 
worthy  of  universal  acceptance,  had  indeed  tho  ability  to  defend  and 
maintain  itself. 

Some  reverses,  which  perhaps  were  unavoidable,  suffered  by  newly 
levied  and  inefficient  forces,  discouraged  the  loyal,  and  gave  new  hopes 
to  the  insurgents.  Voluntary  enlistments  seemed  about  to  cea-se,  and 
desertions  commenced.  Parties  speculated  upon  the  question  whether 
conscription  had  not  become  necessary  to  fill  up  the  armies  of  the  United 
States. 

In  this  emergency  the  President  felt  it  his  duty  to  employ  with 
energy  the  extraordinary  powers  which  the  Constitution  confides  to  him 
in  cases  of  insurrection.  He  called  into  the  field  such  military  and 
naval  forces,  unauthorized  by  the  existing  laws,  as  seemed  necessary. 
Ho  directed  measures  to  prevent  tho  use  of  tho  post-office  for  treasona 
ble  correspondence.  He  subjected  passengers  to  and  from  foreign 
countries  to  new  passport  regulations,  and  he  instituted  a  blockade, 
suspended  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  various  places,  and  caused  per 
sons  who  were  represented  to  him  as  being  or  about  to  engage  in  dis 
loyal  and  treasonable  practices  to  be  arrested  by  special  civil  as  well  as 
military  agencies,  and  detained  in  military  custody,  when  necessary,  to 
prevent  them  and  deter  others  from  such  practices.  Examinations  of 
such  cases  were  instituted,  and  some  of  the  persons  so  arrested  have 
been  discharged  from  time  to  time,  under  circumstances  or  upon  condi 
tions  compatible,  as  was  thought,  with  the  public  safety. 


APPOINTMENT    OF    A    COMMISSIONER    ON    ARRESTS.     347 

Meantime  a  favorable  change  of  public  opinion  has  occurred.  The 
line  between  loyalty  and  disloyalty  is  plainly  defined ;  the  whole  struc 
ture  of  the  Government  is  firm  and  stable ;  apprehensions  of  public  dan 
ger  and  facilities  for  treasonable  practices  have  diminished  with  the 
passions  which  prompted  heedless  persons  to  adopt  them.  The  insur 
rection  is  believed  to  have  culminated  and  to  be  declining. 

The  President,  in  view  of  these  facts,  and  anxious  to  favor  a  return 
to  the  normal  course  of  the  Administration,  as  far  as  regard  for  the 
public  welfare  will  allow,  directs  that  all  political  prisoners  or  State 
prisoners  now  held  in  military  custody,  be  released  on  their  subscribing 
to  a  parole  engaging  them  to  render  no  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies 
in  hostility  to  the  United  States. 

The  Secretary  of  War  will,  however,  at  his  discretion,  except  from 
the  effect  of  this  order  any  persons  detained  as  spies  in  the  service  of 
the  insurgents,  or  others  whose  release  at  the  present  moment  may  be 
deemed  incompatible  with  the  public  safety. 

To  all  persons  who  shall  be  so  released,  and  who  shall  keep  their 
parole,  the  President  grants  an  amnesty  for  any  past  offences  of  treason 
or  disloyalty  which  they  may;  have  committed. 

Extraordinary  arrests  will  hereafter  be  made  under  the  direction  of 
the  military  authorities  alone. 

By  order  of  the  President : 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 

On  the  2 7 tli  of  the  same  month,  a  Commission  was  ap 
pointed  by  the  War  Department,  consisting  of  Major-General 
Dix  and  Hon.  Edwards  Pierrepont,  of  New  York,  to  examine 
into  the  cases  of  the  State  prisoners  then  remaining  in  custody, 
and  to  determine  whether,  in  view  of'  the  public  safety  and 
the  existing  rebellion,  they  should  be  discharged,  or  remain 
in  arrest,  or  be  remitted  to  the  civil  tribunals  for  trial.  These 
gentlemen  entered  at  once  upon  the  discharge  of  their  duties, 
and  a  large  number  of  prisoners  were  released  from  custody 
on  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Wherever  the  public  safety 
seemed  to  require  it,  however,  arrests  continued  to  be  made — 
the  President,  in  every  instance,  assuming  all  the  responsi 
bility  of  these  acts,  and  throwing  himself  upon  the  Courts 


348  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADHLNISTBATION. 

and  the  judgment  of  tbe  country  for  his  vindication.  But 
the  President  himself  had  not  up  to  this  time  directed  any- 
general  suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  or  given  any 
public  notice  of  the  rules  by  which  the  Government  would  be 
guided  in  its  action  upon  cases  that  might  arise.  It  was  left 
to  the  Secretary  of  War  to  decide  in  what  instances  and  for 
what  causes  arrests  should  be  made,  and  the  privilege  of  the 
•writ  should  be  suspended.  In  some  of  the  Courts  into  which 
these  cases  were  brought,  the  ground  was  accordingly  taken 
that,  although  the  President  might  have  authority  under 
the  Constitution,  when,  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion, 
the  public  safety  should  require  it,  to  suspend  the  writ,  he 
could  not  delegate  that  authority  to  any  subordinate.  To 
meet  this  case,  therefore,  the  President,  on  the  24th  of  Sep 
tember,  1862,  issued  the  following 

PROCLAMATION". 

Whereas,  it  has  been  necessary  to  call  into  service,  not  only  volun 
teers,  but  also  portions  of  the  militia  of  the  States  by  draft,  in  order  to 
suppress  the  insurrection  existing  in  the  United  States,  and  disloyal 
persons  are  not  adequately  restrained  by  the  ordinary  processes  of  law 
from  hindering  this  measure,  and  from  giving  aid  and  comfort  in  various 
ways  to  the  insurrection, 

Now,  therefore,  be  it  ordered — 

First,  That  during  the  existing  insurrection,  and  as  a  necessary 
measure  for  suppressing  the  same,  all  rebels  and  insurgents,  their  aiders 
and  abettors,  within  the  United  States,  and  all  persons  discouraging 
volunteer  enlistments,  resisting  military  drafts,  or  guilty  of  any  disloyal 
practice  affording  aid  and  comfort  to  the  rebels  against  the  authority  of 
the  United  States,  shall  bo  subject  to  martial  law,  and  liable  to  trial 
and  punishment  by  courts-martial  or  military  commission. 

Second,  That  the  writ  of  habeiis  corpus  is  suspended  in  respect  to  all 
persons  arrested,  or  who  are  now,  or  hereafter  during  the  rebellion 
shall  be,  imprisoned  in  any  fort,  camp,  arsenal,  military  prison,  or  other 
place  of  confinement,  by  any  military  authority,  or  by  the  sentence  of 
say  court-martial  or  military  commission. 


OPPOSITION  TO   THE    GOVERNMENT.  349 

In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to.be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  twenty-fourth  day 
of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
[L.  S.]       eight  hundred  and  sixty-two,  and  of  the  independence 
of  the  United  States  the  eighty- seventh. 

ABRAHAM  LKTCOLX. 
By  the  President : 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWAKD,  Secretary  of  State. 

This  proclamation  was  accompanied  by  orders  from  the 
War  Department  appointing  a  Provost  Marshal-General,  whose 
head-quarters  were  to  be  at  Washington,  with  special  provost- 
marshals,  one  or  more,  in  each  State,  charged  with  the  duty  of 
arresting  deserters  and  disloyal  persons,  and  of  inquiring  into 
treasonable  practices  throughout  the  country.  They  were 
authorized  to  call  upon  either  the  civil  or  military  authority  for 
aid  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  and  were  required  to  re 
port  to  th.e  Department  at  Washington.  The  creation  of-  this 
new  Department  had  been  made  necessary  by  the  increased 
activity  of  the  enemies  of  the  Government  throughout  the 
North,  and  by  the  degree  of  success  which  had  attended  their 
efforts.  Prompted  partly  by  merely  political  and  partisan 
motives,  but  in  many  instances  by  thorough  sympathy  with 
the  secession  movement,  active  political  leaders  had  set  in 
vigorous  motion  very  extensive  machinery  for  the  advance 
ment  of  their  designs.  "Peace  meetings"  were  held  in  every 
section  of  the  Northern  States,  at  which  the  action  of  the 
Government  was  most  vehemently  assailed,  the  objects  of  the 
war  were  misrepresented,  and  its  prosecution  denounced,  and 
special  efforts  made  to  prevent  enlistments,  to  promote  deser 
tions,  and  in  every  way  to  cripple  the  Government  in  its 
efforts  to  subdue  the  rebellion  by  force  of  arms.  The  vigorous 
action  of  the  Government,  however,  in  arresting  men  con 
spicuous  in  these  disloyal  practices,  had  created  a  salutary  re- 


350  PEESJDENT 

action  in  the  public  mind,  and  had  so  far  relieved  the  Admin 
istration  from  apprehension  as  to  warrant  the  promulgation  of 
the  following  order : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON,  Nov.  22,  18G2. 
Ordered — 1.  That  all  persons  now  in  military  custody,  who  have  been 
arrested  for  discouraging  volunteer  enlistments,  opposing  the  draft,  or 
for  otherwise  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy,  in  States  where  the 
draft  has  been  made,  or  the  quota  of  volunteers  and  militia  has  been 
furnished,  shah1  be  discharged  from  further  military  restraint. 

2.  The  persons  who,  by  the  authority  of  the  military  commander  or 
governor  in  rebel  States,  have  been  arrested  and  sent  from  such  State 
for  disloyalty  or  hostility  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and 
are  now  in  military  custody,  may  also  be  discharged  upon  giving  their 
parole  to  do  no  act  of  hostility  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  nor  render  aid  to  its  enemies.     But  all  such  persons  shall  remain 
subject  to  military  surveillance  and  liable  to  arrest  on  breach  of  their 
parole.     And  if  any  such  persons  shall  prefer  to  leave  the  loyal  States 
on  condition  of  their  not  returning  again  during  the  war,  or  until  special 
leave  for  that  purpose  be  obtained  from  the  President,  then  such  person 
shall,  at  his  option,  be  released  and  depart  from  the  United  States,  or  be 
conveyed  beyond  the  military  lines  of  the  United  States  forces. 

3.  This  order  shall  not  operate  to  discharge  any  person  who  has  been 
in  arms  against  the  Government,  or  by  force  and  arms  has  resisted  or 
attempted  to  resist  the  draft,  nor  relieve  any  person  from  liability  to 
trial  and  punishment  by  civil  tribunals,  or  by  court-martial  or  military 
commission,  who  may  be  amenable  to  such  tribunals  for  offences  com 
mitted. 

By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War : 

E.  D.  TOWNSEND,  Assistant  Adjutant- General. 

During  the  succeeding  winter,  while  Congress  was  in 
session,  public  sentiment  was  comparatively  at  rest  on  this 
subject.  Congress  had  enacted  a  law,  sanctioning  the  action 
of  the  President  in  suspending  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 
and  clothing  him  with  full  authority  to  check  and  punish  all 
attempts  to  defeat  the  efforts  of  the  Government  in  the  prose 
cution  of  the  war.  After  the  adjournment,  however,  when  the 
political  activity  of  the  country  was  transferred  from  the 


THE    CASE    OF    YALLANDIGHAM.  351 

Capital  to  the  people  in  their  respective  localities,  the  party 
agitation  was  revived,  and  public  meetings  were  again  held  to 
denounce  the  conduct  of  the  Government,  and  to  protest 
against  the  further  prosecution  of  the  war.  One  of  the  most 
active  of  these  advocates  of  peace  with  the  rebel  Confederacy 
was  Hon.  C.  L.  Vallaudigham,  a  member  of  Congress  from 
Ohio,  who  had  steadily  opposed  all  measures  for  the  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war  throughout  the  session.  After  the  adjourn 
ment  he  made  a  political  canvass  of  his  district,  and  in  a 
speech  at  Mount  Vernon,  on  the  1st  of  May,  he  denounced  the 
Government  at  Washington  as  aiming,  in  the  conduct  of  tho 
war,  not  to  restore  the  Union,  but  to  crush  out  liberty  and  es 
tablish  a  despotism.  He  declared  that  the  war  was  waged  for 
the  freedom  of  the  blacks  and  the  enslaving  of  the  whites — 
that  the  Government  could  have  had  peace  long  before  if  it 
had  desired  it — that  the  mediation  of  France  ought  to  have 
been  accepted,  and  that  the  Government  ad  deliberately  re 
jected  propositions  by  which  the  Southern  States  could  have 
been  brought  back  to  the  Union.  lie  also  denounced  an 
order,  No.  38,  issued  by  General  Burnside,  in  command  of  the 
Department,  forbidding  certain  disloyal  pra-ctices,  and  giving 
notice  that  persons  declaring  sympathy  for  the  enejmy  would  be 
arrested  for  trial,  proclaimed  his  intention  to  disobey  it,  and 
called  on  the  people  who  he"ard  him  to  resist  and  defeat  its 
execution. 

For  this  speech  Mr.  Vallandigham  was  arrested,  by  order  of 
General  Burnside,  on  the  4th  of  May,  and  ordered  for  trial 
before  a  court-martial  at  Cincinnati.  On  the  5th,  he  applied, 
through  his  counsel,  Senator  Pugh,  to  the  Circuit  Court  of  the 
United  States  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  In  reply  to  this 
application,  a  letter  was  read  from  General  Burnside,  setting 
forth  the  considerations  which  had  led  him  to  make  the  arrest, 
and  Vallandigham's  counsel  was  then  heard  in  a  very  long  argu 
ment  on  the  case.  Judge  Stewart  pronounced  his  decision, 


352          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

refusing  the  writ,  on  the  ground  that  the  action  of  General 
Burnside  was  necessary  for  the  public  safety.  "The  legality 
of  the  arrest,"  said  the  judge,  "  depends  upon  the  extent  of 
the  necessity  for  making  it,  and  that  was  to  be  determined  by 
the  military  commander."  And  he  adds  : 

Men  should  know  and  lay  the  truth  to  heart,  that  there  is  a  course  of 
conduct  not  involving  ovc.t  treason,  and  not  therefore  subject  to  pun 
ishment  as  such,  which,  nevertheless,  implies  moral  guilt,  and  a  gross 
offence  against  the  country.  Those  who  live  under  the  protection  and 
enjoy  the  blessings  of  our  benignant  Government,  must  learn  that  they 
cannot  stab  its  vitals  with  impunity.  If  they  cherish  hatred  and  hos 
tility  to  it,  and  desire  its  subversion,  let  them  withdraw  from  its  juris 
diction,  and  seek  the  fellowship  and  protection  of  those  with  whom 
they  are  in  sympathy.  If  they  remain  with  us,  while  they  are  not  of 
us.  they  must  be  subject  to  such  a  course  of  dealing  as  the  great  law  of 
self-preservation  prescribes  and  will  enforce.  And  let  them  not  com 
plain  if  the  stringent  doctrine  of  military  necessity  should  find  them  to 
be  the  legitimate  subjects  of  its  action.  I  have  no  fear  that  the  recog 
nition  of  this  doctrine  will  lead  to  an  arbitrary  invasion  of  the  personal 
security,  or  personal  liberty,  of  the  citizen.  It  is  rare  indeed  that  a 
charge  of  disloyalty  will  be  made  on  insufficient  grounds.  But  if  there 
should  be  an  occasional  mistake,  such  an  occurrence  is  not  to  be  put  in 
competition  with  the-  preservation  of  the  nation ;  and  I  confess  I  am  but 
little  moved  by  the  eloquent  appeals  of  those  who,  while  they  indig 
nantly  denounce  violation  of  personal  liberty,  look  with  no  horror  upon 
a  despotism  as  unmitigated  as  the  world  has  ever  witnessed. 

The  military  commission,  before  which  Vallandigham  was 
ordered  for  trial,  met  on  the  6th,  found  him  guilty  of  the 
principal  offences  charged,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  placed  in 
close  confinement  in  some  fortress  of  the  United  States,  to  be 
designated  by  the  commanding  officer  of  that  Department. 
Major-General  Burnside  approved  the  sentence,  and  designated 
Fort  Warren,  in  Boston  harbor,  as  the  place  of  confinement. 
The  President  modified  this  sentence  by  directing  that,  in 
stead  of  being  imprisoned,  Mr.  Vallandigham  should  be  sent 
within  the  rebel  lines,  and  should  not  return  to  the  United 


GOV.    SEYMOUR    ON   VALLANDIGHAM.  353 

States  until  after  the  termination  of  the  war.  This  sentence 
was  at  once  carried  into  execution. 

The  arrest,  trial,  and  sentence  of  Mr.  Vallandigham  created 
a  good  deal  of  excitement  throughout  the  country.  The  op 
ponents  of  the  Administration  treated  it  as  a  case  of  martyr 
dom,  and  held  public  meetings  for  the  purpose  of  denouncing 
the  action  of  the  Government  as  tyrannical  and  highly  dan 
gerous  to  the  public  liberties.  One  of  the  earliest  of  these 
demonstrations  was  held  at  Albany,  on  the  16th  of  May,  at 
which  Hon.  Erastus  Corning  presided,  and  to  which  Governor 
Seymour  addressed  a  letter,  expressing  in  the  strongest  terms 
his  condemnation  of  the  course  pursued  by  the  Government. 
"  If  this  proceeding,''  said  he,  speaking  of  the  arrest  of  Val 
landigham,  "  is  approved  by  the  Government,  and  sanctioned 
by  the  people,  it  is  not  merely  a  step  towards  revolution, — it 
is  revolution.  It  will  not  only  lead  to  military  despotism, — it 
establishes  military  despotism.  In  this  aspect  it  must  be 
accepted,  or  in  this  aspect  rejected.  *  *  The  people  of 
this  country  now  wait  with  the  deepest  anxiety  the  decision 
of  the  Administration  upon  these  acts.  Having  given  it  a 
generous  support  in  the  conduct  of  the  war,  we  pause  to  see 
what  kind  of  a  government  it  is  for  which  we  are  asked  to 
pour  out  our  blood  and  our  treasure.  The  action  of  the  Ad 
ministration  will  determine,  in  the  minds  of  more  than  one- 
half  of  the  people  of  the  loyal  States,  whether  this  war  is 
waged  to  put  down  rebellion  at  the  South,  or  destroy  free 
institutions  at  the  North."  The  resolutions  which  were 
adopted  at  this  meeting  pledged  the  Democratic  party  of  the 
State  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  but  condemned  in 
strong  terms  the  whole  system  of  arbitrary  arrests,  and  the 
suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus. 

A  copy  of  these  resolutions  was  forwarded  by  the  presiding 
officer  to  President  LINCOLN,  who  sent  the  following  letter  in 
reply : 


354 


EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  "WASHINGTON,  June  13,  1863. 
HON.  ERASTUS  CORNING  AND  OTHERS  : 

Gentlemen:  Your  letter  of  May  19,  inclosing  the  resolutions  of  a 
public  meeting  held  at  Albany,  N.  T.,  on  the  16th  of  the  same  month, 
was  received  several  days  ago. 

The  resolutions,  as  I  understand  them,  are  resolvable  into  two  propo 
sitions — first,  the  expression  of  a  purpose  to-  sustain  the  cause  of  the 
Union,  to  secure  peace  through  victory,  and  to  support  the  Administra 
tion  in  every  constitutional  and  lawful  measure  to  suppress  the  rebellion; 
and,  secondly,  a  declaration  of  censure  upon  the  Administration  for 
supposed  unconstitutional  action,  such  as  the  making  of  military  arrests. 
And  from  the  two  propositions  a  third  is  deduced,  which  is,  that  the 
gentlemen  composing  the  meeting  are  resolved  on  doing  their  part  to 
maintain  our  common  Government  and  country,  despite  the  folly  or 
wickedness,  as  they  may  conceive,  of  any  Administration.  This  posi 
tion  is  eminently  patriotic,  and  as  such  I  thank  the  meeting  and  con 
gratulate  the  nation  for  it.  My  own  purpose  is  the  same,  so  that  the 
meeting  and  myself  have  a  common  object,  and  can  have  no  difference, 
except  in  the  choice  of  means  or  measures  for  effecting  that  object. 

And  here  I  ought  to  close  this  paper,  and  would  close  it,  if  there  were 
no  apprehension  that  more  injurious  consequences  than  any  merely 
personal  to  myself  might  follow  the  censures  systematically  cast  upon 
me  for  doing  what,  in  my  view  of  duty,  I  could  not  forbear.  The  reso 
lutions  promise  to  support  me  in  every  constitutional  and  lawful  meas 
ure  to  suppress  the  rebellion,  and  I  have  not  knowingly  employed,  nor 
shall  knowingly  employ,  any  other.  But  the  meeting,  by  their  resolutions, 
assert  and  argue  that  certain  military  arrests,  and  proceedings  follow 
ing  them,  for  which  I  am  ultimately  responsible,  are  unconstitutional. 
I  think  they  are  not  The  resolutions  quote  from  the  Constitution 
the  definition  of  treason,  and  also  the  limiting  safeguards  and  guaran 
tees  therein  provided  for  the  citizen  on  trial  for  treason,  and  on  his  being 
held  to  answer  for  capital,  or  otherwise  infamous  crimes,  and,  in 
criminal  prosecutions,  his  right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial  by  an  im 
partial  jury.  They  proceed  to  resolve,  "  that  these  safeguards  of  the 
rights  of  the  citizen  against  the  pretensions  of  arbitrary  power  were 
intended  more  especially  for  his  protection  in  times  of  civil  commotion." 

And,  apparently  to  demonstrate  the  proposition,  the  resolutions  pro 
ceed  :  "  They  were  secured  substantially  to  the  English  people  after 
years  of  protracted  civil  war,  and  were  adopted  into  our  Constitution  at 


PRESIDENT   LINCOLN    ON   AKKESTS.  355 

the  dose  of  the  Revolution."  Would  not  the  demonstration  have  been 
better  if  it  could  have  been  truly  said  that  these  safeguards  had  been 
adopted  and  applied  during  tho  civil  wars  and  during  our  Revolution, 
instead  of  after  the  one  and  at  the  close  of  the  other  ?  I,  too,  am  de 
votedly  for  them  after  civil  war,  and  before  civil  war,  and  at  all  times, 
"  except  when,  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may 
require"  their  suspension.  The  resolutions  proceed  to  tell  us  that  these 
safeguards  "  have  stood  the  test  of  seventy-six  years  of  trial,  under 
our  republican  system,  under  circumstances  which  show  that,  while 
they  constitute  the  foundation  of  all  free  government,  they  are  the 
elements  of  the  enduring  stability  of  the  Republic."  No  one  denies 
that  they  ha^e  so  stood  the  test  up  to  the  beginning  of  the  present 
rebellion,  if  we  except  a  certain  occurrence  at  New  Orleans  ;  nor  does 
any  one  question  that  they  will  stand  the  same  test  much  longer  after 
the  rebellion  closes.  But  these  provisions  of  the  Constitution  have  no 
application  to  the  case  we  have  in  hand,  ^because  the  arrests  complained 
of  were  not  made  for  treason — that  is,  not  for  the  treason  defined  in  the 
Constitution,  and  upon  conviction  of  which  the  punishment  is  death — 
nor  yet  were  they  made  to  hold  persons  to  answer  for  any  capital  or 
otherwise  infamous  crimes  ;  nor  were  the  proceedings  following,  in  any 
constitutional  or  legal  sense,  "criminal  prosecutions."  The  arrests 
were  made  on  totally  different  grounds,  and  the  proceedings  following 
accorded  with  the  grounds  of  the  arrest.  Let  us  consider  the  real  case 
with  which  we  are  dealing,  and  apply  to  it  the  parts  of  the  Constitution 
plainly  made  for  such  cases. 

Prior  to  my  installation  here,  it  had  been  inculcated  that  any  State 
had  a  lawful  right  to  secede  from  the  national  Union,  and  that  it  would 
be  expedient  to  exercise  the  right  whenever  the  devotees  of  the  doctrine 
should  fail  to  elect  a  President  to  their  own  liking.  I  was  elected  con 
trary  to  their  liking,  and  accordingly,  so  far  as  it  was  legally  possible, 
they  had  taken  seven  States  out  of  the  Union,  had  seized  many  of  tho 
United  States  forts,  and  had  fired  upon  the  United  States  flag,  all  before 
I  was  inaugurated,  and,  of  course,  before  I  had  done  any  official  act 
whatever.  The  rebellion  thus  began  soon  ran  into  the  present  civil 
war;  and,  in  certain  respects,  it  began  on  very  unequal  terms  between 
the  parties.  The  insurgents  had  been  preparing  for  it  more  than  thirty 
years,  while  the  Government  had  taken  no  steps  to  resist  them.  The 
former  had  carefully  considered  all  the  means  which  could  be  turned 
to  their  account.  It  undoubtedly  was  a  well-pondered  reliance  with 
them  that,  in  their  own  unrestricted  efforts  to  destroy  Union,  Constitu- 


356 

tion,  and  law  altogether,  the  Government  would,  in  great  degree,  be 
restrained  by  the  same  Constitution  and  law  from  arresting  their  pro 
gress.  Their  sympathizers  pervaded  all  departments  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  nearly  all  communities  of  the  people.  From  this  material, 
undercover  of  "liberty  of  speech,"  "liberty  of  the  press,"  and  "habeas 
corpus,"  they  hoped  to  keep  on  foot  among  us  a  most  efficient  corps 
of  spies,  informers,  suppliers,  and  aiders  and  abettors  of  their  cause  in 
a  thousand  ways.  They  knew  that  in  times  such  as  they  were  inau 
gurating,  by  the  Constitution  itself,  the  "  habeas  corpus"  might  be  sus 
pended  ;  but  they  also  knew  they  had  friends  who  would  make  a  ques 
tion  as  to  who  was  to  suspend  it :  meanwhile,  their  spies  and  others 
might  remain  at  large  to  help  on  their  cause.  Or  if,  as  has  happened, 
the  Executive  should  suspend  the  writ,  without  ruinous  waste  of  time, 
instances  of  arresting  innocent  persons  might  occur,  as  are  always  likely 
to  occur  in  such  cases,  and  then  a  clamor  could  be  raised  in  regard  to 
this  which  might  be,  at  least,  of  some  service  to  the  insurgent  cause.  It 
needed  no  very  keen  perception  to  discover  this  part  of  the  enemy's  pro 
gramme,  so  soon  as,  by  open  hostilities,  their  machinery  was  put  fairly 
in  motion.  Yet,  thoroughly  imbued  with  a  reverence  for  the  guaranteed 
rights  of  individuals,  I  was  slow  to  adopt  the  strong  measures  which 
by  degrees  I  have  been  forced  to  regard  as  being  within  the  exceptions 
of  the  Constitution,  and  as  indispensable  to  the  public  safety.  Nothing 
is  better  known  to  history  than  that  courts  of  justice  are  utterly  incom 
petent  to  such  cases.  Civil  courts  are  organized  chiefly  for  trials  of  in 
dividuals,  or,  at  most,  a  few  individuals  acting  in  concert,  and  this  in 
quiet  times,  and  on  charges  of  crimes  well  defined  in  the  law.  Even  in 
times  of  peace,  bands  of  horse-thieves  and  robbers  frequently  grow  too 
numerous  and  powerful  for  the  ordinary  courts  of  justice.  But  what 
comparison,  in  numbers,  have  such  bands  ever  borne  to  the  insurgent 
sympathizers  even  in  many  of  the  loyal  States?  Again,  a  jury  too 
frequently  has  at  least  one  member  more  ready  to  hang  the  panel  than 
to  hang  the  traitor.  And  yet,  again,  he  who  dissuades  one  man  from 
volunteering,  or  induces  one  soldier  to  desert,  weakens  the  Union  cause 
as  much  as  he  who  kills  a  Union  soldier  in  battle.  Yet  this  dissuasion 
or  inducement  may  be  so  conducted  as  to  be  no  defined  crime  of  which 
any  civil  court  would  take  cognizance. 

Ours  is  a  case  of  rebellion — so  called  by  the  resolution  before  me — in 
fact,  a  clear,  flagrant,  and  gigantic  case  of  rebellion ;  and  the  provision 
of  the  Constitution  that  "  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall 
not  be  suspended  unless  when,  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the 


PRESIDENT   LINCOLN    ON   MILITARY   ARRESTS.         357 

public  safety  may  require  it,"  is  the  provision  which  specially  applies  to 
our  present  case.  This  provision  plainly  attests  the  understanding  of 
those  who  made  the  Constitution,  that  ordinary  courts  of  justice  are  in 
adequate  to  "cases  of  rebellion" — attests  their  purpose  that,  in  such 
cases,  men  may  be  held  in  custody  whom  the  courts,  acting  on  ordinary 
rules,  would  discharge.  Habeas  corpus  does  not  discharge  men  who  are 
proved  to  be  guilty  of  defined  crime ;  and  its  suspension  is  allowed  by 
the  Constitution  on  purpose  that  men  may  be  arrested  and  held  who  can 
not  bo  proved  to  bo  guilty  of  defined  crime,  "when,  in  cases  of  rebel 
lion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may  require  it."  This  is  precisely  our 
present  case — a  case  of  rebellion,  wherein  the  public  safety  does  require 
the  suspension.  Indeed,  arrests  by  process  of  courts,  and  arrests  in 
cases  of  rebellion,  do  not  proceed  altogether  upon  the  same  basis.  The 
former  is  directed  at  the  small  percentage  of  ordinary  and  continuous 
perpetration  of  crime  ;  while  the  latter  is  directed  at  sudden  and  exten 
sive  uprisings  against  the  Government,  which  at  most  will  succeed  or 
fail  in  no  great  length  of  time.  In  the  latter  case  arrests  are  made,  not 
so  much  for  what  has  been  done  as  for  what  probably  would  be  done. 
The  latter  is  more  for  the  preventive  and  less  for  the  vindictive  than  the 
former.  In  such  cases  the  purposes  of  men  are  much  more  easily  under 
stood  than  in  cases  of  ordinary  crime.  The  man  who  stands  by  and  says 
nothing  when  the  peril  of  his  Government  is  discussed,  cannot  be  misun 
derstood.  If  not  hindered,  he  is  sure  to  help  the  enemy;  much  moro 
if  he  talks  ambiguously — talks  for  his  country  with  "  buts,"  and  "ifs" 
and  '•  ands."  Of  how  little  value  the  constitutional  provisions  I  have 
quoted  will  be  rendered,  if  arrests  shall  never  be  made  until  defined 
crimes  shall  have  been  committed,  may  be  illustrated  by  a  few  notable 
examples.  Gen.  John  C.  Breckiuridge,  Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee,  Gen.  Joseph 
E.  Johnston,  Gen.  John  B.  Magruder,  Gen.  William  B.  Preston,  Gen. 
Simon  B.  Buckner,  and  Commodore  Franklin  Buchanan,  now  occupying 
the  very  highest  places  in  the  rebel  war  service,  were  all  within  the 
power  of  the  Government  since  the  rebellion  began,  and  were  nearly  as 
well  known  to  be  traitors  then  as  now.  Unquestionably,  if  we  had 
seized  and  held  them,  the  insurgent  cause  would  be  much  weaker.  But 
no  one  of  them  had  then  committed  any  crime  defined  in  the  law. 
Every  one  of  them,  if  arrested,  would  have  been  discharged  on  habeas 
corpus,  were  the  writ  allowed  to  operate.  In  view  of  these  and  similar 
cases,  I  think  the  time  not  unlikely  to  come  when  I  shall  be  blamed  for 
having  made  too  few  arrests  rather  than  too  many. 

By  the  third  resolution,  the  meeting  indicate  their  opinion  that  mili- 


358          PKESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

tary  arrests  may  be  constitutional  in  localities  where  rebellion  actually 
exists,  but  that  such  arrests  are  unconstitutional  in  localities  where  re 
bellion  or  insurrection  does  not  actually  exist.  They  insist  that  such 
arrests  shall  not  be  made  "outside  of  the  lines  of  necessary  military  oc 
cupation  and  the  scenes  of  insurrection."  Inasmuch,  however,  as  the 
Constitution  itself  makes  no  such  distinction,  I  am  unable  to  believe  that 
there  is  any  such  constitutional  distinction.  I  concede  that  the  class  of 
arrests  complained  of  can  be  constitutional  only  when,  hi  cases  of  re 
bellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may  require  them ;  and  I  insist 
that  in  such  cases  they  are  constitutional  wherever  the  public  safety  does 
require  them ;  as  well  in  places  to  which  they  may  prevent  the  rebellion 
extending  as  in  those  where  it  may  be  already  prevailing ;  as  well  where 
they  may  restrain  mischievous  interference  with  the  raising  and  supply 
ing  of  armies,  to  suppress  the  rebellion,  as  where  the  rebellion  may 
actually  be  ;  as  well  where  they  may  restrain  the  enticing  men  out  of 
the  army,  as  where  they  would  prevent  mutiny  in  the  army ;  equally 
constitutional  at  all  places  where  they  will  conduce  to  the  public  safety, 
as  against  the  dangers  of  rebellion  or  invasion.  Take  the  particular 
case  mentioned  by  the  meeting.  It  is  asserted,  in  substance,  that  Mr. 
Yallandigham  was,  by  a  military  commander,  seized  and  tried  "  for  no 
other  reason  than  words  addressed  to  a  public  meeting,  in  criticism  of 
the  course  of  the  Administration,  and  in  condemnation  of  the  military 
orders  of  the  general."  Now,  if  there  be  no  mistake  about  this ;  if  this 
assertion  is  the  truth  and  the  whole  truth ;  if  there  was  no  other  reason 
for  the  arrest,  then  I  concede  that  the  arrest  was  wrong.  But  the 
arrest,  as  I  understand,  was  made  for  a  very  different  reason.  Mr. 
Yallandigham  avows  his  hostility  to  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  Union , 
and  his  arrest  was  made  because  he  was  laboring,  with  some  effect,  to 
prevent  the  raising  of  troops;  to  encourage  desertions  from  the  army; 
and  to  leave  the  rebellion  without  an  adequate  military  force  to  sup 
press  it.  He  was  not  arrested  because  he  was  damaging  the  political 
prospects  of  the  Administration,  or  the  personal  interests  of  the  com 
manding  general,  but  because  he  was  damaging  the  army,  upon  the  ex 
istence  and  vigor  of  which  the  life  of  the  nation  depends.  He  was 
warring  upon  the  military,  and  this  gave  the  military  constitutional 
jurisdiction  to  lay  hands  upon  him.  If  Mr.  Yallandigham  was  not 
damaging  the  military  power  of  the  country,  then  this  arrest  was  made 
on  mistake  of  fact,  which  I  would  be  glad  to  correct  on  reasonably  satis 
factory  evidence. 

I  understand  the  meeting,  whoso  resolutions  I  am  considering,  to  bo 


PRESIDENT   LINCOLN   ON   MILITARY   ARRESTS.         359 

in  favor  of  suppressing  the  rebellion  by  military  force — by  armies. 
Long  experience  has  shown  that  armies  cannot  be  maintained  unless 
desertions  shall  be  punished  by  the  seve're  penalty  of  death.  The  case 
requires,  and  the  law  and  the  Constitution  sanction,  this  punishment. 
Must  I  shoot  a  simple-minded  soldier  boy  who  deserts,  while  I  must 
not  touch  a  hair  of  a  wily  agitator  who  induces  him  to  desert  ?  This  is 
none  the  less  injurious  when  effected  by  getting  a  father,  or  brother,  or 
friend,  into  a  public  meeting,  and  there  working  upon  his  feelings  till  he 
is  persuaded  to  write  the  soldier  boy  that  he  is  fighting  in  a  bad  cause, 
for  a  wicked  Administration  of  a  contemptible  Government,  too  weak  to 
arrest  and  punish  him  if  he  shall  desert.  I  think  that  in  such  a  case  to 
silence  the  agitator  and  save  the  boy  is  not  only  constitutional,  but 
withal  a  great  mercy. 

If  I  be  wrong  on  this  question  of  constitutional  power,  my  error  lies 
in  believing  that  certain  proceedings  are  constitutional  when,  in  cases  of 
rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  requires  them,  which  would  not 
be  constitutional  when,  in  the  absence  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the 
public  safety  does  not  require  them;  in  other  words,  that  the  Constitu 
tion  is  not,  in  its  application,  m  all  respects  the  same,  in  cases  of  rebel 
lion  or  invasion  involving  the  public  safety,  as  it  is  in  time  of  profound 
peace  and  public  security.  The  Constitution  itself  makes  the  dis 
tinction  ;  and  I  can  no  more  be  persuaded  that  the  Government  can 
constitutionally  take  no  strong  measures  in  time  of  rebellion,  because  it 
can  be  shown  that  the  same  could  not  be  lawfully  taken  in  time  of 
peace,  than  I  can  be  persuaded  that  a  particular  drug  is  not  good  medi 
cine  for  a  sick  man,  because  it  can  be  shown  not  to  be  good  food  for  a 
well  one.  Nor  am  I  able  to  appreciate  the  danger  apprehended  by  the 
meeting  that  the  American  people  will,  by  means  of  military  arrests 
during  the  rebellion,  lose  the  right  of  public  discussion,  the  liberty  of 
epeech  and  the  press,  the  law  of  evidence,  trial  by  jury,  and  habeas 
corpus,  throughout  the  indefinite  peaceful  future,  which  I  trust  lies  be 
fore  them,  any  more  than  I  am  able  to  believe  that  a  man  could  contract 
so  strong  an  appetite  for  emetics  during  temporary  illness  as  to  persist 
in  feeding  upon  them  during  the  remainder  of  his  healthful  life. 

In  giving  the  resolutions  that  earnest  consideration  which  you  request 
of  me,  I  cannot  overlook  the  fact  that  the  meeting  speak  as  "  Demo 
crats."  Nor  can  I,  with  full  respect  for  their  known  intelligence,  and 
the  fairly  presumed  deliberation  with  which  they  prepared  their  res 
olutions,  be  permitted  to  suppose  that  this  occurred  by  accident,  or 
in  any  way  other  than  that  they  preferred  to  "designate  themselves 


360 

"Democrats"  rather  than  "American  citizens."  In  this  time  of 
national  peril,  I  would  have  preferred  to  meet  you  on  a  level  one  step 
higher  than  any  party  platform ;  because  I  am  sure  that,  from  such 
more  elevated  position,  we  could  do  better  battle  for  the  country  we  all 
love  than  we  possibly  can  from  those  lower  ones  where,  from  the  force 
of  habit,  the  prejudices  of  the  past,  and  selfish  hopes  of  the  future,  we 
are  sure  to  expend  much  of  our  ingenuity  and  strength  in  finding  fault 
with  and  aiming  blows  at  each  other.  But,  since  you  have  denied  mo 
this,  I  will  yet  be  thankful,  for  the  country's  sake,  that  not  all  Demo 
crats  have  done  so.  He  on  whose  discretionary  judgment  Mr.  Vallan- 
digham  was  arrested  and  tried  is  a  Democrat,  having  no  old  party 
affinity  with  me ;  and  the  judge  who  rejected  the  constitutional  view  ex 
pressed  in  those  resolutions,  by  refusing  to  discharge  Mr.  Yallandigham 
on  habeas  corpus,  is  a  Democrat  of  better  days  than  these,  having  re 
ceived  his  judicial  mantle  at  the  hands  of  President  Jackson.  And  still 
more,  of  all  those  Democrats  who  are  nobly  exposing  their  lives  and 
shedding  their  blood  on  the  battle  field,  I  have  learned  that  many 
approve  the  course  taken  with  Mr.  Vallandigham,  while  I  have  not 
heard  of  a  single  one  condemning  it.  I  cannot  assert  that  there  are 
none  such.  And  the  name  of  Jackson  recalls  an  incident  of  pertinent 
history :  After  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  and  while  the  fact  that  the 
treaty  of  peace  had  been  concluded  was  well  known  hi  the  city,  but  be 
fore  official  knowledge  of  it  had  arrived,  General  Jackson  still  maintained 
martial  or  military  law.  Now  that  it  could  be  said  the  war  was  over, 
the  clamor  against  martial  law,  which  had  existed  from  the  first,  grew 
more  furious.  Among  other  things,  a  Mr.  Louiallier  published  a  denun 
ciatory  newspaper  article.  General  Jackson  arrested  him.  A  lawyer 
by  the  name  of  Morrol  procured  the  United  Scates  Judge  Hall  to  issue  a 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  to  relieve  Mr.  Louiallier.  General  Jackson 
arrested  both  the  lawyer  and  the  judge.  A  Mr.  Hollander  ventured  to 
say  of  some  part  of  the  matter  that  "it  was  a  dirty  trick."  Genera) 
Jackson  arrested  him.  When  the  officer  undertook  to  serve  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus.  General  Jackson  took  it  from  him,  and  sent  him  away 
with  a  copy.  Holding  the  judge  in  custody  a  few  days,  the  General 
sent  him  beyond  the  limits  of  his  encampment,  and  set  him  at  liberty, 
with  an  order  to  remain  till  the  ratification  of  peace  should  be  regularly 
announced,  or  until  the  British  should  have  left  the  Southern  coast 
A  day  or  two  more  elapsed,  the  ratification  of  a  treaty  of  peace  was 
regularly  announced,  and  the  judge  and  others  were  fully  liberated.  A 
few  days  more,  and  the  judge  called  General  Jackson  into  court  ano 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LETTER  TO  ME.  CORNING.       361 

fined  him  $1,000  for  having  arrested  him  and  the  others  named.  The 
General  paid  the  fine,  and  there  the  matter  rested  for  nearly  thirty 
years,  when  Congress  refunded  principal  and  interest.  The  late 
[Senator  Douglas,  then  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  took  a  leading 
part  in  the  debates,  in  which  the  constitutional  question  was  much  dis 
cussed.  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  whom  the  journals  would  show  to 
Lave  voted  for  the  measure. 

It  may  be  remarked :  First,  that  we  had  the  same  Constitution  then 
as  now  ;  secondly,  that  we  then  had  a  case  of  invasion,  and  now  we 
have  a  case  of  rebellion ;  and,  thirdly,  that  the  permanent  right  of  the 
people  to  public  discussion,  the  liberty  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  the- 
trial  by  jury,  the  law  of  evidence,  and  the  habeas  corpus,  suffered  no 
detriment  whatever  by  that  conduct  of  General  Jackson,  or  its  subse 
quent  approval  by  the  American  Congress. 

And  yet,  let  me  say  that,  in  my  own  discretion,  I  do  not  know 
whether  I  would  have  ordered  the  arrest  of  Mr.  Vallandigham.  Whilo 
I  cannot  shift  the  responsibility  from  myself,  I  hold  that,  as  a  general 
rule,  the  commander  hi  the  field  is  the  better  judge  of  the  necessity  in 
any  particular  case.  Of  course,  I  must  practise  a  general  directory  and 
revisory  power  in  the  matter. 

One  of  the  resolutions  expresses  the  opinion  of  the  meeting  that  arbi 
trary  arrests  will  have  the  effect  to  divide  and  distract  those  who 
should  be  united  in  suppressing  the  rebellion,  and  I  am  specifically 
called  on  to  discharge  Mr.  Vallandigham.  I  regard  this  as,  at  least,  a 
fair  appeal  to  me  on  the  expediency  of  exercising  a  constitutional  power 
which  I  think  exists.  In  response  to  such  appeal,  I  have  to  say,  it 
gave  me  pain  when  I  learned  that  Mr.  Yallandigham  had  been  arrested 
— that  is,  I  was  pained  that  there  should  have  seemed  to  be  a  necessity 
for  arresting  him — and  that  it  will  afford  me  great  pleasure  to  discharge 
him  so  soon  as  I  can,  by  any  means,  believe  the  public  safety  will  not 
suffer  by  it.  I  further  say  that,  as  the  war  progresses,  it  appears  to 
me,  opinion  and  action  which  were  in  great  confusion  at  first,  take 
shape  and  fall  into  more  regular  channels,  so  that  the  necessity  for 
strong  dealing  with  them  gradually  decreases.  I  have  every  reason  to 
desire  that  it  should  cease  altogether ;  and  far  from  the  least  is  my  re 
gard  for  the  opinions  and  wishes  of  those  who,  like  the  meeting  at 
Albany,  declare  their  purpose  to  sustain  the  Government  in  every  con 
stitutional  and  lawful  measure  to  suppress  the  rebellion.  Still,  I  must 
continue  to  do  so  much  as  may  seem  to  be  required  by  the  public 
safety.  A.  LINCOLN. 

16 


3G2 

Similar  meetings  were  held  in  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
and  other  cities  and  towns  of  the  North,  and,  on  the  llth  of 
June,  a  State  Convention  of  the  Democratic  party  was  held  at 
Columbus,  Ohio,  for  the  nomination  of  State  officers.  Mr. 
Vallandigham  was,  at  that  Convention,  made  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  Governor,  receiving,  on  the  first  ballot,  448  votes 
out  of  461,  the  whole  number  cast.  Senator  Pugh  was  nomi 
nated  for  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  resolutions  were  adopted 
protesting  against  President  LINCOLN'S  emancipation  procla 
mation  ;  condemning  martial  law  in  loyal  States,  where  war 
does  not  exist;  denouncing  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus ;  protesting  very  strongly  against  the  banish 
ment  of  Vallandigham,  and  calling  on  the  President  to  restore 
him  to  his  rights  ;  declaring  that  they  would  hail  with  delight 
the  desire  of  the  seceded  States  to  return  to  their  allegiance, 
and  that  they  would  co-operate  with  the  citizens  of  those 
States  in  measures  for  the  restoration  of  peace. 

A  committee  of  the  Convention  visited  Washington,  and  on 
the  26th  of  June  presented  to  the  President  the  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  Convention,  and  urged  the  immediate  recall 
and  restoration  of  Mr.  Vallandigham,  their  candidate  for 
Governor.  To  this  President  LINCOLN  made  the  following 
reply : 

WASHINGTON,  June  29,  1863. 

GENTLEMEN:  The  resolutions  of  the  Ohio  Democratic  State  Conven 
tion,  which  you  present  me,  together  with  your  introductory  and  closing 
remarks,  being  in  position  and  argument  mainly  the  same  as  the  reso 
lutions  of  the  Democratic  meeting  at  Albany,  New  York,  I  refer  you  to 
my  response  to  the  latter  as  meeting  most  of  the  points  in  the  former. 

This  response  you  evidently  used  in  preparing  your  remarks,  and  I 
desire  no  more  than  that  it  be  used  with  accuracy.  In  a  single  reading 
of  your  remarks,  I  only  discovered  one  inaccuracy  in  matter  which  I 
suppose  you  took  from  that  paper.  It  is  where  you  say,  "The  under 
signed  are  unable  to  agree  with  you  in  the  opinion  you  have  expressed 
that  the  Constitution  is  different  in  time  of  insurrection  or  invasion  from 
what  it  is  in  time  of  peace  and  public  security." 


THE   PRESIDENT  TO   THE    OHIO    COMMITTEE.  363 

A  recurrence  to  the  paper  will  show  you  that  I  have  not  expressed 
the  opinion  you  suppose.  I  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  Constitution 
is  different  in  its  application  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  involving 
the  public  safety,  from  what  it  is  in  times  of  profound  peace  and  public 
security ;  and  this  opinion  I  adhere  to,  simply  because  by  the  Constitu 
tion  itself  things  may  be  done  in  the  one  case  which  may  not  be  done  in 
the  other. 

I  dislike  to  waste  a  word  on  a  merely  personal  point,  but  I  must  re 
spectfully  assure  you  that  you  will  find  yourselves  at  fault  should  you 
ever  seek  for  evidence  to  prove  your  assumption  that  I  "  opposed  in 
discussions  before  the  people  the  policy  of  the  Mexican  war." 

You  say:  "Expunge  from  the  Constitution  this  limitation  upon  the 
power  of  Congress  to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  yet  the 
other  guarantees  of  personal  liberty  would  remain  unchanged."  Doubt 
less,  if  this  clause  of  the  Constitution,  improperly  called,  as  I  think,  a 
limitation  upon  the  power  of  Congress,  were  expunged,  the  other  guar 
antees  would  remain  the  same ;  but  the  question  is,  not  how  those 
guarantees  would  stand  with  that  clause  out  of  the  Constitution,  but 
how  they  stand  with  that  clause  remaining  in  it,  in  case  of  rebellion  or 
invasion,  involving  tho  public  safety.  If  the  liberty  could  be  indulged 
in  expunging  that  clause,  letter  and  spirit,  I  really  think  the  constitu 
tional  argument  would  be  with  you. 

My  general  view  on  this  question  was  stated  in  the  Albany  response, 
and  hence  I  do  not  state  it  now.  I  only  add  that,  as  seems  to  me,  the 
benefit  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  is  the  great  means  through  which 
the  guarantees  of  personal  liberty  are  conserved  and  made  available  in 
the  last  resort ;  and  corroborative  of  this  view  is  the  fact  that  Mr.  Val- 
landigham,  in  the  very  case  in  question,  under  the  advice  of  able 
lawyers,  saw  not  where  else  to  go  but  to  the  habeas  corpus.  But  by  the 
Constitution  the  benefit  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  itself  may  be  sus 
pended,  when,  in  case  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may  re 
quire  it. 

You  ask,  in  substance,  whether  I  really  claim  that  I  may  override  all 
the  guaranteed  rights  of  individuals,  on  the  plea  of  conserving  the  public 
safety — when  I  may  choose  to  say  the  public  safety  requires  it.  This 
question,  divested  of  the  phraseology  calculated  to  represent  me  as 
struggling  for  an  arbitrary  personal  preroragtivo,  is  either  simply  a 
question  who  shall  decide,  or  an  affirmation  that  nobody  shall  decide, 
what  the  public  safety  does  require  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion. 
The  Constitution  contemplates  the  question  as  likely  to  occur  for 


364  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

decision,  but  it  does  not  expressly  declare  who  is  to  decide  it.  By  neces 
sary  implication,  when  rebellion  or  invasion  comes,  the  decision  is  to  bo 
made  from  time  to  time ;  and  I  think  the  man  whom,  for  the  time,  the 
people  have,  under  the  Constitution,  made  the  commander-in-chief  of 
their  army  and  navy,  is  the  man  who  holds  the  power  and  bears  the 
responsibility  of  making  it.  If  he  uses  the  power  justly,  the  same 
people  will  probably  justify  him;  if  he  abuses  it,  he  is  in  their  hands  to 
be  dealt  with  by  all  the  modes  they  have  reserved  to  themselves  in  the 
Constitution. 

The  earnestness  with  which  you  insist  that  persons  can  only,  in  times 
of  rebellion,  be  lawfully  dealt  with  in  accordance  with  the  rules  for 
criminal  trials  and  prnishments  in  times  of  peace,  induces  me  to  add  a 
word  to  what  I  said  on  that  point  in  the  Albany  response.  You  claim 
that  men  may,  if  they  choose,  embarrass  those  whose  duty  it  is  to  com 
bat  a  giant  rebellion,  and  then  be  dealt  with  only  in  turn  as  if  there 
were  no  rebellion.  The  Constitution  itself  rejects  this  view.  The  mili 
tary  arrests  and  detentions  which  have  been  made,  including  those  of 
Mr.  Vallandigham,  which  are  not  different  in  principle  from  the  other, 
have  been  for  prevention,  and  not  for  punishment — as  injunctions  to  stay 
injury,  as  proceedings  to  keep  the  peace — and  hence,  like  proceedings  in 
such  cases  and  for  like  reasons,  they  have  not  been  accompanied  with 
indictments,  or  trial  by  juries,  nor  in  a  single  case  by  any  punishment 
whatever  beyond  what  is  purely  incidental  to  the  prevention.  The 
original  sentence  of  imprisonment  in  Mr.  Vallandigham's  case  was  to 
prevent  injury  to  the  military  service  only,  and  the  modification  of  it 
was  made  as  a  less  disagreeable  mode  to  him  of  securing  the  same  pre 
vention. 

I  am  unable  to  perceive  an  insult  to  Ohio  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Vallan- 
digham.  Quite  surely  nothing  of  this  sort  was  or  is  intended.  I  was 
wholly  unaware  that  Mr.  Vallandigham  was,  at  the  time  of  his  arrest,  a 
candidate  for  the  Democratic  nomination  of  governor,  until  so  informed 
by  your  reading  to  mo  the  resolutions  of  the  convention.  I  arn  grateful 
to  the  State  of  Ohio  for  many  things,  especially  for  the  brave  soldiers 
and  officers  she  has  given  in  the  present  national  trial  to  the  armies  of 
the  Union. 

You  claim,  as  I  understand,  that  according  to  my  own  position  in  the 
Albany  response,  Mr.  Vallandigham  should  be  released ;  and  this  be 
cause,  as  you  claim,  he  has  not  damaged  the  military  service  by  discour 
aging  enlistments,  encouraging  desertions,  or  otherwise ;  and  that  if  he 
had,  ho  should  have  been  turned  over  to  the  civil  authorities  under  the 


THE   PRESIDENT    ON   VALLAXBIGHAH^S    CASE.          365 

recent  acts  of  Congress.  I  certainly  do  not  know  that  Mr.  Yallandigham 
has  specifically  and  by  direct  language  advised  against  enlistments  and 
in  favor  of  desertions  arid  resistance  to  drafting.  "We  all  know  that 
combinations,  armed  in  some  instances,  to  resist  the  arrest  of  deserters, 
began  several  months  ago ;  that  more  recently  the  like  has  appeared  in 
resistance  to  the  enrolment  preparatory  to  a  draft ;  and  that  quite  a 
number  of  assassinations  have  occurred  from  the  same  animus.  These 
had  to  be  met  by  military  force,  and  this  again  has  led  to  bloodshed  and 
death.  And  now,  under  a  sense  of  responsibility  more  weighty  aad 
enduring  than  any  which  is  merely  official,  I  solemnly  declare  my  be 
lief  that  this  hindrance  of  the  military,  including  maiming  and  murder, 
is  due  to  the  cause  in  which  Mr.  Yallandigham  has  been  engaged,  in  a 
greater  degree  than  to  any  other  cause ;  and  it  is  due  to  him  personally 
in  a  greater  degree  than  to  any  other  man. 

These  things  have  been  notorious,  known  to  all,  and  of  course  known 
to  Mr.  Yallandigham.  Perhaps  I  would  not  be  wrong  to  say  they 
originated  with  his  especial  friends  and  adherents.  With  perfect 
knowledge  of  them  he  has  frequently,  if  not  constantly,  made  speeches 
in  Congress  and  before  popular  assemblies ;  and  if  it  can  be  shown  that, 
with  these  things  staring  him  in  the  face,  he  has  ever  uttered  a  word  of 
rebuke  or  counsel  against  them,  it  will  be  a  fact  greatly  in  his  favor 
with  me,  and  of  which,  as  yet,  I  am  totally  ignorant.  "When  it  is 
known  that  the  whole  burden  of  his  speeches  has  been  to  stir  up  men 
against  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  that  in  the  midst  of  resistance 
to  it  he  has  not  been  known  in  any  instance  to  counsel  against  such  re 
sistance,  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  repel  the  inference  that  he  has  coun 
selled  directly  in  favor  of  it. 

With  all  this  before  their  eyes,  the  convention  you  represent  have 
nominated  Mr.  Yallandigham  for  governor  of  Ohio,  and  both  they  and 
you  have  declared  the  purpose  to  sustain  the  national  Union  by  ah1  con 
stitutional  means,  but,  of  course,  they  and  you,  in  common,  reserve  to 
yourselves  to  decide  what  are  constitutional  means,  and,  unlike  the 
Albany  meeting,  you  omit  to  state  or  intimate  that,  in  your  opinion,  an 
army  is  a  constitutional  means  of  saving- the  Union  against  a  rebellion, 
or  even  to  intimate  that  you  are  conscious  of  an  existing  rebellion  being 
in  progress  with  the  avowed  object  of  destroying  that  very  Union.  At 
the  same  time,  your  nominee  for  governor,  in  whose  behalf  you  appeal, 
is  known  to  you,  and  to  the  world,  to  declare  against  the  use  of  an  army 
to  suppress  the  rebellion.  Your  own  attitude,  therefore,  encourages 
desertion,  resistance  to  the  draft,  and  the  like,  because  it  teaches  those 


366  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

who  incline  to  desert  and  to  escape  the  draft  to  believe  it  is  your  pur 
pose  to  protect  them,  and  to  hope  that  you  will  become  strong  enough 
to  do  so. 

After  a  short  personal  intercourse  -with  you,  gentlemen  of  the  com 
mittee,  I  cannot  say  I  think  you  desire  this  effect  to  follow  your  atti 
tude  ;  but  I  assure  you  that  both  friends  and  enemies  of  the  Union 
look  upon  it  in  this  light.  It  is  a  substantial  hope,  and  by  consequence, 
a  real  strength  to  the  enemy.  If  it  is  a  false  hope,  and  one  which  you 
would  wiUingly  dispel,  I  will  make  the  way  exceedingly  easy.  I  send 
you  duplicates  of  this  letter,  in  order  that  you,  or  a  majority,  may,  if 
you  choose,  indorse  your  names  upon  one  of  them,  and  return  it  thus 
indorsed  to  me,  with  the  understanding  that  those  signing  are  thereby 
committed  to  the  following  propositions,  and  to  nothing  else  : 

1.  That  there  is  now  rebellion  in  the  United  States,  the  object  and 
tendency  of  which  is  to  destroy  the  national  Union ;  and  that,  in  your 
opinion,  an  army  and  navy  are  constitutional  means  for  suppressing 
that  rebellion. 

2.  That  no  one  of  you  will  do  any  thing  which,  in  his  own  judgment, 
will  tend  to  hinder  the  increase,  or  favor  the  decrease,  or  lessen  the 
efficiency  of  the  army  and  navy,  while  engaged  in  the  effort  to  suppress 
that  rebellion;  and — 

3.  That  each  of  you  will,  in  his  sphere,  do  all  he  can  to  have  the 
officers,  soldiers,  and  seamen  of  the  army  and  navy,  while  engaged  in 
the  effort  to  suppress  the  rebellion,  paid,  fed,  clad,  and  otherwise  well 
provided  for  and  supported. 

And  with  the  further  understanding  that  upon  receiving  the  letter 
and  names  thus  indorsed,  I  will  cause  them  to  be  published,  which 
publication  shall  be,  within  itself,  a  revocation  of  the  order  in  relation  to 
Mr.  Vallandigham. 

It  will  not  escape  observation  that  I  consent  to  the  release  of  Mr. 
Yallandigham  upon  terms  not  embracing  any  pledge  from  him  or  from 
others  as  to  what  he  will  or  will  not  do.  I  do  this  because  he  is  not 
present  to  speak  for  himself,  or  to  authorize  others  to  speak  for  him ; 
and  hence  I  shall  expect  that-on  returning  he  would  not  put  himself 
practically  in  antagonism  with  the  position  of  his  friends.  But  I  do  it 
chiefly  because  I  thereby  prevail  on  other  influential  gentlemen  of  Ohio 
to  so  define  their  position  as  to  be  of  immense  value  to  the  army — thus 
more  than  compensating  for  the  consequences  of  any  mistake  in  allow 
ing  Mr.  VallandiLrham  to  return,  so  that,  on  the  whole,  the  public  safety 
will  not  have  suffered  by  it.  Still,  in  regard  to  Mr.  Vallandigham  and 


THE   HABEAS    COEPUS    SUSPENDED.  367 

all  others,  I  must  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  do  so  much  as  the  public 
service  may  seem  to  require. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  respectfully,  yours,  &c., 

A.  LINCOLN. 

The  canvass  throughout  the  summer  was  very  animated. 
As  a  matter  of  course,  the  opponents  of  the  Administration 
in  Ohio,  as  elsewhere  throughout  the  country,  made  this  mat 
ter  of  arbitrary  arrests  a  very  prominent  point  of  attack. 
Special  stress  was  laid  upon  the  fact  that  instead  of  acting 
directly  and  upon  his  own  responsibility  in  these  cases,  the 
President  left  them  to  the  discretion  of  military  commanders 
in  the  several  departments.  This  was  held  to  be  in -violation 
of  the  law  of  Congress  which  authorized  the  President  to  sus 
pend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  but  not  to  delegate  that  high 
prerogative.  To  meet  this  objection,  therefore,  and  also  in 
order  to  establish -a  uniform  mode  of  action  on  the  subject, 
the  President  issued  the  following 

PROCLAMATION : 

Whereas,  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  has  ordained  that 
"  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended,  un 
less,  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may  re 
quire  it ;  and,  whereas,  a  rebellion  was  existing  on  the  3d  day  of  March, 
1863,  which  rebellion  is  still  existing ;  and,  whereas,  by  a  statute  which 
was  approved  on  that  day,  it  was  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  that  dur 
ing  the  present  insurrection  the  President  of  the  United  States,  when 
ever,  in  his  judgment,  the  public  safety  may  require,  is  authorized  to 
suspend  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  any  case  through 
out  the  United  States,  or  any  part  thereof;  and,  whereas,  in  the  judg 
ment  of  the  President  the  public  safety  does  require  that  the  privilege 
of  the  said  writ  shall  now  be  suspended  throughout  the  United  States 
in  cases  where,  by  the  authority  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
military,  naval  and  civil  officers  of  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them, 
hold  persons  under  their  command  or  in  their  custody,  either  as  prisoners 
of  war,  spies,  or  aiders  or  abettors  of  the  enemy,  or  officers,  soldiers,  or 
seamen  enrolled,  drafted,  or  mustered,  or  enlisted  in,  or  belonging  to 
the  land  or  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  or  as  deserters  therefrom, 


368          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

or  otherwise  amenable  to  military  law,  or  to  the  rules  and  articles  of  war, 
or  the  rules  and  regulations  prescribed  for  the  military  or  naval  services 
by  the  authority  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  or  for  resisting 
the  draft,  or  for  any  other  offence  against  the  military  or  naval  service  ; 
now,  therefore,  I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  hereby  proclaim  and  make  known  to  all  whom  it  may  concern,  that 
the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  is  suspended  throughout  the 
United  States,  in  the  several  cases  before-mentioned,  and  that  this  sus 
pension  will  continue  throughout  the  duration  of  the  said  rebellion,  or 
until  this  Proclamation  shall,  by  a  subsequent  one,  to  be  issued  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  be  modified  and  revoked.  And  I  do 
hereby  require  all  magistrates,  attorneys,  and  other  civil  officers  within 
the  United  States,  and  all  officers  and  others  in  the  military  and  naval 
services  of  the  United  States,  to  take  distinct  notice  of  this  suspension 
and  give  it  full  effect,  and  all  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  conduct 
and  govern  themselves  accordingly,  and  in  conformity  with  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  laws  of  Congress  in  such  casea 
made  and  provided. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed,  this  fifteenth*day  of  September, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three, 
and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  eighty- 
eighth. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
By  the  President: 
WM.  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

The  act  passed  by  Congress  "for  enrolling  and  callino-  out 
the  national  forces,"  commonly  called  the  Conscription  Act, 
provided  that  all  able-bodied  male  citizens,  and  persons  of  for 
eign  birth  who  had  declared  their  intention  to  become  citizens, 
between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  forty-five,  were  liable  to  be 
called  into  service.  The  strenuous  efforts  made  by  the  enemies 
of  the  Administration  to  arouse  the  hostility  of  the  people 
against  its  general  policy,  had  proved  so  far  successful  as 
greatly  to  discourage  volunteer  enlistments;  and  the  Gov 
ernment  was  thus  compelled  to  resort  to  the  extraordinary 
powers  conferred  upon  it  by  this  act.  Questions  had  been 


PROCLAMATION    CONCERNING    ALIENS.  369 

raised  as  to  the  liability  of  foreigners  to  be  drafted  under  this 
law  ;  and  in  order  to  settle  this  point  the  President,  on  the 
8th  of  May,  issued  the  following 

PROCLAMATION : 

WASHINGTON,  May  8,  1863. 
By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America,  a  Proclamation. 

Whereas,  The  Congress  of  the  United  States,  at  its  last  session, 
enacted  a  law,  entitled  "  An  act  for  enrolling  and  calling  out  the  national 
forces,  and  for  other  purposes,"  which  was  approved  on  the  3d  day 
of  March  last ;  and 

Whereas,  It  is  recited  in  the  said  act  that  there  now  exists  in  tho 
United  States  an  insurrection  and  rebellion  against  the  authority  thereof, 
and  it  is,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  duty  of  the 
Government  to  suppress  insubordination  and  rebellion,  to  guarantee  to 
each  State  a  republican  form  of  government,  and  to  preserve  tho  public 
tranquillity ;  and 

Whereas,  For  these  high  purposes,  a  military  force  is  indispensable, 
to  raise  and  support  which  ah1  persons  ought  willingly  to  contribute ; 
and 

Wliereas,  No  service  can  be  more  praiseworthy  and  honorable  than 
that  which  is  rendered  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union,  and  the  consequent  preservation  of  free  government ;  and 

Whereas,  For  the  reasons  thus  recited  it  was  enacted  by  the  said  stat 
ute  that  all  able-bodied  male  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  persons 
of  foreign  birth  who  shall  have  declared  on  oath  their  intentions  to 
become  citizens  under  and  in  pursuance  of  the  laws  thereof,  between 
the  ages  of  twenty  and  forty-five  years,  with  certain  exemptions  not 
necessary  to  be  here  mentioned,  are  declared  to  constitute  the  national 
forces,  and  shall  be  liable  to  perform  military  duty  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  when  called  out  by  the  President  for  that  purpose  ;  and 

Whtreas,  It  is  claimed,  on  and  in  behalf  of  persons  of  foreign  birth, 
within  the  ages  specified  in  said  act,  who  have  heretofore  declared  on  oath 
their  intentions  to  become  citizens  under  and  in  pursuance  to  the  laws 
of  the  United  States,  and  who  have  not  exercised  the  right  of  suffrage, 
or  any  other  political  franchise  under  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
or  of  any  of  the  States  thereof,  that  they  are  not  absolutely  precluded  by 
their  aforesaid  declaration  of  intention  from  renouncing  their  purpose 
to  become  citizens;  and  that,  on  the  contrary,  such  persons,  under 
treaties  and  the  law  of  nations,  retain  a  right  to  renounce  that  purpose, 
16* 


370          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

and  to  forego  the  privilege  of  citizenship  and  residence  within  the 
United  States,  under  the  obligations  imposed  by  the  aforesaid  act  of 
Congress: 

Now,  therefore,  to  avoid  all  misapprehensions  concerning  the  liability 
of  persons  concerned  to  perform  the  service  required  by  such  enact 
ment,  and  to  give  it  full  effect,  I  do  hereby  order  and  proclaim  that  no 
plea  of  alienage  will  be  received,  or  allowed  to  exempt  from  the  obliga 
tions  imposed  by  the  aforesaid  act  of  Congress  any  person  of  foreign 
birth  who  shall  have  declared  on  oath  his  intention  to  become  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States,  under  the  laws  thereof,  and  who  shall  be  found 
within  the  United  States  at  any  time  during  the  continuance  of  the 
present  insurrection  and  rebellion,  at  or  after  the  expiration  of  the  period 
of  sixty-five  days  from  the  date  of  this  proclamation;  nor  shall  any 
such  plea  of  alienage  be  allowed  in  favor  of  any  such  person  who  has 
so,  as  aforesaid,  declared  his  intention  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and  shall  have  exercised  at  any  time  the  right  of  suffrage,  or 
any  other  political  franchise  within  the  United  States,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  or  under  the  laws  of  any  of  the  several  States. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  8th  day  of  May,  in  the  year 

[L.  s.]     of  our  Lord  1863,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  the  eighty-seventh. 

By  the  President :  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

It  was  subsequently  ordered  that  the  draft  should  take  place 
in  July,  and  public  proclamation  was  made  of  the  number 
which  each  State  would  be  required  to  furnish.  Enrolling 
officers  had  been  appointed  for  the  several  districts  of  all  the 
States,  and,  all  the  names  being  placed  in  a  wheel,  the  number 
required  were  to  be  publicly  drawn,  under  such  regulations  as 
were  considered  necessary  to  insure  equal  and  exact  justice. 
Very  great  pains  had  been  taken  by  the  opponents  of  the  Ad 
ministration  to  excite  odium  against  that  clause  of  the  law 
which  fixed  the  price  of  exemption  from  service  under  the 
draft  at  $300.  It  was  represented  that  this  clause  was  for  the 
special  benefit  of  the  rich,  who  could  easily  pay  the  sum 


THE    DRAFT. — THE    NEW   YOKK   KIOTS.  371 

required  ;  while  poor  men  who  could  not  pay  it  would  bo 
compelled,  at  whatever  hardships  to  themselves  and  their 
families,  to  enter  the  army.  The  draft  was  commenced  in  the 
city  of  New  York  on  Saturday,  July  llth,  and  was  conducted 
quietly  and  successfully  during  that  day.  On  Sunday  plots 
were  formed  and  combinations  entered  into  to  resist  it;  and 
no  sooner  was  it  resumed  on  Monday  morning,  July  13,  than  a 
sudden  and  formidable  attack  was  made  by  an  armed  mob 
upon  the  office  in  one  of  the  districts ;  the  wheel  was  destroyed, 
the  lists  scattered,  and  the  building  set  on  fire.  The  excite 
ment  spread  through  the  city.  Crowds  gathered  everywhere, 
with  no  apparent  common  object ;  but  during  the  day  the 
movement  seemed  to  be  controlled  by  leaders  in  two  general 
directions.  The  first  was  an  attack  upon  the  negroes ;  the 
second  an  assault  upon  every  one  who  was  supposed  to  be  in 
any  way  concerned  in  the  draft,  or  prominently  identified, 
officially  or  otherwise,  with  the  Administration  or  the  Republi 
can  party.  Unfortunately,  the  militia  regiments  of  the  city  had 
been  sent  to  Pennsylvania  to  withstand  the  rebel  invasion  ;  and 
the  only  guardians  left  for  the  public  peace  were  the  regular 
police  and  a  few  hundred  soldiers  who  garrisoned  the  forts. 
Both  behaved  with  the  greatest  rfgor  and  fidelity,  but  they 
were  too  few  to  protect  the  dozen  miles  between  the  extremi 
ties  of  the  city.  The  mob,  dispersed  in  one  quarter,  would 
reassemble  at  another,  and  for  four  days  the  city  seemed  given 
up  to  their  control.  The  outrages  committed  during  this 
time  were  numerous  and  aggravated.  Negroes  were  assaulted, 
beaten  to  death,  mutilated,  and  hung;  building  after  building 
was  sacked  and  burned ;  gangs  of  desperadoes  patrolled  the 
streets,  levying  contributions,  and  ordering  places  of  business 
to  be  closed.  A  Colored  Orphan  Asylum,  sheltering  some 
hundreds  of  children,  was  sacked  and  burned.  After  the  first 
day  the  riot,  which  was  at  first  directed  against  the  draft,  took 
a  new  turn.  The  entire  mass  of  scoundrelism  in  the  city 


372 

seemed  to  have  been  let  loose  for  indiscriminate  plunder. 
Women,  half-grown  boys,  and  children,  were  foremost  in  the 
work  of  robbery,  and  no  man  felt  safe  from  attack.  The 
police  force  did  their  duty  manfully,  aided  at  first  by  the  few 
troops  at  the  disposal  of  the  authorities,  and  subsequently  by 
the  regiments  who  began  to  return  from  Pennsylvania.  In 
the  street  fights  which  occurred  many  of  the  defenders  of  law 
and  order  lost  their  lives,  while  a  far  larger  number  of  the 
rioters  were  killed.  The  bands  of  rioters  were  finally  dispersed, 
and  the  peace  of  the  city  was  restored. 

During  these  occurrences  the  draft  was  necessarily  suspend 
ed  ;  and  on  the  3d  of  August,  Governor  Seymour  addressed  a 
long  letter  to  the  President,  asking  that  further  proceedings 
under  the  draft  might  be  postponed  until  it  should  be  seen 
whether  the  number  required  from  the  State  of  New  York 
could  not  be  raised  by  volunteering,  and  also  until  the  con 
stitutionality  of  the  law  could  be  tested  in  the  judicial  tribunals 
of  the  country.  The  Governor  pointed  out  an  alleged  in 
justice  in  the  application  of  the  law,  by  which,  in  four  districts 
of  the  State  of  New  York  a  far  higher  quota  in  proportion  to 
the  population  was  required  than  in  the  other  districts  of  the 
State;  and  this  was  urged  as  an  additional  reason  for  post 
poning  the  further  execution  of  the  law. 

To  this  appeal  the  President,  on  the  7th  of  August,  made 
the  following  reply : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  August  7,  1863. 
His  Excellency,  HORATIO  SEYMOUR, 

Governor  of  New  York,  Albany,  N.  Y. : 

Your  communication  of  the  3d  inst.,  has  been  received  and  attentively 
considered.  I  cannot  consent  to  suspend  the  draft  in  New  York,  as  you 
request,  because,  among  other  reasons,  TIME  is  too  important.  By  the 
figures  you  send,  which  I  presume  are  correct,  the  twelve  districts  repre 
sented  fall  in  two  classes  of  eight  and  four  respectively. 

The  disparity  of  the  quotas  for  the  draft  in  these  two  classes  is  certainly 
very  striking,  being  the  difference  between  an  average  of  2,200  in  one 
class,  and  4,864  in  the  other.  Assuming  that  the  districts  are  equal,  one 


LETTER  TO  GOVERNOR  SEYMOUR.         373 

to  another,  in  entire  population,  as  required  by  the  plan  on  which  they 
were  made,  this  disparity  is  such  as  to  require  attention.  Much  of  it, 
however,  I  suppose  will  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  so  many  mor. 
persons  fit  for  soldiers  are  in  the  city  than  are  in  the  country,  who  have 
too  recently  arrived  from  other  parts  of  the  United  States  and  from  Europe 
to  be  either  included  in  the  census  of  I860,  or  to  have  voted  m  1? 
Still  makin^  due  allowance  for  this,  I  am  yet  unwilling  to  stand  upon  it 
as  an  entirely  sufficient  explanation  of  the  great  disparity.  I  shall  direct 
the  draft  to  proceed  in  all  the  districts,  drawing,  however,  at  first  from 
each  of  the  four  districts-to  wit,  the  Second,  Fourth,  Sixth,  and  Eighth 
—only  2  200,  bein"  the  average  quota  of  the  other  class.  After  this 
drawing,  'these  four  districts,  and  also  the  Seventeenth  and  Twenty-ninth, 
sh-ill  be  carefully  re-enrolled ;  and,  if  you  please,  agents  of  yours  may 
witness  every  step  of  the  process.  Any  deficiency  which  may  appear  by 
the  new  enrolment  will  be  supplied  by  a  special  draft  for  that  object, 
allowin^  due  credit  for  volunteers  who  may  be  obtained  from  these  dis 
tricts  respectively  during  the  interval;  and  at  all  points,  so  far  as  consist 
ent  with  practical  convenience,  due  credits  shall  be  given  for  volunteers, 
and  your  Excellency  shall  be  notified  of  the  time  fixed  for  commencing 
a  draft  in  each  district. 

I  do  not  object  to  abide  a  decision  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court, 
or.  of  the  Judges  thereof,  on  the  constitutionality  of  the  draft  law.     In 
fact  I  should  be  willing  to  facilitate  the  obtaining  of  it.      But  I  cannot 
consent  to  lose  the  time  while  it  is  being  obtained.    We  are  contenclii 
with  an  enemy  who,  as  I  understand,  drives  every  able-bodied  man  1 
can  reach  into  his  ranks,  very  much  as  a  butcher  drives  bullocks  into  a 
slaughter-pen.    No  time  is  wasted,  no  argument  is  used.     This  produces 
an  army  which  will  soon  turn  upon  our  now  victorious  soldiers  already 
in  the  field,  if  they  shall  not  be  sustained  by  recruits  as  they  should  be. 
It  produces  an  army  with  a  rapidity  not  to  be  matched  on  our  side,  if 
we  first  waste  time  to  re-experiment  with  the  volunteer  system,  already 
deemed  by  Congress,  and  palpably,  in  fact,  so  far  exhausted  as  to  be 
adequate-  and  then  more  time  to  obtain  a  Court  decision  as  to  whether 
a  law  is  constitutional  which  requires  a  part  of  those  not  now  in  the  service 
to  go  to  the  aid  of  those  who  are  already  in  it;  and  still  more  time  1 
determine  with  absolute  certainty  that  we  get  those  who  are  to  go  in  the 
precisely  legal  proportion  to  those  who  are  not  to  go.    My  purpos 
be  in  my  action  just  and  constitutional,  and  yet  practical,  in  performing 
the  important  duty  with  which  I  am  charged,  of  maintaining  the  unity  and 
the  free  principles  of  our  common  country.    Your  c       lent  serv  mt, 

On  the  8th  Governor  Seymour  replied,  reasserting  the  uiitair- 


374  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

ness  and  injustice  of  the  enrolments,  and  expressing  liis  regret  at 
the  President's  refusal  to  postpone  the  draft.  He  also  sent  a 
voluminous  statement  prepared  by  Judge-Advocate  Water- 
bury,  designed  to  sustain  the  position  he  had  previously  as 
sumed.  To  this  the  President  thus  replied  : — 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION",         ) 
WASHINGTON,  August  11,  18G3.  j 
His  Excellency  HORATIO  SEYMOUR, 
Governor  of  New  York: 

Yours  of  the  8th,  with  Judge-Advocate  General  TVaterbury's  report, 
was  received  to-day. 

Asking  you  to  remember  that  I  consider  time  as  being  very  import 
ant,  both  to  the  general  cause  of  the  country  arid  to  the  soldiers  in  the 
field,  I  beg  to  remind  you  that  I  waited,  at  your  request,  from  the  1st 
until  the  6th  inst.  to  receive  your  communication  dated  the  3d.  In  view 
of  its  great  length,  and  the  known  time  and  apparent  care  taken  in  its 
preparation,  I  did  not  doubt  that  it  contained  your  full  case  as  you 
desired  to  present  it.  It  contained  the  figures  for  twelve  districts, 
omitting  the  other  nineteen,  as  I  supposed,  because  you  found  nothing 
to  complain  of  as  to  them.  I  answered  accordingly.  In  doing  so  I 
laid  down  the  principle  to  which  I  purpose  adhering,  which  is  to  pro 
ceed  with  the  draft,  at  the  same  time  employing  infallible  means  to 
avoid  any  great  wrong.  With  the  communication  received  to-day  you 
send  figures  for  twenty-eight  districts,  including  the  twelve  sent  before, 
and  still  omitting  three,  for  which  I  suppose  the  enrolments  are  not 
yet  received.  In  looking  over  the  fuller  list  of  twenty-eight  districts,  I 
find  that  the  quotas  for  sixteen  of  them  are  above  2,000  and  below 
2,700,  while  of  the  rest,  six  are  above  2,700  and  six  are  below  2,000. 
Applying  the  principle  to  these  new  facts,  the  Fifth  and  Seventh  Dis 
tricts  must  be  added  to  the  four  in  which  the  quotas  have  already  been 
reduced  to  2,200  for  the  first  draft;  and  with  these  four  others  must 
be  added  to  those  to  be  re-enrolled.  The  correct  case  will  then  stand : 
the  quotas  of  the  Second,  Fourth,  Fifth,  Sixth,  Seventh,  and  P^ighth 
Districts  fixed  at  2,200  for  the  first  draft.  The  Provost-Marshal  Gene 
ral  informs  me  that  the  drawing  is  already  completed  in  the  Sixteenth, 
Seventeenth,  Eighteenth,  Twenty-Second,  T wenty -Fourth,  Twenty- 
Sixth,  Twenty-Seventh,  Twenty-Eighth,  Twenty-Ninth,  and  Thirtieth 
Districts.  In  the  others,  except  the  three  outstanding,  the  drawing 
will  be  made  upon  the  quotas  as  now  fixed.  After  the  first  draft,  tho 


THE    DRAFT   RESUMED   AND   COMPLETED.  375 

Second,  Fourth,  Fifth,  Sixth,  Seventh,  Eighth,  Sixteenth,  Seventeenth, 
Twenty-First,  Twenty-Fifth,  Twenty-Ninth,  and  Thirty-First  will  be 
enrolled  for  the  purpose,  and  in  the  manner  stated  in  my  letter  of  the 
7th  mst.  The  same  principle  will  be  applied  to  the  now  outstanding 
districts  when  they  shall  come  in.  No  part  of  my  former  letter  is 
repudiated  by  reason  of  not  being  restated  in  this,  or  for  any  other  cause. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

The  draft  in  New  York  was  resumed  on  the  19th  of  August, 
and  as  ample  preparations  had  been  made  for  the  preservation 
of  the  public  peace,  it  encountered  no  further  opposition.  In 
every  other  part  of  the  country  the  proceedings  were  con 
ducted  and  completed  without  resistance. 

Some  difficulty  was  experienced  in  Chicago,  and  the  Mayor 
and  Comptroller  of  that  city  addressed  the  President  on  the 
subject  of  alleged  frauds  in  the  enrolment,  and  received  the 
following  dispatch  in  reply  : 

WASHINGTON,  August  27,  1863. 
F.  C.  SHERMAN,  Mayor  ;  J.  S.  HAYS,  Comptroller  : 

Yours  of  the  24th,  in  relation  to  the  draft,  is  received.  It  seems  to 
me  the  government  here  will  be  overwhelmed  if  it  undertakes  to  conduct 
these  matters  with  the  authorities  of  cities  and  counties.  They  must  be 
conducted  with  the  Governors  of  States,  who  will,  of  course,  represent 
their  cities  and  counties.  Meanwhile,  you  need  not  be  uneasy  until  you 
again  hear  from  here.  A.  LINCOLN. 

Subsequently,  in  reply  to  further  representations  on  the 
subject,  the  same  gentlemen  received  the  following : 

"WASHINGTON,  August  7,  1863. 

Yours  of  August  29th  just  received.  I  suppose  it  was  intended  by 
Congress  that  this  Court  should  execute  the  act  in  question  without  de 
pendence  upon  any  other  Government,  State,  City,  or  County.  It  is, 
however,  within  the  range  of  practical  convenience  to  confer  with  the 
Governments  of  States,  while  it  is  quite  beyond  that  range  to  have 
correspondence  on  the  subject  with  counties  and  cities.  They  are  too 
numerous.  As  instances,  I  have  corresponded  with  Gov.  Seymour,  but 
not  with  Mayor  Opdyke ;  with  Gov.  Curtin,  but  not  with  Mayor  Henry. 

A.  LINCOLN. 


376          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

MILITARY    EVENTS    OF    1803 THE    REBEL    DEFEAT    AT  GETTYS 
BURG FALL    OF    VICKSBURG    AND    PORT    HUDSON. 

THE  military  events  of  1863,  though  of  very  great  impor 
tance,  are  much  less  closely  connected  with  the  direct  action 
of  the  President  than  those  which  occurred  in  1862;  we 
shall  not  attempt,  therefore,  to  narrate  them  as  much  in  detail. 
When  General  Burnside  succeeded  General  McClellan  in  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  on  the  7th  of  November, 
1 862,  that  army  was  at  Warrenton,  the  rebel  forces  falling 
back  before  it  towards  Richmond.  Deeming  it  impossible  to 
force  the  enemy  to  a  decisive  battle,  and  unsafe  to  follow  him 
to  Richmond  on  a  line  which  must  make  it  very  difficult  to 
keep  up  his  communications,  General  Burnside,  on  the  15th, 
turned  his  army  towards  Fredericksburg — marching  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Rappahannock,  intending  to  cross  the 
river,  take  possession  of  Fredericksburg,  and  march  upon 
Richmond  from  that  point.  The  advance  division,  under 
General  Sumner,  arrived  opposite  Fredericksburg  on  the 
19th  ;  but  a  pontoon  train,  which  had  been  ordered  and  was 
expected  to  be  there  at  the  same  time,  had  not  come — so  that 
crossing  at  the  moment  was  impossible.  The  delay  that  thus 
became  unavoidable,  enabled  General  Lee  to  bring  up  a  strong 
force  from  the  rebel  army,  and  possess  himself  of  the  heights 
of  Fredericksburg.  On  the  night  of  the  10th  of  December, 
General  Burnside  threw  a  bridge  of  pontoons  across  the  river, 
and  the  next  day  constructed  four  bridges,  under  cover  of  a 
terrific  bombardment  of  the  town.  On  the  llth  and  12th 
his  army  was  crossed  over,  and  on  the  13th  attacked  the  ene- 


THE    BATTLES   AT   FREDEEICKSBUKG.  377 

my — General  Sumner  commanding  in  front,  and  General 
Franklin  having  command  of  a  powerful  flanking  movement 
against  the  rebel  right.  The  rebels;  however,  were  too  strongly 
posted  to-  be  dislodged.  Our  forces  suffered  severely,  and 
were  unable  to  advance.  On  the  night  of  the  15th,  they  were 
therefore  withdrawn  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.  Our 
losses  in  this  engagement  were  1,138  killed,  9,105  wounded, 
2,078  missing;  total,  12,321. 

The  army  remained  quiet  until  the  20th  of  January,  when 
General  Eurnside  again  issued  orders  for  an  advance,  intend 
ing  to  cross  the  river  some  six  or  eight  miles  above  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  make  a  flank  attack  upon  the  left  wing  of  the  rebel 
army.  The  whole  army  was  moved  to  the  place  of  crossing 
early  in  the  morning,  but  a  heavy  storm  on  the  preceding 
night  had  so  damaged  the  roads  as  to  make  it  impossible  to 
bring  up  artillery  and  pontoons  with  the  promptness  essential 
to  success.  On  the  24th,  General  Burnside  was  relieved  from 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  General  Hooker 
appointed  in  his  place.  Three  months  were  passed  in  inaction, 
the  season  foibidding  any  movement;  but  on  the  27th  of 
April,  General  Hooker  pushed  three  divisions  of  his  army  to 
Kelley's  Ford,  twenty-five  miles  above  Fredericksburg,  and 
by  the  30th  had  crossed  the  river,  and  turning  south  had 
reached  Chancellorsville — five  or  six  miles  southwest  of  that 
town.  A  strong  cavalry  force,  under  General  Stoneman,  had 
been  sent  to  cut  the  railroad  in  the  rear  of  the  rebel  army,  so 
as  to  prevent  their  receiving  re-enforcements  from  Richmond, — 
General  Hooker's  design  being  to  attack  the  enemy  in  flank 
and  rear.  The  other  divisions  of  his  army  had  crossed  and 
joined  his  main  force  at  Chancellorsville,  General  Sedgwick, 
with  one  division  only,  being  left  opposite  Fredericksburg. 
On  the  2d  of  May,  the  left  wing  of  the  rebel  army,  under 
General  Jackson,  attacked  our  right,  and  gained  a  decided 
advantage  of  position,  which  was  recovered,  however,  before 


378 

the  day  closed.  The  action  was  renewed  next  day,  and  the 
advantage  remained  with  the  enemy.  General  Scdgwick, 
meantime,  had  crossed  the  river  and  occupied  the  heights  of 
Fredericksburg,  but  was  driven  from  them  and  compelled  to 
retreat  on  the  night  of  the  4th.  On  the  morning  of  the  5th 
a  heavy  rainstorm  set  in,  and  in  the  night  of  that  day  Gen 
eral  Hooker  withdrew  his  army  to  the  north  bank  of  the 
Kappahannock,  having  lost  not  far  from  18,000  in  the  move 
ment. 

Both  armies  remained  inactive  until  the  9th  of  June,  when 
it  was  discovered  that  the  rebel  forces  under  Lee  were  leaving 
their  position  near  Fredericksburg  and  moving  northwest, 
through  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah.  On  the  13th  the  rebel 
General  Ewell,  with  a  heavy  force,  attacked  our  advance  post 
of  seven  thousand  men  at  Winchester  under  General  Milroy, 
and  not  only  compelled  him  to  retreat  but  pursued  him  so 
closely  as  to  convert  his  retreat  into  a  rout :  and  on  the  14th 
of  June  the  rebel  army  began  to  cross  the  Potomac  and  ad 
vanced  upon  Hagerstown,  Maryland,  with  the  evident  purpose 
of  invading  Pennsylvania.  The  movement  created  the  most 
intense  excitement  throughout  the  country.  President  Lin 
coln  issued  a  proclamation  calling  for  100,000  militia  from 
the  States  most  directly  menaced,  to  serve  for  six  months,  and 
New  York  was  summoned  to  send  20,000  also.  On  the  27th 
the  main  body  of  the  rebel  army  crossed  the  Potomac  at 
Williamsport,  and  General  Lee  took  up  his  head-quarters  at 
Ilagerstown. 

Meantime,  as  soon  as  the  movement  of  the  rebel  forces 
from  Fredericksburg  was  discovered,  our  army  had  broken 
up  its  encampment  and  marched  northward,  on  a  line  nearly 
parallel  with  that  of  the  enemy,  and  on  the  27th,  the  same 
day  that  the  rebels  reached  Ilagerstown,  the  head-quarters 
of  our  army  were  at  Frederick  City — our  whole  force  being 
thus  interposed  between  the  rebels  and  both  Baltimore  and 


EEBEL    RAID   INTO   PENNSYLVANIA.  379 

Washington,  and  prepared  to  follow  them  into  Pennsylvania. 
On  that  day  General  Hooker  was  relieved  from  command  of 
the  army,  which  was  conferred  upon  General  Meade,  who  at 
once  ordered  an  advance  into  Pennsylvania  in  the  general 
direction  of  Harrisburg — towards  which  the  enemy  was  rapidly 
advancing  in  force.  On  the  1st  of  July  our  advanced  corps, 
the  First  and  Eleventh,  under  Generals  Reynolds  and  Howard, 
came  in  contact  with  the  enemy,  strongly  posted  near  the 
town  of  Gettysburg,  and  attacking  at  once,  fought  an  in 
decisive  battle  ;  the  enemy  being  so  far  superior  in  numbers  as 
to  compel  General  Howard,  who  was  in  command  at  the  time, 
to  fall  back  to  Cemetery  Hill  and  wait  for  re-enforcements. 
During  the  night  all  the  corps  of  our  army  were  concentrated 
and  the  next  day  posted  around  that  point.  The  Eleventh 
Corps  retained  its  position  on  the  Cemetery  ridge  :  the  First 
Corps  was  on  the  right  of  the  Eleventh,  on  a  knoll,  connect 
ing  with  the  ridge  extending  to  the  south  and  east,  on  which 
the  Second  Corps  was  placed.  The  right  of  the  Twelfth 
Corps  rested  on  a  small  stream.  The  Second  and  Third 
Corps  were  posted  on  the  left  of  the  Eleventh,  on  the  pro 
longation  of  Cemetery  ridge.  The  Fifth  was  held  in  reserve 
until  the  arrival  of  the  Sixth,  at  2  p.  M.  on  the  2d,  after  a 
march  of  thirty-two  miles  in  seventeen  hours,  when  the  Fifth 
was  ordered  to  the  extreme  left  and  the  Sixth  placed  in 
reserve. 

At  about  3  o'clock  the  battle  was  opened  by  a  tremendous 
onset  of  the  enemy,  whose  troops  were  massed  along  a  ridge  a 
mile  or  so  in  our  front,  upon  the  Third  Corps,  which  formed 
our  extreme  left  and  which  met  the  shock  with  heroic  firm 
ness,  until  it  was  supported  by  the  Third  and  Fifth.  General 
Sickles,  who  commanded  the  Third  Corps,  was  severely 
wounded  early  in  the  action,  and  General  Birney,  who  suc 
ceeded  to  the  command,  though  ur^ed  to  fall  back,  was 

O  O 

enabled,  by  the  help  of  the  First  and  Sixth  Corps,  to  hold  his 


380  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

ground,  and  at  about  sunset  the  enemy  retired  in  confusion. 
Another  assault  was  made  on  our  left  during  the  evening, 
which  was  also  repulsed.  On  the  morning  of  the  3d  a  spirited 
assault  was  made  upon  the  right  of  our  line,  but  without  suc 
cess  ;  and  at  1  p.  M.  the  enemy  opened  an  artillery  fire  upon 
our  centre  and  left  from  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  guns, 
which  continued  for  over  two  hours,  without  reply  from  our 
side,  when  it  was  followed  by  a  heavy  assault  of  infantry, 
directed  mainly  against  the  Second  Corps,  and  repelled  with 
firmness  and  success  by  that  Corps,  supported  by  Doubleday's 
Division  and  Stannard's  Brigade  of  the  First  Corps.  This 
terminated  the  battle.  On  the  morning  of  the  4th  a  recon- 
noissance  showed  that  the  enemy  had  withdrawn  his  left  flank, 
maintaining  his  position  in  front  of  our  left,  with  the  apparent 
purpose  of  forming  a  new  line  of  attack ;  but  the  next  morn 
ing  it  was  ascertained  that  he  was  in  full  retreat.  The  Sixth 
Corps,  with  all  disposable  cavalry,  were  at  once  sent  in  pur 
suit  ;  but  ascertaining  that  the  enemy  had  availed  himself  of 
very  strong  passes  which  could  be  held  by  a  small  force, 
General  Meade  determined  to  pursue  by  a  flank  movement, 
and  after  burying  the  dead  and  succoring  the  wounded,  the 
whole  army  was  put  in  motion  for  the  Potomac.  On  the 
12th  it  arrived  in  front  of  the  enemy  strongly  posted  on  the 
heights,  in  advance  of  Williarnsport.  The  next  day  was 
devoted  to  an  examination  of  the  position ;  but  on  advancing 
for  an  attack  on  the  14th,  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy  had 
succeeded  in  crossing  by  the  bridge  at  Falling  Waters  and  the 
ford  at  Williarnsport.  The  pursuit  was  continued  still  further, 
but  the  enemy,  though  greatly  harassed  and  subjected  to  severe 
losses,  succeeding  in  gaining  the  line  of  the  Rapidan,  and  our 
forces  again  occupied  their  old  position  on  the  Rappahannock. 
On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  July,  the  day  celebrated 
throughout  the  country  as  the  anniversary  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  the  President  issued  the  following  : — 


RESULTS    AT    GETTYSBURG.  381 

"WASHINGTON,  July  4,  10.30  A.  K 

The  President  announces  to  the  country  that  news  from  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  up  to  10  p.  M.  of  the  3d,  is  such  as  to  cover  that  army  with 
the  highest  honor ;  to  promise  a  great  success  to  the  cause  of  the  Union, 
and  to  claim  the  condolence  of  all  for  the  many  gallant  fallen ;  and  that 
for  this  he  especially  desires  that  on  this  day,  He,  whose  will,  not  ours, 
should  ever  be  done,  be  everywhere  remembered  and  reverenced  with 
profoundest  gratitude.  A.  LINCOLN. 

The  result  of  this  battle — one  of  the  severest  and  most 
sanguinary  of  the  war — was  of  the  utmost  importance.  It 
drove  the  rebels  back  from  their  intended  invasion  of  Penn 
sylvania  and  Maryland,  and  compelled  them  to  evacuate  the 
upper  part  of  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  leaving  in  our 
hands  nearly  14,000  prisoners,  and  25,000  small  arms  collected 
on  the  battle-field.  Our  own  losses  were  very  severe,  amount 
ing  to  2,834  killed,  13,709  wounded,  and  6,643  missing — in  all, 
23,186. 

During  the  ensuing  season,  a  piece  of  ground,  seventeen 
and  a  half  acres  in  extent,  adjoining  the  town  cemetery,  arid 
forming  an  important  part  of  the  battle-field,  was  purchased  by 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania  to  be  used  as  a  national  burying- 
ground  for  the  loyal  soldiers  who  fell  in  that  great  engage 
ment  It  was  dedicated,  with  solemn  and  impressive  cere 
monies,  on  the  19th  of  November,  1863,  the  President  and 
members  of  his  Cabinet  being  in  attendance,  and  a  very  large 
and  imposing  military  display  adding  grace  and  dignity  to 
the  occasion.  Hon.  Edward  Everett  delivered  the  formal 
address,  and  President  Lincoln  made  the  following  remarks  : 

Fourscore  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought  forth  upon  this 
continent  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and  dedicated  to  the  pro 
position  that  all  men  are  created  equal.  Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great 
civil  war,  testing  whether  that  nation,  or  any  nation  so  conceived  and  so 
dedicated  can  long  endure.  "We  are  met  on  a  great  battle-field  of  that  war. 
We  have  come  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field  as  a  final  resting-place  for 


PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

those  who  here  gave  their  lives  that  that  nation  might  live.  It  is  altogcth  r 
fitting  and  proper  that  we  should  do  this.  But  in  a  larger  sense  we  can 
not  dedicate,  we  cannot  consecrate,  we  cannot  hallow  this  ground.  Tho 
brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who  struggled  here,  have  consecrated  it  far 
above  our  power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little  note,  nor  long 
remember,  what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what  they  did  here. 
It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be  dedicated  here  to  the  unfinished  work 
which  they  who  fought  here  have  thus  far  so  nobly  advanced.  It  is 
rather  for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining  before 
us,  that  from  these  honored  dead  we  take  increased  devotion  to  that  can  so 
for  which  they  gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devotion  ;  that  we  here  highly 
resolve  that  those  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain ;  that  this  nation  un 
der  God,  shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  government  of 
the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  shall  not  perish  from  the 
earth. 

The  other  great  military  achievement  of  the  year,  was  the 
capture  of  Port  Hudson  and  Vicksburg,  and  the  opening  of 
the  Mississippi  river  throughout  its  entire  length  to  the  com- 
inerce  of  the  United  States.  General  N.  P.  Banks,  who  suc 
ceeded  General  Butler  in  command  of  the  military  department 
of  Louisiana,  reached  New-Orleans,  sustained  by  a  formidable 
expedition  from  New-York,  and  assumed  command  on  the 
15th  of  December,  1862,  and  at  once  took  possession  of  Baton 
Rouge.  On  the  21st,  an  expedition  under  General  W.  T. 
Sherman  started  from  Memphis,  passed  down  the  Mississippi 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo,  some  ten  miles  above  Vicksburg, 
and  on  the  26th  ascended  that  river,  landed  and  commenced 
an  attack  upon  the  town  from  the  rear.  Severe  fight 
ing  continued  for  three  days,  during  which  time  our  army 
pushed  within  two  miles  of  the  city  ;  but  on  the  30th  they 
were  repulsed  with  heavy  loss.  On  the  2d  of  January,  Gene 
ral  McClernand  arrived  and  took  command,  and  the  attack  upon 
Vicksburg  was  for  the  time  abandoned  as  hopeless.  Several 
forts  on  the  Arkansas  and  White  Rivers  were  taken,  and  an 
effort  was  subsequently  made  to  cut  a  channel  across  the  neck 
of  land  on  the  extremity  of  which  Vicksburg  is  situated,  so  as 


VICKSBUKG   AND   PORT   HUDSON    CAPTUEED.  3 S3 

to  divert  the  channel  of  the  Mississippi,  and  make  Vicksbnraj 
substantially  an  inland  town.  Various  attempts  upon  the  place 
were  made  during  the  succeeding  month,  but  without  success. 
On  the  30th  of  April,  General  Grant  landed  his  forces  at  Bruins- 
burg,  sixty-five  miles  below  Vicksburg,  and  immediatelv  ad 
vanced  upon  Port  Gibson,  where  he  was  opposed  by  the  rebel 
General  Bowen,  who  was  defeated,  with  a  loss  in  killed,  wounded, 
and  prisoners,  of  1,500  men.  At  Grand  Gulf,  ten  miles  above 
Bruinsburg,  the  enemy  had  begun  to  erect  strong  fortifications. 
These  had  been  fired  upon  by  our  gunboats  a  few  days  be 
fore,  under  cover  of  which  the  fleet  had  run  past.  Grant  hav 
ing  now  gained  the  rear  of  this  strong  post,  Admiral  Porter, 
two  days  after  the  fight  at  Port  Gibson,  returned  to  Grand 
Gulf  and  found  it  abandoned.  Grant's  Army  then  marched 
upward  toward  Vicksburg,  and  on  the  12th  of  May  encounter 
ed  the  enemy  again  at  Raymond,  not  far  from  Jackson,  the 
capital  of  the  State  of  Mississippi,  and  again  defeated  them  with 
a  loss  of  800.  Two  days  after,  May  14,  they  were  opposed 
by  a  corps  of  the  enemy  under  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston, 
formerly  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Confederate  army, 
who  had  been  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Department 
of  the  Mississippi.  Johnston  was  defeated,  and  the  city  of 
Jackson  fell  into  our  hands,  with  seventeen  pieces  of  artillery 
and  large  stores  of  supplies.  Grant  then  turned  to  the  west, 
directly  upon  the  rear  of  Vicksburg.  General  Pemberton,  the 
commander  at  that  point,  advanced  with  the  hope  of  checking 
him,  but  was  defeated,  on  the  16th,  at  Baker's  Creek,  losing 
4,000  men  and  twenty-nine  pieces  of  artillery.  On  the  next 
day  the  same  force  was  encountered  and  defeated  at  Big  Black 
River  Bridge,  ten  miles  from  Vicksburg,  with  a  loss  of  2, COO 
men,  and  seventeen  pieces  of  artillery.  On  the  1 8th,  Vicksburg 
was  closely  invested,  and  the  enemy  were  shut  up  within  their 
works,  which  were  found  to  be  very  strong.  An  attempt  to  carry 
them  by  storm  was  unsuccessful,  and  re<nil;>r  sie^e  was  at  once 


384          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

laid  to  the  city  by  the  land  forces,  the  gunboats  in  the  river  co 
operating.  Our  approaches  were  pushed  forward  with  vigorous 
perseverance ;  our  works,  in  spite  of  the  most  strenuous  op 
position  of  the  garrison  under  General  Pemberton,  drawing 
nearer  every  day,  and  the  gunboats  in  the  river  keeping  up  an 
almost  constant  bombardment.  The  enemy,  it  was  known, 
were  greatly  straitened  by  want  of  supplies  and  ammunition, 
and  their  only  hope  of  relief  was  that  General  Johnston  would 
be  able  to  collect  an  army  sufficient  to  raise  the  siege  by  at 
tacking  Grant  in  his  rear.  This  had  been  so  strongly  defended 
that  a  force  of  50,000  men  would  have  been  required  to  make 
the  attempt  with  any  hope  of  success,  and  Johnston  was  not 
able  to  concentrate  half  of  that  number.  On  the  morning  of 
the  4th  of  July,  therefore,  General  Pemberton  proposed  to 
surrender  Vicksburg,  on  condition  that  his  troops  should  be 
permitted  to  march  out.  Grant  refused,  demanding  an  abso 
lute  surrender  of  the  garrison  as  prisoners  of  war.  Upon  con 
sultation  with  his  officers,  Pemberton  acceded  to  these  terms. 
By  this  surrender  about  31,000  prisoners,  220  cannon,  and 
70,000  stand  of  small  arms  fell  into  our  hands.  The  pris 
oners  were  at  once  released  on  parole.  The  entire  loss  of  the 
enemy  during  the  campaign  which  was  thus  closed  by  the 
surrender  of  Vicksburg,  was  nearly  40,000 ;  ours  was  not  far 
from  7,000. 

The  capture  of  Vicksburg  was  immediately  followed  by 
that  of  Port  Hudson,  which  was  surrendered  on  the  8th  of 
July  to  General  Banks,  together  with  about  7,000  prisoners, 
fifty  cannon,  and  a  considerable  number  of  small  arms.  The 
whole  course  of  the  Mississippi,  from  its  source  to  its  mouth, 
was  thus  opened,  and  the  Confederacy  virtually  separated  into 
two  parts,  neither  capable  of  rendering  any  effective  assistance 
to  the  other. 

The  great  victories,  by  which  the  Fourth  of  July  had  been 
so  signally,  and  so  gloriously  commemorated,  called  forth  the 


PUBLIC    REJOICINGS. — THE   PRESIDENT'S    SPEECH.     385 

most  enthusiastic  rejoicings  in  every  section  of  the  country. 
Public  meetings  were  held  in  nearly  all  the  cities  and  principal 
towns,  at  which  eloquent  speeches  and  earnest  resolutions  ex 
pressed  the  joy  of  the  people,  and  testified  their  unflinching 
purpose  to  prosecute  the  war  until  the  rebellion  should  be  extin 
guished.  A  large  concourse  of  the  citizens  of  Washington 
preceded  by  a  band  of  music,  visited  the  residence  of  the 
President,  and  the  members  of  his  cabinet — giving  them,  in 
succession,  the  honors  of  a  serenade — which  the  President 
acknowledged,  in  the  following  remarks  : 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  I  am  very  glad  indeed  to  see  you  to-night,  and 
yet  I  will  not  say  I  thank  you,  for  this  call ;  but  I  do  most  sincerely 
thank  Almighty  God  for  the  occasion  on  which  you  have  called.  How 
long  ago  is  it, — eighty  odd  years  since  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  for  tho 
first  time,  in  the  history  of  the  world,  a  nation,  by  its  representatives, 
assembled  and  declared  as  a  self-evident  truth,  "  that  all  men  are  cre 
ated  equal."  That  was  the  birthday  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
Since  then  the  Fourth  of  July  has  had  several  very  peculiar  recognitions. 
The  two  men  most  distinguished  in  the  framing  and  support  of  the  Decla 
ration  were  THOMAS  JEFFERSON  and  JOHN  ADAMS — the  one  having  pen 
ned  it,  and  the  other  sustained  it  the  most  forcibly  in  debate — the  only  two 
of  the  fifty-five  who  signed  it,  and  were  elected  Presidents  of  the  United 
States.  Precisely  fifty  years  after  they  put  their  hands  to  the  paper,  it 
pleased  Almighty  God  to  take  both  from  this  stage  of  action.  This  was 
indeed  an  extraordinary  and  remarkable  event  in  our  history.  Another 
President,  five  years  after,  was  called  from  this  stage  of  existence  on 
the  same  day  and  month  of  the  year ;  and  now  on  this  last  Fourth  of 
July,  just  passed,  when  we  haye  a  gigantic  rebellion,  at  the  bottom  of 
which  is  an  effort  to  overthrow  the  principle  that  all  men  were  created 
equal,  we  have  the  surrender  of  a  most  powerful  position  and  army  on 
that  very  day.  And  not  only  BO,  but  in  a  succession  of  battles  in  Penn 
sylvania,  near  to  us,  through  three  days,  so  rapidly  fought  that  they 
might  be  called  one  great  battle,  on  the  first,  second,  and  third  of  tho 
month  of  July ;  and  on  the  fourth  the  cohorts  of  those  who  opposed 
the  Declaration  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  "turned  tail1'  and  run. 
[Long  continued  cheers.]  Gentlemen,  this  is  a  glorious  theme,  and  the 
occasion  for  a  speech,  but  I  am  not  pro-pared  to  make  one  worthy  of  the 
17 


occasion.  I  would  like  to  speak  in  terms  of  praise  due  to  the  many  bravo 
officers  and  soldiers  who  have  fought  in  the  cause  of  the  Union  and 
liberties  of  their  country  from  the  beginning  of  the  war.  These  are 
trying  occasions,  not  only  in  success,  but  for  the  want  of  success.  I 
dislike  to  mention  the  name  of  one  single  officer,  lest  I  might  do  wrong 
to  those  I  might  forget.  Recent  events  bring  up  glorious  names,  and 
particularly  prominent  ones  ;  but  these  I  will  not  mention.  Having 
said  this  much,  I  will  now  take  the  music. 

The  President,  a  few  days  afterwards,  wrote  to  General 
Grant  the  following  letter  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  July  13,  18G3. 
Major-General  GRANT: 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  : — I  do  not  remember  that  you  and  I  ever  met 
personally.  I  write  this  now  as  a  grateful  acknowledgment  for  the  al 
most  inestimable  service  you  have  done  the  country.  I  write  to  say  a 
word  further.  When  you  first  reached  the  vicinity  of  Vicksburg,  I 
thought  you  should  do  what  you  finally  did — march  the  troops  across 
the  neck,  run  the  batteries  with  the  transports,  and  thus  go  below ;  and 
I  never  had  any  faith,  except  a  general  hope  that  you  knew  better  than 
T,  that  the  Yazoo  Pass  expedition,  and  the  like,  could  succeed.  When 
you  got  below,  and  took  Port  Gibson,  Grand  Gulf,  and  vicinity,  I 
thought  you  should  go  down  the  river,  and  join  General  Banks,  and 
when  you  turned  northward,  east  of  the  Big  Black,  I  feared  it  was  a 
mistake.  I  now  wish  to  make  the  personal  acknowledgment,  that  you 
were  right  and  I  was  wrong.  Yours,  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

These  victories,  together  with  others,  both  numerous  and 
important,  which  were  achieved  in  other  sections  of  the  coun 
try,  gave  such  strong  grounds  of  encouragement  and  hope 
for  the  speedy  overthrow  of  the  rebellion,  that,  on  the  15th 
of  July,  the  President  issued  the  following  proclamation  for  a 
day  of  National  Thanksgiving : 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
A  PROCLAMATION. 

It  has  pleased  Almighty  God  to  hearken  to  the  supplications  and 
prayers  of  an  afflicted  people,  and  to  vouchsafe  to  the  Army  and  the  Navy 
of  the  United  States,  on  the  land  and  011  the  sea,  victories  so  signal  and 


THANKSGIVING   FOE   VICTORIES.  387 

so  effective  as  to  furnish  reasonable  grounds  for  augmented  confidence 
that  the  Union  of  these  States  will  be  maintained,  their  Constitution 
preserved,  and  their  peace  and  prosperity  permanently  secured ;  but 
these  victories  have  been  accorded,  not  without  sacrifice  of  life,  limb, 
and  liberty,  incurred  by  brave,  patriotic,  and  loyal  citizens.  Domestic 
affliction,  in  every  part  of  the  country,  follows  in  the  train  of  these 
fearful  bereavements.  It  is  meet  and  right  to  recognize  and  confess  the 
presence  of  the  Almighty  Father,  and  the  power  of  His  hand  equally 
in  these  triumphs  and  these  sorrows. 

Now,  therefore,  be  it  known,  that  I  do  set  apart  Thursday,  the  sixth 
day  of  August  next,  to  be  observed  as  a  day  for  National  Thanksgiving, 
praise,  and  prayer ;  and  I  invite  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  as 
semble  on  that  occasion  in  their  customary  places  of  worship,  and  in  the 
form  approved  by  their  own  conscience,  render  the  homage  due  to  the 
Divine  Majesty,  for  the  wonderful  things  He  has  done  in  the  Nation's 
behalf,  and  invoke  the  influence  of  His  Holy  Spirit,  to  subdue  the 
anger  which  has  produced,  and  so  long  sustained  a  needless  and  cruel 
rebellion ;  to  change  the  hearts  of  the  insurgents ;  to  guide  the  coun 
sels  of  the  Government  with  wisdom  adequate  to  so  great  a  National 
emergency,  and  to  visit  with  tender  care,  and  consolation,  throughout 
the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land,  all  those  who,  through  the  vicissi 
tudes  of  marches,  voyages,  battles,  and  sieges,  have  been  brought  to 
suffer  in  mind,  body,  or  estate,  and  finally,  to  lead  the  whole  nation 
through  paths  of  repentance  and  submission  to  the  Divine  will,  back  to 
the  perfect  enjoyment  of  union  and  fraternal  peace. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  15th  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  of 

[L.  s.]  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  eighty- 
eighth.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President : 

WM.  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

In  other  portions  of  the  field  of  war,  our  arms,  during  the 
year  1863,  had  achieved  other  victories  of  marked  importance 
which  deserve  mention,  though  their  relation  to  the  special 
object  of  this  work  is  not  such  as  to  require  them  to  be  de 
scribed  in  detail. 


338  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

After  the  retreat  of  the  rebel  General  Lee  to  the  south  side 
of  the  Rapid  an,  a  considerable  portion  of  his  army  was 
detached  and  sent  to  re-enforce  Bragg,  threatened  by  Rose- 
crans,  at  Chattanooga ;  but,  \vith  his  numbers  thus  diminished, 
Lee  assumed  a  threatening  attitude  against  Meade,  and  turn 
ing  his  left  flank  forced  him  to  fall  back  to  the  line  of  Bull 
Run.  Several  sharp  skirmishes  occurred  during  these  opera 
tions,  in  which  both  sides  sustained  considerable  losses,  but 
no  substantial  advantage  was  gained  by  the  rebels,  and  by  the 
1st  of  November  they  had  resumed  their  original  position  on 
the  south  side  of  the  Rapidan. 

After  the  battle  of  Murfreesboro,  and  the  occupation  of 
that  place  by  our  troops,  on  the  5th  of  January,  1863,  the 
enemy  took  position  at  Shelbyville  and  Tullahoma,  and  the 
winter  and  spring  were  passed  in  raids  and  unimportant 
skirmishes.  In  June,  while  General  Grant  was  besieging 
Vicksburg,  information  reached  the  government  which  led 
to  the  belief  that  a  portion  of  Bragg' s  army  had  been  sent  to 
the  relief  of  that  place ;  and  General  Rosecrans  was  urged  to 
take  advantage  of  this  division  of  the  rebel  forces  and  drive 
them  back  into  Georgia,  so  as  completely  to  deliver  East  Ten 
nessee  from  the  rebel  armies.  He  was  told  that  General  Burn- 
side  would  move  from  Kentucky  in  aid  of  this  movement. 
General  Rosecrans,  however,  deemed  his  forces  unequal  to 
such  an  enterprise  ;  but,  receiving  re-enforcements,  he  com 
menced  on  the  25th  of  June  a  forward  movement  upon  the 
enemy,  strongly  intrenched  at  Tullahoma,  with  his  main  force 
near  Shelbyville.  Deceiving  the  rebel  General  by  a  move 
ment  upon  his  left  flank,  Rosecrans  threw  the  main  body  of 
his  army  upon  the  enemy's  right,  which  he  turned  so  com 
pletely  that  Bragg  abandoned  his  position,  and  fell  back 
rapidly,  and  in  confusion,  to  Bridgeport,  Alabama,  being  pur 
sued  as  far  as  practicable  by  our  forces.  General  Burnside 
had  been  ordered  to  connect  himself  with  Rosecrans,  but  had 


BATTLE     OF    CHATTANOOGA.  389 

failed  to  do  so.     Bra*™-  continued  his  retreat  across  the  Cum- 

CT5C5 

bcrland  Mountain  and  the  Tennessee  River,  and  took  post  at 
Chattanooga,  whither  he  was  pursued  by  Rosecrans,  who 
reached  the  Tennessee  on  the  20th  of  August,  and  on  the 
21st  commenced  shelling  Chattanooga  and  making  prepara 
tion  for  throwing  his  army  across  the  river.  A  reconnoisance, 
made  by  General  Crittenden  on  the  9th  of  September,  dis 
closed  the  fact,  that  the  rebels  had  abandoned  the  position, 
which  was  immediately  occupied  by  our  forces,  who  pushed 
forward  towards  the  South.  Indications  that  the  rebel  Gen 
eral  was  receiving  heavy  re-enforcements  and  manoeuvring  to 
turn  the  right  of  our  army,  led  to  a  concentration  of  all  our 
available  forces,  and,  subsequently,  to  the  appointment  of 
General  Grant  to  command  the  whole  army  thus  brought  to 
gether.  On  the  19th  of  September,  General  Rosecrans  was 
attacked  by  the  rebel  forces — their  main  force  being  directed 
against  his  left  wing  under  General  Thomas,  endeavoring  to 
turn  it  so  as  to  gaiu  the  road  to  Chattanooga.  The  attack 
was  renewed  the  next  morning,  and  with  temporary  success — • 
Longstreet's  Corps  having  reached  the  field  and  poured  its 
massive  columns  through  a  gap  left  in  the  centre  of  our  line 
by  an  unfortunate  misapprehension  of  an  order;  but  the 
opportune  arrival  and  swift  energy  of  General  Granger  checked 
his  advance,  and  the  desperate  valor  of  Thomas  and  his  troops 
repulsed  every  subsequent  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  carry  the 
position.  Our  losses,  in  this  series  of  engagements,  were  1,644 
killed,  9,262  wounded,  and  4,845  missing — a  total  swelled  by 
the  .estimated  losses  of  our  cavalry  to  about  16,351.  The 
rebel  General  immediately  sent  Longstreet  against  Burnside, 
who  was  at  Knoxville,  while  he  established  his  main  force 
again  in  the  neighborhood  of  Chattanooga.  On  the  23d  of 
November,  General  Grant  moved  his  army  to  attack  him,  and 
on  the  25th  the  whole  of  the  range  of  heights  known  as  Mis 
sionary  Ridge,  held  by  Bragg,  was  carried  by  our  troops  after 


390  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

a  desperate  struggle,  and  the  enemy  completely  routed.  This 
was  a  very  severe  engagement,  and  our  loss  was  estimated  at 
about  4,000.  Generals  Thomas  and  Hooker  pushed  the  rebel 
forces  back  into  Georgia,  and  Granger  and  Sherman  were  sent 
into  East  Tennessee  to  relieve  Burnside  and  raise  the  siege  of 
Knoxville,  which  was  pressed  by  Longstreet,  who,  failing  in 
this  attempt,  soon  after  retreated  towards  Virginia. 

Upon  receiving  intelligence  of  these  movements  the  Presi 
dent  issued  the  following  recommendation  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  December  7,  1863. 
Reliable  information  being  received  that  the  insurgent  force  is  retreat 
ing  from  East  Tennessee,  under  circumstances  rendering  it  probable  that 
the  Union  forces  cannot  hereafter  be  dislodged  from  that  important 
position ;  and  esteeming  this  to  be  of  high  national  consequence,  I  re 
commend  that  all  loyal  people  do,  on  receipt  of  this  information,  assemble 
at  their  places  of  worship,  and  render  special  homage  and  gratitude  to 
Almighty  God  for  this  great  advancement  of  the  National  cause. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

On  the  3d  of  October,  the  President  had  issued  the  follow 
ing  proclamation,  recommending  the  observance  of  the  last 
Thursday  of  November  as  a  day  of  Thanksgiving : 

PROCLAMATION 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

The  year  that  is  drawing  towards  its  close  lias  been  filled  with  the 
blessings  of  fruitful  fields  and  healthful  skies.  To  these  bounties,  which 
are  so  constantly  enjoyed  that  we  are  prone  to  forget  the  source  from 
which  they  come,  others  have  been  added  which  are  of  so  extraordinary 
a  nature  that  they  cannot  fail  to  penetrate  and  soften  even  the  heart 
which  is  habitually  insensible  to  the  ever  watchful  providence  of  Al 
mighty  God.  In  the  midst  of  a  civil  war  of  unequalled  magnitude  and 
severity,  which  has  sometimes  seemed  to  invite  and  provoke  the  aggres 
sions  of  foreign  States,  peace  has  been  preserved  with  all  nations,  order 
has  been  maintained,  the  laws  have  been  respected  and  obeyed,  and 
harmony  has  prevailed  everywhere  except  in  the  theatre  of  military 
conflict,  while  that  theatre  has  been  greatly  contracted  by  the  advancing 
armies  and  navies  of  the  Union.  The  needful  diversion  of  wealth  and 


THANKSGIVING   PROCLAMATION.  391 

strength  from  the  fields  of  peaceful  industry  to  the  national  defence, 
have  not  arrested  the  plough,  the  shuttle,  or  the  ship.  The  axe 
has  enlarged  the  borders  of  our  settlements,  and  the  mines,  as  well 
of  iron  and  coal  as  of  the  precious  metals,  have  yielded  even  more 
abundantly  than  heretofore.  Population  has  .steadily  increased,  not 
withstanding  the  waste  that  has  been  made  hi  the  camp,  the  siege,  and 
the  battle-field ;  and  the  country,  rejoicing  in  the  consciousness  of 
augmented  strength  and  vigor,  is  permitted  to  expect  a  continuance 
of  years,  with  large  increase  of  freedom. 

No  human  counsel  hath  devised,  nor  hath  any  mortal  hand  worked 
cut  these  great  things.  They  are  the  gracious  gifts  of  the  Most  High 
God,  who,  while  dealing  with  us  in  anger  for  our  sins,  hath  nevertheless 
remembered  mercy. 

It  has  seemed  to  me  fit  and  proper  that  they  should  be  solemnly, 
reverently,  and  gratefully  acknowledged,  as  with  one  heart  and  voice, 
by  the  whole  American  people.  I  do.  therefore,  invite  my  fellow-citizens 
in  every  part  of  the  United  States,  and  also  those  who  are  at  sea,  and 
those  who  are  sojourning  in  foreign  lands,  to  set  apart  and  observe 
the  last  Thursday  of  November  next  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving  and 
prayer  to  our  beneficent  Father,  who  dwelleth  in  the  heavens.  And  I 
recommend  to  them  that,  while  offering  up  the  ascriptions  justly  due 
to  Him  for  such  singular  deliverances  and  blessings,  they  do  also,  with 
humble  penitence  for  our  national  perverseness  and  disobedience,  com 
mend  to  his  tender  care  all  those  who  have  become  widows,  orphans, 
mourners,  or  sufferers  in  the  lamentable  civil  strife  in  which  we  are 
unavoidably  engaged,  and  fervently  implore  the  interposition  of  the 
Almighty  hand  to  heal  the  wounds  of  the  nation,  and  to  restore  it,  as 
soon  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  divine  purposes,  to  the  full  enjoy 
ment  of  peace,  harmony,  tranquillity,  and  union. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  third  day  of  October,  in  the 
[L.  s.]     year  of  our  Lord  1863,  and  of  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  the  eighty-eighth. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President : 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 


392          PEESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER  X, 

POLITICAL    MOVEMENTS   IN    MISSOURI.— THE    STATE    ELECTIONS 
OF    1863. 

THE  condition   of  affairs  in  Missouri  has  been   somewhat 
peculiar,  from  the  very  outbreak  of  the  rebellion.     At  the  out 
set  the  Executive  Department  of  the  State  government  was  in 
the  hands  of  men  in  full  sympathy  with  the  secession  cause, 
who,^  under   pretence  of  protecting  the    State   from  domes 
tic  violence,  were  organizing  its  forces  for  active  co-operation 
with  the  rebel   movement.     On  the   30th  of  July,  1861,  the 
State  Convention,  originally  called  by  Governor  Jackson',  for 
the   purpose  of  taking   Missouri   out  of  the   Union,  but   to 
which  the  people  had  elected  a  large  majority  of  Union  men, 
declared  all  the  Executive  offices  of  the  State  vacant,  by  rea 
son  of  the  treasonable   conduct  of  the   incumbents,  and  ap 
pointed  a  Provisional  Government,  of  which  the  Hon.  H.  R. 
Gamble  was  at  the  head.     He  at  once  took  measures  to  main 
tain  the  National  authority  within  the  State.     He  ordered  the 
troops  belonging  to  the  rebel  confederacy  to  withdraw  from  it, 
and  called  upon  all  the  citizens  of  the  State  to  organize  for  its 
defence,  and  for  the  preservation  of  peace  within  its  borders. 
He  also  issued  a  proclamation,  framed  in  accordance  with  the 
following  suggestions  from  Washington  : 

WASIIIXGTON,  August  3,  1861. 
To  His  "Excellency  Gov.  GAMBLE,  Governor  of  Missouri  : 

In  reply  to  your  Message,  addressed  to  the  President,  I  am  directed 
to  say,  that  if,  by  a  Proclamation,  you  promise  security  to  citizens  in 
arms,  who  voluntarily  return  to  their  allegiance,  and  behave  as  peaceable 
and  loyal  men,  this  Government  will  cause  the  promise  to  be  respected. 

SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War. 


GEN.   FREMONT  IN   MISSOURI.  393 

T\vo  days  after  this,  Governor  Jackson,  returning  from 
Richmond,  declared  the  State  to  be  no  longer  one  of  the 
United  States ;  and  on  the  2d  of  November,  the  Legislature, 
summoned  by  him  as  Governor,  ratified  a  compact,  by  which 
certain  commissioners,  on  both  sides,  had  agreed  that  Mis 
souri  should  join  the  rebel  confederacy.  The  State  authority 
was  thus  divided — two  persons  claiming  to  wield  the  Executive 
authority,  and  two  bodies,  also,  claiming  to  represent  the  popu 
lar  will, — one  adhering  to  the  Union,  and  the  other  to  the  Con 
federacy  in  organized  rebellion  against  it.  This  state  of  things 
naturally  led  to  wide-spread  disorder,  and  carried  all  the  evils 
of  civil  war  into  every  section  and  neighborhood  of  the  State. 

To  these  evils  were  gradually  added  others,  growing  out  of 
a  division  of  sentiment,  which  afterwards  ripened  into  sharp 
hostility,  among  the  friends  of  the  Union  within  the  State. 
One  of  the  earliest  causes  of  this  dissension  was  the  action 
and  removal  of  General  Fremont,  who  arrived  at  St.  Louis,  to 
take  command  of  the  Western  Department,  on  the  26th  of 
July,  1861.  On  the  31st  of  August  he  issued  a  Proclamation, 
declaring  that  circumstances,  in  his  judgment,  of  sufficient 
urgency,  rendered  it  necessary  that  "  the  commanding  general 
of  the  Department  should  assume  the  administrative  power 
of  the  State"  thus  superseding  entirely  the  authority  of  the 
civi[  rulers.  He  also  proclaimed  the  whole  State  to  be  under 
martial  law,  declared  that  all  persons  taken  with  arms  in  their 
hands,  within  the  designated  lines  of  the  Department,  should 
be  tried  by  court-martial,  and  if  found  guilty,  shot ;  and  con 
fiscating  the  property  and  emancipating  the  slaves  of  "  all  per 
sons  who  should  be  proved  to  have  taken  an  active  part  with 
the  enemies  of  the  United  States."  This  latter  clause,  trans 
cending  the  authority  conferred  by  the  confiscation  act  of 
Congress,  was  subsequently  modified  by  order  of  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States.* 

*  See  page  161. 

17* 


394  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

On  the  14th  of  October,  after  a  personal  inspection  of  af 
fairs  in  that  department  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  an  order 
was  issued  from  the  War  Department,  in  effect  censuring 
General  Fremont  for  having  expended  very  large  sums  of  the 
public  money,  through  agents  of  his  own  appointment,  and 
not  responsible  to  the  government ; — requiring  all  contracts 
and  disbursements  to  be  made  by  the  proper  officers  of  the 
army ; — directing  the  discontinuance  of  the  extensive  field- 
works,  which  the  General  was  erecting  around  St.  Louis  and 
Jefferson  City ;  and  also  the  barracks  in  construction  around 
his  head-quarters,  and  also  notifying  him  that  the  officers,  to 
whom  he  had  issued  commissions,  would  not  be  paid  until 
those  commissions  should  have  been  approved  by  the  Presi 
dent.  On  the  1st  of  November,  General  Fremont  entered 
into  an  agreement  with  General  Sterling  Price,  commanding 
the  rebel  forces  in  Missouri,  by  which  each  party  stipulated 
that  no  further  arrests  of  citizens  should  be  made  on  either 
side  for  the  expression  of  political  opinions,  and  releasing  all 
who  were  then  in  custody  on  such  charges. 

On  the  2d  of  November,  General  Fremont  was  relieved 
from  his  command  in  the  Western  Department,  in  consequence 
of  his  action  in  the  matters  above  referred  to,  his  command 
devolving  on  General  Hunter,  to  whom,  as  soon  as  a  change 
in  the  command  of  the  Department  had  been  decided  on,  the 
President  had  addressed  the  following  letter  : 

WASHINGTON,  October  24,  1861. 

SIB: — The  command  of  the  Department  of  the  "West  having  devolved 
upon  you,  I  propose  to  offer  you  a  few  suggestions,  knowing  how  hazardous 
it  is  to  bind  down  a  distant  commander  in  the  field  to  specific  lines  of 
operation,  as  so  much  always  depends  on  the  knowledge  of  localities  and 
passing  events.  It  is  intended,  therefore,  to  leave  considerable  margin 
for  the  exercise  of  your  judgment  and  discretion. 

The  main  rebel  army  (Price's)  west  of  the  Mississippi  is  believed  to 
have  passed  Dade  county  in  full  retreat  upon  Northwestern  Arkansas, 
leaving  Missouri  almost  free  from  the  enemy,  excepting  in  the  southeast 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LETTER  TO  GEN.  HUNTER.       395 

part  of  the  State.  Assuming  this  basis  of  fact,  it  seems  desirable — as 
you  are  not  likely  to  overtake  Price,  and  are  in  danger  of  making  too 
long  a  line  from  your  own  base  of  supplies  and  re-enforcements — that 
you  should  give  up  the  pursuit,  halt  your  main  army,  divide  it  into  two 
corps  of  observation,  one  occupying  Sedalia  anc  the  other  Eolla,  the 
present  termini  of  railroads,  then  recruit  the  condition  of  both  corps 
by  re-establishing  and  improving  their  discipline  and  instruction,  per 
fecting  their  clothing  and  equipments,  and  providing  less  uncomfortable 
quarters.  Of  course,  both  railroads  must  be  guarded  and  kept  open, 
judiciously  employing  just  so  much  force  as  is  necessary  for  this.  From 
these  two  points,  Sedalia  and  Holla,  and  especially  in  judicious  co 
operation  with  Lane  on  the  Kansas  border,  it  would  be  very  easy  to 
concentrate,  and  repel  any  army  of  the  enemy  returning  on  Missouri 
on  the  Southwest.  As  it  is  not  probable  any  such  attempt  to  return 
will  be  made  before  or  during  the  approaching  cold  weather,  before 
spring  the  people  of  Missouri  will  be  in  no  favorable  mood  for  renewing 
for  next  year  the  troubles  which.have  so  much  afflicted  and  impoverished 
them  during  this. 

If  you  take  this  line  of  policy,  and  if,  as  I  anticipate,  you  will  see  no 
enemy  in  great  force  approaching,  you  will  have  a  surplus  force  which 
you  can  withdraw  from  those  points,  and  direct  to  others,  as  may  be 
needed — the  railroads  furnishing  ready  means  of  re-enforcing  those 
main  points,  if  occasion  requires. 

Doubtless  local  uprisings  for  a  time  will  continue  to  occur,  but  those 
can  be  met  by  detachments  of  local  forces  of  our  own,  and  will  ere  long 
tire  out  of  themselves. 

AVhile,  as  stated  at  the  beginning  of  this  letter,  a  large  discretion 
must  be  and  is  left  with  yourself,  I  feel  sure  that  an  indefinite  pursuit 
of  Price,  or  an  attempt  by  this  long  and  circuitous  route  to  reach 
Memphis,  will  be  exhaustive  beyond  endurance,  and  \\  ill  end  in  the  loss 
of  the  whole  force  engaged  in  it.  Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  LINCOLN. 
The  Commander  of  the  Department  of  the  West. 

General  Hunter's  first  act  was  to  repudiate  the  agreement 
of  Gen.  Fremont  with  General  Price,  and,  on  the  18th  of 
November,  General  Halleck  arrived  as  his  successor. 

The  action  of  General  Fremont  had  given  rise  to  very  seri 
ous  complaints  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Missouri ;  and 
these  in  turn  had  led  to  strong  demonstrations  on  his  behalf. 


396  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

His  removal  was  made  the  occasion  for  public  manifestations 
of  sympathy  for  him,  and  of  censure  for  the  government. 
An  address  was  presented  to  him,  signed  by  large  numbers 
of  the  citizens  of  St.  Louis,  those  of  German  birth  largely 
predominating,  in  which  his  removal  was  ascribed  to  jealousy 
of  his  popularity,  and  to  the  fact  that  his  policy  in  regard  to 
emancipation  was  in  advance  of  the  government  at  Washing 
ton.  "  You  have  risen,"  said  this  address,  "  too  fast  in  popu 
lar  favor.  The  policy  announced  in  your  proclamation,  al 
though  hailed  as  a  political  and  military  necessity,  furnished 
your  ambitious  rivals  and  enemies  with  a  cruel  weapon  for 
your  intended  destruction.  The  harbingers  of  truth  will  ever 
be  crucified  by  the  Pharisees.  We  cannot  be  deceived  by 
shallow  and  flimsy  pretexts,  by  unfounded  and  slanderous  re 
ports.  We  entertain  no  doubt  of  your  ability  to  speedily 
confound  and  silence  your  traducers.  The  day  of  reckoning 
is  not  far  distant,  and  the  people  will  take  care  that  the 
schemes  of  your  opponents  shall,  in  the  end  be  signally  de 
feated."  The  General  accepted  these  tributes  to  his  merits, 
and  these  denunciations  of  the  government,  with  grateful  ac 
knowledgments,  saying  that  the  kind  and  affectionate  demon 
strations  which  greeted  him,  cheered  and  strengthened  his 
confidence — "my  confidence,"  he  said,  "already  somewhat 
wavering,  in  our  republican  institutions." 

The  sharp  personal  discussions  to  which  this  incident  gave 
rise,  were  made  still  more  bitter,  by  denunciations  of  General 
llalleck's  course  in  excluding,  for  military  reasons,  which  have 
been  already  noticed,*  fugitive  slaves  from  our  lines,  and  by 
the  contest  that  soon  came  up  in  the  State  Convention,  on  the 
general  subject  of  emancipation.  On  the  7th  of  June,  1862, 
a  bill  was  introduced  into  the  Convention  by  Judge  Breckin- 
ridge,  of  St.  Louis,  for  gradual  emancipation,  framed  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  recommendation  of  the  President's  Mes- 
*  See  page  293. 


EMANCIPATION   IN   MISSOURI.  397 

sage.  By  the  combined  votes  of  those  who  were  opposed  to 
emancipation  in  any  form,  and  those  who  were  opposed  to  the 
President's  plan  of  gradual  emancipation,  this  bill  was  sum 
marily  laid  on  the  table.  But  on  the  13th,  the  subject  was 
again  brought  up  by  a  Message  from  Governor  Gamble,  calling 
attention  to  the  fact,  that  Congress  had  passed  a  resolution,  in 
accordance  with  the  President's  recommendation,  declaring 
that  "  the  United  States  ought  to  co-operate  with  any  State 
which  might  adopt  a  gradual  emancipation  of  slavery,  giving 
to  such  State,  at  its  discretion,  compensation  for  the  incon 
venience,  public  and  private,  caused  by  such  a  change  of  sys 
tem."  This  message  was  referred  to  a  special  committee, 
which  reported  resolutions,  recognizing  the  generous  spirit  of 
this  proposal,  but  declining  to  take  any  action  upon  it.  These 
resolutions  were  adopted,  and  on  the  16th  a  Mass  Convention 
of  Emancipationists,  consisting  of  19.5  delegates  from  25 
counties,  met  at  Jefferson  City,  and  passed  resolutions,  declar 
ing  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  next  General  Assembly  to  pass 
laws,  giving  effect  to  a  gradual  system  of  emancipation  on 
the  basis  proposed. 

At  the  State  election,  in  the  following  November,  the  ques 
tion  of  emancipation  was  the  leading  theme  of  controversy. 
Throughout  the  State  the  canvass  turned  upon  this  issue,  and 
resulted  in  the  choice  of  a  decided  majority  of  the  Assembly 
favorable  to  emancipation.  But  the  division  in  the  ranks  of 
this  party  still  continued,  and  gave  rise  to  very  heated  and 
bitter  contests,  especially  in  St.  Louis.  During  the  summer, 
the  main  rebel  army  having  been  driven  from  the  State,  and 
the  Union  army  being  of  necessity  in  the  main  withdrawn  to 
other  fields,  the  State  was  overrun  by  reckless  bands  of  rebel 
guerrillas,  who  robbed  and  plundered  Union  citizens,  and  cre 
ated  very  great  alarm  among  the  people.  In  consequence 
of  these  outrages,  Governor  Gamble  ordered  the  organization 
of  the  entire  militia  of  the  State,  and  authorized  General 


398  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

Scliofield  to  call  into  active  service  such  portions  of  it  as 
might  be  needed  to  put  down  marauders,  and  defend  peace 
able  and  loyal  citizens.  The  organization  was  effected  with 
great  promptness,  and  the  State  militia  became  a  powerful 
auxiliary  of  the  national  forces,  and  cleared  all  sections  of  the 
State  of  the  lawless  bands  which  had  inflicted  so  much  injury 
and  committed  so  many  outrages. 

On  the  19th  of  September,  the  States  of  Missouri,  Kansas, 
and  Arkansas,  were  formed  into  a  military  district,  of  which 
the  command  was  assigned  to  General  Curtis,  who  was 
thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  the  friends  of  immediate  eman 
cipation  and  the  supporters  of  General  Fremont  in  his  differ 
ences  with  the  government.  He  had  control  of  the  na 
tional  forces  in  his  district,  but  Governor  Gamble  did  not  give 
him  command  of  the  State  militia. 

The  differences  of  .political  sentiment  between  the  two  sec 
tions  of  the  Union  men  of  the  State  came  thus  to  be  represented, 
to  some  extent,  by  two  organized  military  forces ;  and  the 
contest  between  their  respective  partisans  continued  to  be 
waged  with  increasing  bitterness,  greatly  to  the  embarrassment 
of  the  government  at  Washington,  and  to  the  weakening  of  the 
Union  cause.  This  continued  until  the  spring  of  1863,  when 
the  President  removed  General  Curtis  from  his  command,  and 
appointed  General  Schofield  in  his  place.  This  gave  rise  to 
very  vehement  remonstrances  and  protests,  to  one  of  which, 
sent  by  telegraph,  the  President  made  the  following  reply : 

Your  dispatch  of  to-day  is  just  received.  It  is  very  painful  to  me 
that  you,  in  Missouri,  cannot,  or  will  not,  settle  your  factional  quarrel 
among  yourselves.  I  have  been  tormented  with  it  beyond  endurance, 
for  months,  by  both  sides.  Neither  side  pays  the  least  respect  to  my 
appeals  to  your  reason.  I  am  now  compelled  to  take  hold  of  the  case. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

To  General  Schofield  himself,  the  President  soon  after  ad 
dressed  the  following  letter : 


APPOINTMENT    OF    GEN.    SCHOFIELD.  393 

EXECUTITE  MANSION,       ) 
WASHINGTON,  May  27,  1863.  \ 

General  J.  M.  SCHOFIELD  : 

DEAR  SIR:— Having  removed  General  Curtis  and  assigned  you  to  the 
command  of  the  Department  of  the  Missouri,  I  think  it  may  be  of  some 
advantage  to  me  to  state  to  you  why  I  did  it.  I  did  not  remove  Gen 
eral  Curtis  because  of  my  full  conviction  that  he  had  done  wrong  by 
commission  or  omission.  I  did  it  because  of  a  conviction  in  my  mind 
that  the  Union  men  of  Missouri,  constituting,  when  united,  a  vast  ma 
jority  of  the  people,  have  entered  into  a  pestilent,  factious  quarrel, 
among  themselves,  General  Curtis,  perhaps  not  of  choice,  being  the 
head  of  one  faction,  and  Governor  Gamble  that  of  the  other.  After 
months  of  labor  to  reconcile  the  difficulty,  it  seemed  to  grow  worse  and 
worse,  until  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  break  it  up  somehow,  and  as  I  could 
not  remove  Governor  Gamble,  I  had  to  remove  General  Curtis.  Now 
that  you  are  in  the  position,  I  wish,  you  to  undo  nothing  merely  because 
General  Curtis  or  Governor  Gamble  did  it,  but  to  exercise  your  own 
judgment,  and  do  right  for  the  public  interest.  Let  your  military  meas 
ures  be  strong  enough  to  repel  the  invaders  and  keep  the  peace,  and 
not  so  strong  as  to  unnecessarily  harass  and  persecute  the  people.  It 
is  a  difficult  role,  and  so  much  greater  will  be  the  honor  if  you  perform 
it  well.  If  both  factions,  or  neither,  shall  abuse  you.  you  will  probably 
be  about  right.  Beware  of  being  assailed  by  one  and  praised  by  the 
other.  Yours  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

This  action  gave  special  dissatisfaction  to  the  more  radical 
Unionists  of  the  State.  They  had  been  anxious  to  have  the 
Provisional  Government,  of  which  Governor  Gamble  was  the 
Executive  head,  set  aside  by  the  national  authority,  and  the 
control  of  the  State  vested  in  a  Military  Governor  clothed 
with  the  authority  which  General  Fremont  had  assumed  to 
exercise  by  his  proclamation  of  August  31st,  1861  ;— and  the 
Germans  enlisted  in  the  movement  had  made  very  urgent  de 
mands  for  the  restoration  of  General  Fremont  himself.  Sev 
eral  deputations  visited  Washington,  for  the  purpose  of  repre 
senting  these  views  and  wishes  to  the  President,— though  they 
by  no\ieans  restricted  their  efforts  at  reform  to  matters  with 
in  their  own  State,  but  insisted  upon  sundry  changes  in  the 


400 

Cabinet,  upon  the  dismissal  of  General  ITalleck  from  the 
position  of  Commander  of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States 
and  upon  other  matters  of  equal  magnitude  and  importance. 
The  following  report  of  President  LINCOLN'S  reply  to  these 
various  requests,  was  made  by  a  member  of  a  Committee  ap 
pointed  at  a  mass  meeting,  composed  mainly  of  Germans,  and 
held  at  St.  Louis  on  the  10th  of  May:  although  made  by  a 
person  opposed  to  the  President's  action,  it  probably  gives  a 
substantially  correct  statement  of  his  remarks  : 


Messrs.  EMILE  PRETORIOUS,  THEODORE  OLSHAUSEN,  R.  E.  ROMBAUR,  etc. : 
GENTLEMEN: — During  a  professional  visit  to  Washington  city,  I  pre 
sented  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  compliance  with  your 
instructions,  a  copy  of  the  resolutions  adopted  in  mass  meeting  at  St. 
Louis  on  the  10th  of  May,  18(33,  and  I  requested  a  reply  to  the  suggestions 
therein  contained.  The  President,  after  a  careful  and  loud  reading  of  the 
whole  report  of  proceedings,  saw  proper  to  enter  into  a  conversation  of 
two  hours'  duration,  in  the  course  of  which  most  of  the  topics  embraced 
in  the  resolutions  and  other  subjects  were  discussed. 

As  my  share  in  the  conversation  is  of  secondary  importance,  I  propose 
to  omit  it  entirely  in  this  report,  and,  avoiding  details,  to  communicate 
to  you  the  substance  of  noteworthy  remarks  made  by  the  President. 

1.  The  President  said  that  it  may  be  a  misfortune  for  the  nation  Hint 
he  was  elected  President.     But,  having  been  elected  by  the  people,  he 
meant  to  be  President,  and  perform  his  duty  according  to  his  best  under 
standing,  if  he  had  to  die  for  it.     No  General  will  be  removed,  nor  will 
any  change  in  the  Cabinet  be  made,  to  suit  the  views  or  wishes  of  any 
particular  party,  faction  or  set  of  men.     General  Halleck  is  not  guilty  of 
the  charges  made  against  him,  most  of  which  arise  from  misapprehension 
or  ignorance  of  those  who  prefer  them. 

2.  The  President  said  tha-t  it  was  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  Generals 
John  C.  Fremont,  B.  F.  Butler,  and  F.  Sigel  are  "  systematically  kept  out 
of  command,"  as  stated  in  the  fourth  resolution  ;  that,  on  the  contrary, 
ho  fully  appreciated  the  merits  of  the  gentlemen  named  ;  that  by  their 
own  actions  they  had  placed  themselves  in  the  positions  which  they 
occupied ;  that  he  was  not  only  willing,  but  anxious  to  place  them  again 
in  command  as  soon  as  he  could  find  spheres  of  action  for  them,  with 
out  doing  injustice  to  others,  but  that  at  present  he  "  had  more  pegs 
than  holes  to  put  them  in." 

3.  As  to  the  want  of  unity,  the  President,  without  admitting  such  to 
be  the  case,  intimated  that  each  member  of  the  Cabinet  was  responsible 


THE   PRESIDENT   AND    THE    MISSOURI    RADICALS.      401 

mainly  for  the  manner  of  conducting  the  affairs  of  his  particular  depart 
ment  ;  that  there  was  no  centralization  of  responsibility  for  the  action 
of  the  Cabinet  anywhere,  except  in  the  President  himself. 

4.  The  dissensions  between  Union  men  in  Missouri  are  due  solely  to  a 
factious   spirit  which  is    exceedingly  reprehensible.     The  two  parties 
"  ought  to  have  their  heads  knocked  together."     "  Either  would  rather 
see  the  defeat  of  their  adversary  than  that  of  Jefferson  Davis."     To  this 
spirit  of  faction  is  to  be  ascribed  the  failure  of  the  Legislature  to  elect 
senators  and  the  defeat  of  the  Missouri  Aid  Bill  in  Congress,  the  passage 
of  which  the  President  strongly  desired. 

The  President  said  that  the  Union  men  in  Missouri  who  are  in  favor 
of  gradual  emancipation  represented  his  views  better  than  those  who  are 
in  favor  of  immediate  emancipation.  In  explanation  of  his  views  on  this 
subject,  the  President  said  that  in  his  speeches  he  had  frequently  used  as 
an  illustration,  the  case  of  a  man  who  had  an  excrescence  on  the  back 
of  his  neck,  the  removal  of  which,  in  one  operation,  would  result  in  the 
death  of  the  patient,  while  "tinkering  it  oif  by  degrees"  would  preserve 
life.  Although  sorely  tempted,  I  did  not  reply  with  the  illustration  of 
the  dog  whose  tail  was  amputated  by  inches,  but  confined  myself  to 
arguments.  The  President  announced  clearly  that,  as  far  as  he  was  at  present 
advised,  the  Radicals  in  Missouri  had  no  right  to  consider  themselves  the  ex 
ponents  of  his  views  on  the  subject  of  emancipation  in  that  State. 

5.  General  Curtis  was  not  relieved  on  account  of  any  wrong  act  or 
great  mistake  committed  by  him.     The  System  of  Provost-Marshals, 
established  by  him  throughout  the  State,  gave  rise  to  violent  complaint. 
That  the  President  had  thought  at  one  time  to  appoint  General  Fremont 
in  his  place  ;  that  at  another  time  he  had  thought  of  appointing  General 
McDowell,  whom  he  characterised  as  a  good  and  loyal  though  very  un 
fortunate  soldier ;  and  that,  at  last,  General  Schofield  was  appointed,  with 
a  view,  if  possible,  to  reconcile  and  satisfy  the  two  factions  in  Missouri. 
He  has  instructions  not  to  interfere  with  either  party,  but  to  confine 
himself  to  his  military  duties.    I  assure  you,  gentlemen,  that  our  side 
was  as  fully  presented  as  the  occasion  permitted.    At  the  close  of  the 
conversation,  the  President  remarked  that  there  was  evidently  a  "  serious 
misunderstanding"  springing  up  between  him  and  the  Germans  of  St. 
Louis,  which  he  would  like  to  see  removed.     Observing  to  him  that  the 
difference  of  opinion  related  to  facts,  men,  and  measures,  I  withdrew. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  etc. 

JAMES  TAUSSIO. 

On  the  1st  of  July  the  State  Convention,  in  session  at 
Jefferson  City,  passed  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  de 
claring  that  slavery  should  cease  to  exist  in  Missouri  on  the 


402 

4th  of  July,  1870,  with  certain  specified  exceptions.  This, 
however,  was  by  no  means  accepted  as  a  final  disposition  of 
the  matter.  The  demand  was  made  for  immediate  emancipa 
tion,  and  Gov.  Gamble  and  the  members  of  the  Provisional 
Government  who  had  favored  the  policy  adopted  by  the 
State  Convention,  were  denounced  as  the  advocates  of  slavery 
and  allies  of  the  rebellion.  In  the  early  part  of  August  a 
band  of  rebel  guerrillas  made  a  raid  into  the  town  of  Law 
rence,  Kansas,  and  butchered  in  cold  blood  over  two  hundred 
unarmed  citizens  of  the  place.  This  brutal  act  aroused  the 
most  intense  excitement  in  the  adjoining  State  of  Missouri, 
of  which  the  opponents  of  the  Provisional  Government  took 
advantage  to  throw  upon  it  and  General  Schofield,  who  had  com 
mand  of  the  State  militia  as  well  as  of  the  national  forces,  the 
responsibility  in  having  permitted  this  massacre  to  take  place. 
A  Mass  Convention  was  held  at  Jefferson  City  on  the  2d 
of  September,  at  which  resolutions  were  adopted  denouncing 
the  military  policy  pursued  in  the  State  and  the  delegation 
of  military  powers  to  the  provisional  goveinment.  A  Com 
mittee  of  one  from  each  county  was  appointed  to  visit  Wash 
ington  and  lay  their  grievances  before  the  President ;  and 
arrangements  were  also  made  for  the  appointment  of  a  Com 
mittee  of  Public  Safety,  to  organize  and  arm  the  loyal  men  of 
the  State,  and,  in  the  event  of  not  obtaining  relief,  to  call  on 
the  people  in  their  sovereign  capacity  to  "  take  such  measures 
of  redress  as  the  emergency  might  require."  In  the  latter  part 
of  September  the  Committee  appointed  by  this  Convention 
visited  Washington  and  had  an  interview  with  the  President 
on  the  30th,  in  which  they  represented  Governor  Gamble  and 
General  Schofield  as  in  virtual  alliance  with  the  rebels,  and 
demanded  the  removal  of  the  latter  as  an  act  of  justice  to  the 
loyal  and  anti-slavery  men  of  the  State.  The  Committee 
visited  several  of  the  northern  cities,  and  held  public  meetings 
for  the  purpose  of  enlisting  public  sentiment  in  their  support. 


THE   PRESIDENT   TO    THE    MISSOURI   COMMITTEE.      403 

At  these  meetings  it  was  claimed  that  the  radical  emanci 
pation  party  was  the  only  one  which  represented  the  loyalty 
of  Missouri,  and  President  LINCOLN  was  very  strongly  cen 
sured  for  "  closing  his  ears  to  just,  loyal,  and  patriotic  de 
mands  of  the  radical  party,  while  he  indorsed  the  disloyal  and 
oppressive  demands  of  Governor  Gamble,  General  Schofield, 
and  their  adherents." 

On  the  5th  of  October  President  LINCOLN  made  to  the  repre 
sentations  and  requests  of  the  Committee  the  following  reply : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Oct.  5,  1863. 
Hon.  CHARLES  DRAKE  and  others,  Committee: 

GENTLEMEN: — Your  original  address,  presented  on  the  30th  ult.,- and 
the  four  supplementary  ones  presented  on  the  3d  inst.,  have  been  care 
fully  considered.  I  hope  you  will  regard  the  other  duties  claiming  my 
attention,  together  with  the  great  length  and  importance  of  these  docu 
ments,  as  constituting  a  sufficient  apology  for  my  not  having  responded 
sooner. 

These  papers,  framed  for  a  common  object,  consist  of  the  things  de 
manded,  and  the  reasons  fo'r  demanding  them. 

The  things  demanded  are : 

Pint— That  General  Schofield  shall  be  relieved,  and  General  Butler  be 
appointed  as  Commander  of  the  Military  Department  of  Missouri ; 

Second — That  the  system  of  enrolled  militia  in  Missouri  may  be  broken 
up,  and  National  forces  be  substituted  for  it ;  and 

Third — That  at  elections,  persons  may  not  be  allowed  to  vote  who  are 
not  entitled  by  law  to  do  so. 

Among  the  reasons  given,  enough  of  Buffering  and  wrong  to  Union 
men,  is  certainly,  and  I  suppose  truly,  stated.  Yet  the  whole  case,  as 
presented,  fails  to  convince  me  that  General  Schofield,  or  the  enrolled 
militia,  is  responsible  for  that  suffering  and  wrong.  The  whole  can  be 
explained  on  a  more  charitable,  and,  as  I  think,  a  more  rational  hypo 
thesis. 

We  are  in  civil  war.  In  such  cases  there  always  is  a  main  question ; 
but  in  this  case  that  question  is  a  perplexing  compound— Union  and 
Slavery.  It  thus  becomes  a  question  not  of  two  sides  merely,  but  of  at 
least  four  sides,  even  among  those  who  are  for  the  Union,  saying  nothing 
of  those  who  are  against  it.  Thus,  those  who  are  for  the  Union  with,  but 
not  without  Slavery — those  for  it  without  but  not  with — those  for  it  with  or 
without,  but  prefer  it  with,  and  those  for  it  with  or  without,  but  prefer  it 
wit  f unit. 


404  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

Among  these,  again,  is  a  subdivision  of  those  who  are  for  gradual,  but 
not  for  immediate,  and  those  who  are  for  immediate,  but  not  for  gradual 
extinction  of  slavery. 

It  is  easy  to  conceive  that  all  these  shades  of  opinion  and  even  more, 
may  be  sincerely  entertained  by  honest  and  truthful  men.  Yet,  all  being 
for  the  Union,  by  reason  of  these  differences,  each  will  prefer  a  different 
way  of  sustaining  the  Union.  At  once,  sincerity  is  questioned,  and  mo 
tives  are  assailed.  Actual  war  coming,  blood  grows  hot,  and  blood  is 
spilled.  Thought  is  forced  from  old  channels  into  confusion.  Decep 
tion  breeds  and  thrives.  Confidence  dies,  and  universal  suspicion  reigns. 
Each  man  feels  an  impulse  to  kill  his  neighbor,  lest  he  be  killed  by  him. 
Revenge  and  retaliation  follow.  And  all  this,  as  before  said,  may  be 
among  honest  men  only.  But  this  is  not  all.  Every  foul  bird  comes 
abroad,  and  every  dirty  reptile  rises  up.  These  add  crime  to  confusion. 
Strong  measures  deemed  indispensable  but  harsh  at  best,  such  men  make 
worse  by  maladministration.  Murders  for  old  grudges,  and  murders  for 
pelf  proceed  under  any  cloak  that  will  best  serve  for  the  occasion. 

These  causes  amply  account  for  what  has  occurred  in  Missouri,  with 
out  ascribing  it  to  the  weakness  or  wickedness  of  any  general.  The 
neAvspaper  files,  those  chroniclers  of  current  events,  will  show  that  the 
evils  now  complained  of,  were  quite  as  prevalent  under  Fremont,  Hun 
ter,  Halleck,  and  Curtis,  as  under  Schofield.  If  the  former  had  greater 
force  opposed  to  them,  they  also  had  greater  force  with  which  to  meet 
it.  When  the  organized  rebel  army  left  the  State,  the  main  Federal  force 
had  to  go  also,  leaving  the  Department  Commander  at  home,  relatively 
no  stronger  than  before.  Without  disparaging  any,  I  affirm  with  confi 
dence,  that  no  Commander  of  that  Department  has,  in  proportion  to  his 
means,  done  better  than  General  Schofield. 

The  first  specific  charge  against  General  Schofield  is,  that  the  enrolled 
militia  was  placed  under  his  command,  whereas  it  had  not  been  placed 
under  the  command  of  General  Curtis.  The  fact  is,  I  believe,  true ;  but 
you  do  not  point  out,  nor  can  I  conceive  how  that  did,  or  could,  injure 
loyal  men  or  the  Union  cause. 

You  charge  that  General  Curtis  being  superseded  by  General  Schofield, 
Franklin  A.  Dick  was  superseded  by  James  O.  Broadhead  as  Provost- 
Marshal  General.  No  very  specific  showing  is  made  as  to  how  this  did 
or  could  injure  the  Union  cause.  It  recalls,  however,  the  condition  of 
things,  as  presented  to  me,  which  led  to  a  change  of  commander  of  that 
department. 

To  restrain  contraband  intelligence  and  trade,  a  system  of  searches, 
seizures,  permits  and  passes,  had  been  introduced,  I  think,  by  General 
Fremont.  When  General  Halleck  came,  he  found  and  continued  the  sys 
tem,  and  added  an  order,  applicable  to  some  parts  of  the  State,  to  levy 
and  collect  contributions  from  noted  rebels,  to  compensate  losses,  and 


THE    PRESIDENT    AND    THE    MISSOURI    COMMITTEE.     405 

relieve  destitution  caused  by  the  rebellion.  The  action  of  General  Fre 
mont  and  General  Halleck,  as  stated,  constituted  a  sort  of  system  which 
General  Curtis  found  in  full  operation  when  he  took  command  of  the  de 
partment.  That  there  was  a  necessity  for  something  of  the  sort  was 
clear ;  but  that  it  could  only  be  justified  by  stern  necessity,  and  that  it 
was  liable  to  great  abuse  in  administration,  was  equally  clear.  Agents  to 
execute  it,  contrary  to  the  great  prayer,  were  led  into  temptation.  Some 
might,  while  others  would  not  resist  that  temptation.  It  was  not  possi 
ble  to  hold  any  to  a  very  strict  accountability  ;  and  those  yielding  to  the 
temptation,  would  sell  permits  and  passes  to  those  who  would  pay  most, 
and  most  readily  for  them ;  and  would  seize  property  and  collect  levies 
in  the  aptest  way  to  fill  their  own  pockets.  Money  being  the  object,  the 
man  having  money,  whether  loyal  or  disloyal,  would  be  a  victim.  This 
practice  doubtless  existed  to  some  extent,  and  it  was  a  real  additional 
evil,  that  it  could  be,  and  was  plausibly  charged  to  exist  in  greater  ex 
tent  than  it  did. 

When  General  Curtis  took  command  of  the  department,  Mr.  Dick, 
against  whom  I  never  knew  anything  to  allege,  had  general  charge  of  this 
system.  A  controversy  in  regard  to  it  rapidly  grew  into  almost  unman 
ageable  proportions.  One  side  ignored  the  necessity  and  magnified  the 
evils  of  the  system,  while  the  other  ignored  the  evils  and  magnified  the 
necessity ;  and  each  bitterly  assailed  the  other.  I  could  not  fail  to  see 
that  the  controversy  enlarged  in  the  same  proportion  as  the  professed 
Union  men  there  distinctly  took  sides  in  two  opposing  political  parties. 
I  exhausted  my  wits,  and  very  nearly  my  patience  also,  in  efforts  to  con 
vince  both  that  the  evils  they  charged  on  each  other  were  inherent  in  the 
case,  and  could  not  be  cured  by  giving  either  party  a  victory  over  the 
other. 

Plainly,  the  irritating  system  was  not  to  be  perpetual ;  and  it  was 
plausibly  urged  that  it  could  be  modified  at  once  with  advantage.  The 
case  could  scarcely  be  worse,  and  whether  it  could  be  made  better  could 
only  be  determined  by  a  trial.  In  this  view,  and  not  to  ban,  or  brand 
General  Curtis,  or  to  give  a  victory  to  any  party,  I  made  the  change  of 
commander  for  the  department.  I  now  learn  that  soon  after  this  change 
Mr.  Dick  was  removed,  and  that  Mr.  Broadhead,  a  gentleman  of  no  less 
good  character,  was  put  in  the  place.  The  mere  fact  of  this  change  is 
more  distinctly  complained  of  than  is  any  conduct  of  the  new  officer,  or 
other  consequence  of  the  change. 

I  gave  the  new  commander  no  instructions  as  to  the  administration  of 
the  system  mentioned,  beyond  what  is  contained  in  the  private  letter 
afterward  surreptiously  published,  in  which  I  directed  him  to  act  solely 
for  the  public  good,  and  independently  of  both  parties.  Neither  any 
thing  you  have  presented  me,  nor  anything  I  have  otherwise  learned,  has 
convinced  me  that  he  has  been  unfaithful  to  this  charge. 


406  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

Imbecility  is  urged  as  one  cause  for  removing  General  Schoficld,  and 
the  late  massacre  at  Lawrence,  Kansas,  is  pressed  as  evidence  of  that  im 
becility.  To  my  mind  that  fact  scarcely  tends  to  prove  the  proposition. 
That  massacre  is  only  an  example  of  what  Grierson,  John  Morgan,  and 
many  others,  might  have  repeatedly  done  on  their  respective  raids,  had 
they  chosen  to  incur  the  personal  hazard,  and  possessed  the  fiendish  hearts 
to  do  it. 

The  charge  is  made  that  General  Schofield,  on  purpose  to  protect  the 
Lawrence  murderers,  would  not  allow  them  to  be  pursued  into  Missouri. 
While  no  punishment  could  be  too  sudden  or  too  severe  for  those  mur 
derers,  I  am  well  satisfied  that  the  preventing  of  the  threatened  remedial 
raid  into  Missouri  was  the  only  way  to  avoid  an  indiscrimate  massacre 
there,  including  probably  more  innocent  than  guilty.  Instead  of  con 
demning,  I  therefore  approve  what  I  understand  Geneva!  Schofield  did  in 
that  respect. 

The  charge  that  General  Schofield  has  purposely  withheld  protection 
from  loyal  people,  and  purposely  facilitated  the  objects  of  the  disloyal, 
are  altogether  beyond  my  power  of  belief.  I  do  not  arraign  the  veracity 
of  gentlemen  as  to  the  facts  complained  of;  but  I  do  more  than  question 
the  judgment  which  would  infer  that  these  facts  occurred  in  accordance 
with  the  purposes  of  General  Schofield. 

With  my  present  views,  I  must  decline  to  remove  General  Schofield. 
In  this  I  decide  nothing  against  General  Butler.  I  sincerely  wish  it  were 
convenient  to  assign  him  a  suitable  command. 

In  order  to  meet  some  existing  evils,  I  have  addressed  a  letter  of  in 
struction  to  General  Schofield,  a  copy  of  which  I  inclose  to  you.  As  to 
the  "Enrolled  Militia,"  I  shall  endeavor  to  ascertain,  better  than  I  now 
know,  what  is  its  exact  value.  Let  me  say  now,  however,  that  your  pro 
posal  to  substitute  national  force  for  the  "  Enrolled  Militia,"  implies  that, 
in  your  judgment,  the  latter  is  doing  something  which  needs  to  be  done ; 
and  if  so,  the  proposition  to  throw  that  force  away,  and  to  supply  its 
place  by  bringing  other  forces  from  the  field  where  they  are  urgently 
needed,  seems  to  me  very  extraordinary.  Whence  shall  they  come? 
Shall  they  be  withdrawn  from  Banks,  or  Grant,  or  Stcele,  or  Rosecrans  ? 

Few  things  have  been  so  grateful  to  my  anxious  feelings,  as  when,  in 
June  last,  the  local  force  in  Missouri  aided  General  Schofield  to  so  prompt 
ly  send  a  large  general  force  to  the  relief  of  General  Grant,  then  investing 
Vicksburg,  and  menaced  from  without  by  General  Johnston.  Was  this 
all  wrong  ?  Should  the  Enrolled  Militia  then  have  been  broken  up,  and 
General  Heron  kept  from  Grant,  to  police  Missouri  ?  So  far  from  finding 
cause  to  object,  I  confess  to  a  sympathy  for  whatever  relieves  our  general 
force  in  Missouri,  and  allows  it  to  serve  elsewhere. 

I  therefore,  aa  at  present  advised,  cannot  attempt  the  destruction  of 
the  Enrolled  Militia  of  Missouri.  I  may  add,  that  the  force  being  under 


THE    PRESIDENT   AND    GEN.    SCHOFIELD.  407 

the  national  military  control,  it  is  also  within  the  proclamation  with  re 
gard  to  the  habeas  corpus. 

I  concur  in  the  propriety  of  your  request  in  regard  to  elections,  and 
have,  as  you  see,  directed  General  Schofield  accordingly.  I  do  not  feel 
justified  to  enter  upon  the  broad  field  you  present  in  regard  to  the  politi 
cal  differences  between  Radicals  and  Conservatives.  From  time  to  time 
I  have  done  and  said  what  appeared  to  me  proper  to  do  and  say.  The 
public  knows  it  well.  It  obliges  nobody  to  follow  me,  and  I  trust  it 
obliges  me  to  follow  nobody.  The  Radicals  and  Conservatives  each 
agree  with  me  in  some  things  and  disagree  in  others.  I  could  wish  both 
to  agree  with  me  in  all  things;  for  then  they  would  agree  with  each 
other,  and  would  be  too  strong  for  any  foe  from  any  quarter.  They,  how 
ever,  choose  to  do  otherwise,  and  I  do  not  question  their  right.  I,  too, 
shall  do  what  seems  to  be  my  duty.  I  hold  whoever  commands  in  Mis 
souri  or  elsewhere  responsible  to  me,  and  not  to  either  Radicals  or  Conserv 
atives.  It  is  my  duty  to  hear  all ;  but,  at  last,  I  must,  within  my  sphere, 
judge  what  to  do  and  what  to  forbear. 

Your  obedient  servant,  A.  LINCOLN. 


INSTRUCTIONS  TO  GENERAL  SCHOFIELD. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Oct.  1,  1803. 
General  JOHN  M.  SCHOFIELD: 

There  is  no  organized  military  force  in  avowed  opposition  to'the  Gene 
ral  Government  now  in  Missouri,  and  if  any  shall  reappear,  your  duty  in 
regard  to  it  will  be  too  plain  to  require  any  special  instruction.  Still,  the 
condition  of  things,  both  there  and  elsewhere,  is  such  as  to  render  it  in 
dispensable  to  maintain,  for  a  time,  the  United  States  military  establish 
ment  in  that  State,  as  well  as  to  rely  upon  it  for  a  fair  contribution  of 
support  to  that  establishment  generally.  Your  immediate  duty  in  regard 
to  Missouri  now  is  to  advance  the  efficiency  of  that  establishment,  and  to 
so  use  it,  as  far  as  practicable,  to  compel  the  excited  people  there  to  let 
one  another  alone. 

Under  your  recent  order,  which  I  have  approved,  you  will  only  arrest 
individuals,  and  suppress  assemblies  or  newspapers,  when  they  may  be 
working  palatable  injury  to  the  military  in  your  charge ;  and  in  no  other 
case  will  you  interfere  with  the  expression  of  opinion  in  any  form,  or  al 
low  it  to  be  interfered  with  violently  by  others.  In  this  you  have  a  dis 
cretion  to  exercise  with  great  caution,  calmness,  and  forbearance. 

With  the  matter  of  removing  the  inhabitants  of  certain  counties  en 
masse,  and  of  removing  certain  individuals  from  time  to  time,  who  are- 
supposed  to  be  mischievous,  I  am  not  now  interfering,  but  am  leaving 
to  your  own  discretion. 

Nor  am  I  interfering  with  what  may  btill  seem  to  you  to  be  necessary 


408  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTEATION. 

restrictions  upon  trade  and  intercourse.  I  think  proper,  however,  to 
enjoin  upon  you  the  following :  Allow  no  part  of  the  military  under  your 
command  to  be  engaged  in  either  returning  fugitive  slaves,  or  in  forcing 
or  enticing  slaves  from  their  homes ;  and,  so  far  as  practicable,  enforce 
the  same  forbearance  upon  the  people. 

Report  to  me  your  opinion  upon  the  availability  for  good  of  the  en 
rolled  militia  of  the  State.  Allow  no  one  to  enlist  colored  troops,  ex 
cept  upon  orders  from  you,  or  from  here  through  you. 

Allow  no  one  to  assume  the  functions  of  confiscating  property,  under 
the  law  of  Congress,  or  otherwise,  except  upon  orders  from  here. 

At  elections  see  that  those  and  only  those,  are  allowed  to  vote,  who  are 
entitled  to  do  so  by  the  laws  of  Missouri,  including  as  of  those  laws  the 
restrictions  laid  by  the  Missouri  Convention  upon  those  who  may  have 
participated  in  the  rebellion. 

So  far  as  practicable,  you  will,  by  means  of  your  military  force,  expel 
guerrillas,  marauders,  and  murderers,  and  all  who  are  known  to  harbor, 
aid, .or  abet  them.  But  in  like  manner  you  will  repress  assumptions  of 
unauthorized  individuals  to  perform  the  same  service,  because  under  pre 
tence  of  doing  this  they  become  marauders  and  murderers  themselves. 

To  now  restore  peace,  let  the  military  obey  orders ;  and  those  not  of 
the  military  leave  each  other  alone,  thus  not  breaking  the  peace  them 
selves. 

In  giving  the  above  directions,  it  is  not  intended  to  restrain  you  in 
other  expedient  and  necessary  matters  not  falling  within  their  range. 
Tour  obedient  servant,  A.  LINCOLN. 

The  condition  of  affairs  in  this  department  continued  to  be 
greatly  disturbed  by  political  agitations,  and  the  personal  con 
troversies  to  which  they  gave  rise  ;  and  after  a  lapse  of  some 
months  the  President  deemed  it  wise  to  relieve  General  Scho- 
field  from  further  command  in  this  department.  This  was 
done  by  an  order  from  the  War  Department,  dated  January 
24th,  1864,  by  which,  also,  General  liosecrans  was  appointed 
in  his  place.  In  his  order  assuming  command,  dated  January 
30th,  General  Rosecrans  paid  a  very  high  compliment  to  his 
predecessor,  for  the  admirable  order  in  which  he  found  the 
business  of  the  Department,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  he 
might  receive  "  the  honest,  firm,  and  united  support  of  all  true 
national  and  Union  men  of-  the  Department,  without  regard 
to  politics,  creed,  or  party,  in  his  endeavors  to  maintain  law 


THE    PRESIDENT    AND    THE   CHTJECHES.  409 

and  re-establish  peace,  and  secure  prosperity  throughout  its 
limits." 

Before  closing  this  notice  of  the  perplexities  and  annoy 
ances  to  which  the  President  was  subjected  by  the  domestic 
contentions  of  Missouri,  we  may  mention,  as  an  illustration 
of  the  extent  to  which  they  were  carried,  the  case  of  Rev. 
Dr.  MePheeters,  who  had  been  silenced  by  General  Curtis  for 
preaching  disloyalty  to  his  congregation  in  St.  Louis.  The 
incident  gave  rise  to  a  good  deal  of  excitement,  which  was 
continued  throughout  the  year.  Toward  the  close  of  it  the 
President  wrote  the  following  letter  in  reply  to  an  appeal  for 
his  interference  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Dec,  23,  1863. 

I  have  just  looked  over  a  petition  signed  by  some  three  dozen  citi 
zens  of  St.  Louis,  and  their  accompanying  letters,  one  by  yourself,  one 
by  a  Mr.  Nathan  Ranney,  and  one  by  a  Mr.  John  D.  Coalter,  the  whole 
relating  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  MePheeters.  The  petition  prays,  in  the  name 
of  justice  and  mercy,  that  1  will  restore  Dr.  MePheeters  to  all  his 
ecclesiastical  rights. 

This  gives  no  intimation  as  to  what  ecclesiastical  rights  are  with 
drawn.  Your  letter  states  that  Provost-Marshal  Dick,  about  a  year 
ago,  ordered  the  arrest  of  Dr.  MePheeters,  Pastor  of  the  Vine  Street 
Church,  prohibited  him  from  officiating,  and  placed  the  management  of 
affairs  of  the  church  out  of  the  control  of  the  chosen  trustees ;  and 
near  the  close  you  state  that  a  certain  course  "  would  insure  Ms  re 
lease."  Mr.  Ranney's  letter  says :  "  Dr.  Samuel  MePheeters  is  enjoy 
ing  all  the  rights  of  a  civilian,  but  cannot  preach  the  gospel!"  Mr. 
Coalter,  in  his  letter,  asks :  "  Is  it  not  a  strange  illustration  of  the  con 
dition  of  things,  that  the  question  who  shall  be  allowed  to  preach  in  a 
church  in  St.  Louis  shall  be  decided  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States  r 

Now,  all  this  sounds  very  strangely ;  and,  withal,  a  little  as  if  you 
gentlemen,  making  the  application,  do  not  understand  the  case  alike ; 
one  affirming  that  his  doctor  is  enjoying  all  the  rights  of  a  civilian,  and 
another  pointing  out  to  me  what  will  secure  his  release !  On  the  2d  of 
•January  last,  I  wrote  to  General  Curtis  hi  relation  to  Mr.  Dick's  order 
upon  Doctor  MePheeters  ;  and,  as  I  suppose  the  doctor  is  enjoying  all 
18 


410          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

the  rights  of  a  civilian,  I  only  quote  that  part  of  my  letter  which  re 
lates  to  the  church.  It  was  as  follows :  "  But  I  must  add  that  the 
United  States  Government  must  not,  as  by  this  order,  undertake  to  run 
the  churches.  When  an  individual,  in  a  church  or  out  of  it,  becomes 
dangerous  to  the  public  interest,  he  must  be  checked ;  but  the  churches, 
as  such,  must  take  care  of  themselves.  It  will  not  do  for  the  United 
States  to  appoint  trustees,  supervisors,  or  other  agents  for  the  churches." 

This  letter  going  to  General  Curtis,  then  in  command,  I  supposed,  of 
course,  it  was  obeyed,  especially  as  I  heard  no  further  complaint  from 
Doctor  Me.  or  his  friends  for  nearly  an  entire  year.  I  have  never  inter 
fered,  nor  thought  of  interfering,  as  to  who  shall  or  shall  not  preach  in 
any  church ;  nor  have  I  knowingly  or  believingly  tolerated  any  one  else 
to  interfere  by  my  authority.  If  any  one  is  so  interfering  by  color  of 
my  authority,  I  would  like  to  have  it  specifically  made  known  to  me. 

If,  after  all,  what  is  now  sought,  is  to  have  me  put  Doctor  Me.  back 
over  the  heads  of  a  majority  of  his  own  congregation,  that,  too,  will 
be  declined.  I  will  not  have  control  of  any  church  or  any  side. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

The  Presbytery,  the  regular  church  authority  in  the  matter, 
subsequently  decided  that  Dr.  McPheeters  could  not  return 
to  his  pastoral  charge. 


The  victories  of  the  Union  arms  during  the  summer  of  1863 
— the  repulse  of  the  rebels  at  Gettysburg,  the  capture  of 
Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson,  and  the  consequent  restoration 
of  the  Mississippi  to  the  commerce  of  the  nation,  produced 
the  most  salutary  effect  upon  the  public  sentiment  of  the 
country.  There  was  a  good  deal  of  partisan  opposition  to 
specific  measures  of  the  Administration,  and  in  some  quarters 
this  took  the  form  of  open  hostility  to  the  further  prosecution 
of  the  war.  But  the  spirit  and  determination  of  the  people 
were  at  their  height,  and  the  Union  party  entered  upon  the 
political  contests  of  the  Autumn  of  1863,  in  the  several  States, 
with  confidence  and  courage. 

The  President  had  been  invited   by  the  Republican  State 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LETTER  TO  ILLINOIS.  411 

Committee  of  Illinois  to  attend  the  State  Convention,  to  be 
held  at  Springfield  on  the  3d  of  September.  Finding  it  im 
possible  to  accept  the  invitation,  he  wrote  in  reply  the  following 
letter,  in  which  several  of  the  most  conspicuous  features  of  his 
policy  are  defended  against  the  censures  by  which  they  had 
been  assailed  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  August  26,  1863. 
Hon.  JAMES  C.  CONKLING  : 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Your  letter  inviting  me  to  attend  a  mass  meeting  of 
unconditional  Union  men,  to  be  held  at  the  capital  of  Illinois,  on  the  3d 
day  of  September,  has  been  received.  It  would  be  very  agreeable  for  me 
thus  to  meet  my  old  friends  at  my  own  home ;  but  I  cannot  just  now  be 
absent  from  here  so  long  as  a  visit  there  would  require. 

The  meeting  is  to  be  of  all  those  who  maintain  unconditional  devotion 
to  the  Union ;  and  I  am  sure  that  my  old  political  friends  will  thank  me 
for  tendering,  as  I  do,  the  nation's  gratitude  to  those  other  noble  men 
whom  no  partisan  malice  or  partisan  hope  can  make  false  to  the  nation's 
life. 

There  are  those  who  are  dissatisfied  with  me.  To  such  I  would  say : 
you  desire  peace,  and  you  blame  me  that  we  do  not  have  it.  But  how  can 
we  attain  it  ?  There  are  but  three  conceivable  ways :  First— to  suppress 
the  Rebellion  by  force  of  arras.  This  I  am  trying  to  do.  Are  you  for  it  ? 
If  you  are,  so  far  we  are  agreed.  If  you  are  not  for  it,  a  second  way  is  to 
give  up  the  Union.  I  am  against  this.  Are  you  for  it  ?  If  you  are,  you 
should  say  so  plainly.  If  you  are  not  for  force,  nor  yet  for  dissolution, 
there  only  remains  some  imaginable  compromise. 

I  do  not  believe  that  any  compromise  embracing  the  maintenance  of 
the  Union  is  now  possible.  All  that  I  learn  leads  to  a  directly  opposite 
belief.  The  strength  of  the  Rebellion  is  its  military,  its  army.  That 
army  dominates  all  the  country,  and  all  the  people  within  its  range. 
Any  offer  of  terms  made  by  any  man  or  men  within  that  range,  in  op 
position  to  that  army,  is  simply  nothing  for  the  present ;  because  such 
man  or  men  have  no  power  whatever  to  enforce  their  side  of  a  compro 
mise,  if  one  were  made  with  them. 

To  illustrate  :  Suppose  refugees  froto  the  South  and  peace  men  of  the 
North  get  together  in  convention,  and  frame  and  proclaim  a  compromise 
embracing  a  restoration  of  the  Union.  In  what  way  can  that  compromise 
be  used  to  keep  Lee's  army  out  of  Pennsylvania  ?  Meade's  army  can  keep 
Lee's  army  out  of  Pennsylvania,  and,  I  think,  can  ultimately  drive  it  out 
of  existence.  But  no  paper  compromise  to  which  the  controllers  of  Lee's 
army  are  not  agreed  can  at  all  affect  that  army.  In  an  effort  at  such 


412          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

compromise  we  would  waste  time,  which  the  enemy  would  improve  to 
our  disadvantage  ;  and  that  would  be  all. 

A  compromise,  to  be  effective,  must  be  made  either  with  those  who 
control  the  rebel  arm)-,  or  with  the  people,  first  liberated  from  the  domi 
nation  of  that  army  by  the  success  of  our  own  army.  Now,  allow  me  to 
assure  you  that  no  word  or  intimation  from  that  rebel  army,  or  from  any 
of  the  men  controlling  it,  in  relation  to  any  peace  compromise,  has  ever 
come  to  my  knowledge  or  belief.  All  charges  and  insinuations  to  the 
contrary  are  deceptive  and  groundless.  And  I  promise  you  that  if  any 
such  proposition  shall  hereafter  come,  it  shall  not  be  rejected  and  kept  a 
secret  from  you.  I  freely  acknowledge  myself  to  be  the  servant  of  the 
people,  according  to  the  bond  of  service,  the  United  States  Constitution ; 
and  that,  as  such,  I  am  responsible  to  them. 

But,  to  be  plain.  You  are  dissatisfied  with  me  about  the  negro. 
Quite  likely  there  is  a  difference  of  opinion  between  you  and  myself  upon 
that  subject.  I  certainly  wish  that  all  men  could  be  free,  while  you,  ] 
suppose,  do  not.  Yet,  I  have  neither  adopted  nor  proposed  any  measure 
which  is  not  consistent  with  even  your  view,  provided  that  you  are  for 
the  Union.  I  suggested  compensated  emancipation ;  to  which  you  re 
plied  you  wished  not  be  taxed  to  buy  negroes.  But  I  had  not  asked  you 
to  be  taxed  to  buy  negroes,  except  in  such  way  as  to  save  you  from  greater 
taxation  to  save  the  Union  exclusively  by  other  means. 

You  dislike  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  and  perhaps  would  have 
it  retracted.  You  say  it  is  unconstitutional.  I  think  differently.  I  think 
the  Constitution  invests  its  Commauder-in-Chief  with  the  law  of  war  in 
time  of  war.  The  most  that  can  be  said,  if  so  much,  is,  that  slaves  are 
property.  Is  there,  has  there  ever  been,  any  question  that  by  the  law  of 
war,  property,  both  of  enemies  and  friends,  may  be  taken  when  needed  ? 
And  is  it  not  needed  whenever  it  helps  us  and  hurts  the  enemy  ?  Armies, 
the  world  over,  destroy  enemies'  property  when  they  cannot  use  it ;  and 
even  destroy  their  own  to  keep  it  from  the  enemy.  Civilized  belligerents 
do  all  in  their  power  to  help  themselves  or  hurt  the  enemy,  except  a  few 
things  regarded  as  barbarous  or  cruel.  Among  the  exceptions  are  the 
massacre  of  vanquished  foes  and  non-combatants,  male  and  female. 

But  the  Proclamation,  as  law,  either  is  valid  or  is  not  valid.  If  it  is 
not  valid  it  needs  no  retraction.  If  it  is  valid  it  cannot  be  retracted,  any 
more  than  the  dead  can  be  brought  to  life.  Some  of  you  profess  to  think 
Its  retraction  would  operate  favorably  for  the  Union.  Why  better  after 
the  retraction  than  before  the  issue  ?  There  was  more  than  a  year  and  a 
half  of  trial  to  suppress  the  Rebellion  before  the  Proclamation  was  issued, 
the  last  one  hundred  days  of  which  passed  under  an  explicit  notice  that 
It  was  coming,  unless  averted  by  those  in  revolt  returning  to  their 
allegiance.  The  war  has  certainly  progressed  as  favorably  for  us  since 
6he  issue  of  the  Proclamation  as  before. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LETTER  TO  ILLINOIS.  413 

I  know  as  fully  as  one  can  know  the  opinions  of  others  that  some  of 
the  commanders  of  our  armies  in  the  field,  who  have  given  us  our  most 
important  victories,  believe  the  Emancipation  policy  and,  the  use  of 
colored  troops  constitute  the  heaviest  blows  yet  dealt  to  the  Rebellion, 
and  that  at  least  one  of  those  important  successes  could  not  have  been 
achieved  when  it  was  but  for  the  aid  of  black  soldiers. 

Among  the  commanders  who  hold  these  views  are  some  who  have 
never  had  any  affinity  with  what  is  called  "Abolitionism,"  or  with 
"Republican  party  politics,"  but  who  hold  them  purely  as  military 
opinions.  I  submit  their  opinions  as  entitled  to  some  weight  against 
the  objections  often  urged  that  emancipation  and  arming  the  blacks  are 
unwise  as  military  measures,  and  were  not  adopted  as  such  in  good 
faith. 

You  say  that  you  will  not  fight  to  free  negroes.  Some  of  them  seem 
willing  to  fight  for  you ;  but  no  matter.  Fight  you,  then,  exclusively,  to 
save  the  Union.  I  issued  the  Proclamation  on  purpose  to  aid  you  in 
saving  the  Union.  Whenever  you  shall  have  conquered  all  resistance  to 
the  Union,  if  I  shall  urge  you  to  continue  fighting,  it  will  be  an  apt  time 
then  for  you  to  declare  you  will  not  fight  to  free  negroes.  I  thought  that 
in  your  struggle  for  the  Union,  to  whatever  extent  the  negroes  should 
cease  helping  the  enemy,  to  that  extent  it  weakened  the  enemy  in  his  re 
sistance  to  you.  Do  you  think  differently  ?  I  thought  that  whatever 
negroes  can  be  got  to  do  as  soldiers,  leaves  just  so  much  less  for  white 
soldiers  to  do  in  saving  the  Union.  Does  it  appear  otherwise  to  you  ? 
But  negroes,  like  other  people,  act  upon  motives.  Why  should  they  do 
any  thing  for  us  if  we  will  do  nothing  for  them  ?  If  they  stake  their  lives 
for  us  they  must  be  prompted  by  the  strongest  motive,  even  the  promise 
of  freedom.  And  the  promise,  being  made,  must  be  kept. 

The  signs  look  better.  The  Father  of  Waters  again  goes  unvexed  to 
the  sea.  Thanks  to  the  great  Northwest  for  it ;  nor  yet  wholly  to  them. 
Three  hundred  miles  up  they  met  New  England,  Empire,  Keystone,  and 
Jersey,  hewing  their  way  right  and  left.  The  sunny  South,  too,  in  more 
colors  than  one,  also  lent  a  helping  hand.  On  the  spot,  their  part  of  the 
history  was  jotted  down  in  black  and  white.  The  job  was  a  great  national 
one,  and  let  none  be  slighted  who  bore  an  honorable  part  in  it.  And 
while  those  who  have  cleared  the  great  river  may  well  be  proud,  even 
that  is  not  all.  It  is  hard  to  say  that  any  thing  has  been  more  bravely  and 
well  done  than  at  Antietam,  Murfreesboro,  Gettysburg,  and  on  many 
fields  of  less  note.  Nor  must  Uncle  Sam's  web  feet  be  forgotten.  At  all 
the  watery  margins  they  have  been  present,  not  only  on  the  deep  sea,  the 
broad  bay,  and  the  rapid  river,  but  also  up  the  narrow,  muddy  bayou, 
and  wherever  the  ground  was  a  little  damp  they  have  been  and  made 
their  tracks.  Thanks  to  all.  For  the  great  Republic— for  the  principle 
it  iivis  by  and  keeps  alive — for  man's  vast  future — thanks  to  all. 


414 

Peace  does  not  appear  so  distant  as  it  did.  I  hope  it  will  come  soon 
and  come  to  stay;  and  so  come  as  to  be  worth  the  keeping  in  all  future 
time.  It  will  then  have  been  proved  that  among  freemen  there  can  be 
no  successful  appeal  from  the  ballot  to  the  bullet,  and  that  they  who  take 
such  appeal  are  sure  to  lose  their  case  and  pay  the  cost.  And  there  will 
be  some  black  men  who  can  remember  that  with  Biient  tongue,  and 
clinched  teeth,  and  steady  eye,  and  well-poised  bayonet,  they  have 
helped  mankind  on  to  this  great  consummation,  while  I  fear  there  will 
be  some  white  ones  unable  to  forget  that  with  malignant  heart  and  de 
ceitful  speech  they  have  striven  to  hinder  it. 

Still,  let  us  not  be  over-sanguine  of  a  speedy,  final  triumph.  Let  us  be 
quite  sober.  Let  us  diligently  apply  the  means,  never  doubting  that  a 
just  God,  in  His  own  good  time,  will  give  us  the  rightful  result. 

Yours,  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

The  result  of  the  canvass  justified  the  confidence  of  the 
friends  of  the  Administration.  Every  State  in  which  elec 
tions  were  held,  with  the  single  exception  of  New  Jersey, 
voted  to  sustain  the  Government ;  and  in  all  the  largest  and 
most  important  States  the  majorities  were  so  large  as  to  make 
the  result  of  more  than  ordinary  significance.  In  Ohio,  Val- 
landigham,  who  had  been  put  in  nomination  mainly  on  account 
of  the  issue  he  had  made  with  the  Government  in  the  matter 
of  his  arrest,  was  defeated  by  a  majority  of  nearly  100,000. 
New  York,  which  had  elected  Governor  Seymour  the  year 
before,  and  had  been  still  further  distinguished  and  disgraced 
by  the  anti-draft  riots  of  July,  gave  a  majority  of  not  far 
from  30,000  for  the  Administration ;  and  Pennsylvania,  in 
spite  of  the  personal  participation  of  General  McClellan  in  the 
canvass  against  him,  re-elected  Gov.  Curtin  by  about  the  same 
majority.  These  results  followed  a  very  active  and  earnest 
canvass,  in  which  the  opponents  of  the  Administration  put 
forth  their  most  vigorous  efforts  for  its  defeat.  The  ground 
taken  by  its  friends  in  every  State  was  that  which  had  been 
held  by  the  President  from  the  beginning — that  the  rebellion 
must  be  suppressed  and  the  Union  preserved  at  whatever  cost 
— that  this  could  only  be  done  by  force,  and  that  it  w^s 


THE    ELECTIONS    OF    1863.  415 

not  only  the  right  but  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  use  all 
the  means  at  its  command,  not  incompatible  with  the  laws  of 
war  and  the  usages  of  civilized  nations,  for  the  accomplish 
ment  of  this  result.  They  vindicated  the  action  of  the  Gov 
ernment  in  the  matter  of  arbitrary  arrests,  and  sustained 
throughout  the  canvass,  in  every  State,  the  policy  of  the  Presi 
dent  in  regard  to  slavery  and  in  issuing  the  Proclamation  of 
Emancipation  as  a  military  measure,  against  the  vehement  and 
earnest  efforts  of  the  Opposition.  The  result  was,  therefore, 
justly  claimed  as  a  decided  verdict  of  the  people  in  support 
of  the  Government.  It  was  so  regarded  by  all  parties  through 
out  the  country,  and  its  effect  upon  their  action  was  of  marked 
importance.  While  it  gave  renewed  vigor  and  courage  to  the 
friends  of  the  Administration  everywhere,  it  developed  the 
division  of  sentiment  in  the  ranks  of  the  Opposition,  which, 
in  its  incipient  stages,  had  largely  contributed  to  their  de 
feat.  The  majority  of  that  party  were  inclined  to  acquiesce 
in  the  deliberate  judgment  of  the  country,  that  the  rebellion 
could  be  subdued  only  by  successful  war,  and  to  sustain  the 
Government  in  whatever  measures  might  be  deemed  necessary 
for  its  effectual  prosecution: — but  the  resolute  resistance 
of  some  of  its  more  conspicuous  leaders  has  thus  far  withheld 
them  from  open  action  in  this  direction. 


416          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE    CONGRESS    OF     1863-4. MESSAGE    OF    THE    PRESIDENT. 

ACTION    OF    THE    SESSION. 

CONGRESS  met  on  Monday,  December  7,  1863.  The 
House  of  Representatives  was  promptly  organized  by  the 
election  of  Hon.  Schuylcr  Colfax,  a  Republican  from  Indiana, 
to  be  Speaker — he  receiving  101  votes  out  of  181,  the  whole 
number  cast.  Mr.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  was  the  leading  candidate  of 
the  Democratic  opposition,  but  he  received  only  51  votes,  the 
remaining  29  being  divided  among  several  Democratic  mem 
bers.  In  the  Senate,  the  Senators  from  Western  Virginia 
were  admitted  to  their  seats  by  a  vote  of  36  to  5. 

On  the  9th,  the  President  transmitted  to  both  Houses  the 
following  MESSAGE  : 

Fellow-  Citizens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

Another  year  of  health  and  of  sufficiently  abundant  harvests  has 
passed.  For  these,  and  especially  for  the  improved  condition  of  our 
national  affairs,  our  renewed  and  profoundest  gratitude  to  God  is  due. 
"We  remain  in  peace  and  friendship  with  foreign  Powers.  The  efforts  of 
disloyal  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  involve  us  in  foreign  wars  to  aid 
an  inexcusable  insurrection  have  been  unavailing.  Her  Britannic  Majes 
ty's  Government,  as  was  justly  expected,  have  exercised  their  authority 
to  prevent  the  departure  of  new  hostile  expeditions  from  British  ports. 

The  Emperor  of  France  has,  by  a  like  proceeding,  promptly  vindicated 
the  neutrality  which  he  proclaimed  at  the  beginning  of  the  contest. 

Questions  of  great  intricacy  and  importance  have  arisen  out  of  the 
blockade,  and  other  belligerent  operations  between  the  Government  and 
several  of  the  maritime  Powers,  but  they  have  been  discussed,  and,  as 
far  as  was  possible,  accommodated  in  a  spirit  of  frankness,  justice,  and 
mutual  good- will. 

It  is  especially  gratifying  that  our  prize  Courts,  by  the  impartiality  of 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  41*7 

their  adjudications,  have  commanded  the  respect  and  confidence  of 
maritime  Powers. 

The  supplemental  treaty  between  tho  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
for  the  suppression  of  the  African  Slave  trade,  made  on  the  17th  day  cf 
February  last,  has  been  duly  ratified  and  carried  into  execution.  It  is 
believed  that  so  far  as  American  ports  and  American  citizens  are  con 
cerned,  that  inhuman  and  odious  traffic  has  been  brought  to  an  end. 

I  have  thought  it  proper,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Senate,  to 
concur  with  the  interested  commercial  Powers,  in  an  arrangement  for 
the  liquidation  of  the  Scheldt  dues,  upon  the  principles  which  have  been 
heretofore  adopted  in  regard  to  the  imposts  upon  navigation  in  the  waters 
of  Denmark. 

The  long-pen dfng  controversy  between  this  Government  and  that  of 
Chili,  touching  the  seizure  at  Sitana,  in  Peru,  by  Chilian  officers,  of  a 
large  amount  in  treasure,  belonging  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  has 
been  brought  to  a  close  by  the  award  of  His  Majesty  the  King  of  the 
Belgians,  to  whose  arbitration  the  question  was  referred  by  the  parties. 

The  subject  wras  thoroughly  and  patiently  examined  by  that  justly 
respected  magistrate,  and  although  the  sum  awarded  to  the  claimants 
may  not  have  been  as  large  as  they  expected,  there  is  no  reason  to  dis 
trust  the  wisdom  of  His  Majesty's  decision.  That  decision  was  promptly 
complied  with  by  Chili  when  intelligence  in  regard  to  it  reached  that 
country. 

The  Joint  Commission  under  the  act  of  the  last  session  for  carrying 
into  effect  the  Convention  with  Peru  on  the  subject  of  claims,  has  been 
organized  at  Lima,  and  is  engaged  in  the  business  intrusted  to  it. 

Difficulties  concerning  interoceanic  transit  through  Nicaragua,  are  in 
course  of  amicable  adjustment. 

In  conformity  with  principles  set  forth  in  my  last  Annual  Message,  I 
have  received  a  representative  from  the  United  States  of  Colombia,  and 
have  accredited  a  Minister  to  that  Eepublic. 

Incidents  occurring  in  the  progress  of  our  civil  war  have  forced  upon 
my  attention  the  uncertain  state  of  international  questions  touching  the 
rights  of  foreigners  in  this  country  and  of  United  States  citizens  abroad. 

In  regard  to  some  Governments,  these  rights  are  at  least  partially  de 
fined  by  treaties.  In  no  instance,  however,  is  it  expressly  stipulated 
that  in  the  event  of  civil  war  a  foreigner  residing  in  this  country,  within 
the  lines  of  the  insurgents,  is  to  be  exempted  from  the  rule  which 
classes  him  as  a  belligerent,  in  whose  behalf  the  Government  of  his 
country  cannot  expect  any  privileges  or  immunities  distinct  from  that 
18* 


418 

character.  I  regret  to  say,  however,  that  such  claims  have  been  put 
forward,  and,  in  some  instances,  in  behalf  of  foreigners  who  have  lived 
in  the  United  States  the  greater  part  of  their  lives. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  many  persons  born  in  foreign  coun 
tries,  who  have  declared  their  intention  to  become  citizens,  or  who  have 
been  fully  naturalized,  have  evaded  the  military  duty  required  of  them 
by  denying  the  fact,  and  thereby  throwing  upon  the  Government  the 
burden  of  proof.  It  has  been  found  difficult  or  impracticable  to  obtain 
this  proof,  from  the  want  of  guides  to  the  proper  sources  of  information. 
These  might  be  supplied  by  requiring  Clerks  of  Courts,  where  declaration 
of  intention  may  be  made,  or  naturalizations  effected,  to  send  periodically 
lists  of  the  names  of  the  persons  naturalized  or  declaring  their  inten 
tion  to  become  citizens,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  in  whose  De- 
.  partment  those  names  might  be  arranged  and  printed  for  general  informa 
tion.  There  is  also  reason  to  believe  that  foreigners  frequently  become 
citizens  of  the  United  States  for  the  sole  purpose  of  evading  duties  im 
posed  by  the  laws  of  their  native  countries,  to  which,  on  becoming  natural 
ized  here,  they  at  once  repair,  and  though  never  returning  to  the  United 
States,  they  still  claim  the  interposition  of  this  Government  as  citizens. 

Many  altercations  and  great  prejudices  have  heretofore  arisen  out  of 
this  abuse.  It  is,  therefore,  submitted  to  your  serious  consideration.  It 
might  be  advisable  to  fix  a  limit  beyond  which  no  citizen  of  the  United 
States  residing  abroad  may  claim  the  interposition  of  his  Government. 

The  right  of  suffrage  has  often  been  assumed  and  exercised  by  aliens 
under  pretences  of  naturalization,  which  they  have  disavowed  when 
drafted  into  the  military  service. 

Satisfactory  arrangements  have  been  made  with  the  Emperor  of 
Russia,  which,  it  is  believed,  will  result  in  effecting  a  continuous  line  of 
telegraph  through  that  Empire  from  our  Pacific  coast. 

I  recommend  to  your  favorable  consideration  the  subject  of  an  inter 
national  telegraph  across  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  also  of  a  telegraph  be 
tween  this  Capital  and  the  national  forts  aloug  the  Atlantic  seaboard  and 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Such  communications,  established  with  any  reason 
able  outlay,  would  be  economical  as  well  as  effective  aids  to  the  diplo 
matic,  military,  and  naval  service. 

The  Consular  system  of  the  United  States,  under  the  enactments  of 
the  last  Congress,  begins  to  be  self-sustaining,  and  there  is  reason  to 
hope  that  it  may  become  entirely  so  with  the  increase  of  trade,  which 
will  ensue  whenever  peace  is  restored. 

Our  Ministers   abroad  have   been   faithful   in   defending  American 


419 

rights.  In  protecting  commercial  interests,  our  Consuls  have  necessarily 
had  to  encounter  increased  labors  and  responsibilities  growing  out  of  the 
war.  These  they  have,  for  the  most  part,  met  and  discharged  with  zeal 
and  efficiency.  This  acknowledgment  justly  includes  those  Consuls 
who,  residing  in  Morocco,  Egypt,  Turkey,  Japan,  China,  and  other 
Oriental  countries,  are  charged  with  complex  functions  and  extraordi 
nary  powers. 

The  condition  of  the  several  organized  territories  is  generally  satis 
factory,  although  Indian  disturbances  in  New  Mexico  have  not  beeii 
entirely  suppressed. 

The  mineral  resources  of  Colorado,  Nevada,  Idaho,  New  Mexico,  and 
Arizona,  are  proving  far  richer  than  has  been  heretofore  understood.  I 
lay  before  you  a  communication  on  this  subject  from  the  Governor  of 
New  Mexico.  I  again  submit  to  your  consideration  the  expediency  of 
establishing  a  system  for  the  encouragement  of  emigration.  Although 
this  source  of  national  wealth  and  strength  is  again  ilowing  with  greater 
freedom  than  for  several  years  before  the  insurrection  occurred,  there 
is  still  a  great  deficiency  of  laborers  in  every  field  of  industry,  especially 
in  agriculture  and  in  our  mines,  as  well  of  iron  and  coal  as  of  the  precious 
metals.  While  the  demand  for  labor  is  thus  increased  here,  tens  of  thou 
sands  of  persons,  destitute  of  remunerative  occupation,  are  thronging  our 
foreign  consulates,  and  offering  to  emigrate  to  the  United  States,  if  essen 
tial,  but  very  cheap,  assistance  can  be  afforded  them.  It  is  easy  to  see 
that  under  the  sharp  discipline  of  civil  war  the  nation  is  beginning  a  new 
life.  This  noble  effort  demands  the  aid,  and  ought  to  receive  the 
attention  and  support  of  the  Government. 

Injuries  unforeseen  by  the  Government,  and  unintended,  may  in  some 
cases  have  been  inflicted  on  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  foreign  countries, 
both  at  sea  and  on  land,  by  persons  in  the  service  of  the  United  States. 
As  this  Government  expects  redress  from  other  Powers  when  similar 
injuries  are  inflicted  by  persons  in  their  service  upon  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  we  must  be  prepared  to  do  justice  to  foreigners.  If  the 
existing  judicial  tribunals  are  inadequate  to  this  purpose,  a  special  Court 
may  be  authorized,  with  power  to  hear  and  decide  such  claims  of  the 
character  referred  to  as  may  have  arisen  under  treaties  and  the  public 
law.  Conventions  for  adjusting  the  claims  by  joint  commission  have 
been  proposed  to  some  Governments,  but  no  definite  answer  to  the  prop 
osition  has  yet  been  received  from  any. 

In  the  course  of  *he  session  I  shall  probably  have  occasion  to  request 
you  to  provide  indemnification  to  claimants  where  decrees  of  restitution 


420  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN '.;    ADHIlNlSTKATION. 

have  been  rendered,  and  damages  awarded  by  Admiralty  Courts,  and 
in  other  cases,  where  this  Government  may  be  acknowledged  to  be 
liable  in  principle,  and  where  the  amount  of  that  liability  has  been 
ascertained  by  an  informal  arbitration,  the  proper  officers  of  the  Treas 
ury  have  deemed  themselves  required  by  the  law  of  the  United  States 
upon  the  subject.,  to  demand  a  tax  upon  the  incomes  of  foreign  Con- 
buls  in  this  country.  While  such  a  demand  may  not,  in  strictness,  be 
in  derogation  of  public  law,  or  perhaps  of  any  existing  treaty  between 
the  United  States  and  a  foreign  country,  the  expediency  of  so  far  modi 
fying  the  act  as  to  exempt  from  tax  the  income  of  such  consuls  as  are 
not  citizens  of  the  United  States,  derived  from  the  emoluments  of  their 
oliice,  or  from  property  not  situate  in  the  United  States,  is  submitted  to 
your  serious  consideration.  I  make  this  suggestion  upon  the  ground 
that  a.  comity  which  ought  to  be  reciprocated  exempts  our  Consuls  in  all 
other  countries  from  taxation  to  the  extent  thus  indicated.  The  United 
States,  I  think,  ought  not  to  be  exceptionably  illiberal  to  international 
trade  and  commerce. 

The  operations  of  the  Treasury  during  the  last  year  have  been  suc 
cessfully  conducted.  The  enactment  by  Congress  of  a  National  Banking 
Law  has  proved  a  valuable  support  of  the  public  credit,  and  the  general 
legislation  in  relation  to  loans  has  fully  answered  the  expectation  of  its 
favorers.  Some  amendments  may  be  required  to  perfect  existing  laws, 
but  no  change  in  their  principles  or  general  scope  is  believed  to  be 
needed.  Since  these  measures  have  been  in  operation,  ah1  demands  on 
the  Treasury,  including  the  pay  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  have  been 
promptly  met  and  fully  satislied.  No  considerable  body  of  troops,  it  is 
believed,  were  ever  more  amply  provided  and  more  liberally  and 
punctually  paid ;  and,  it  may  be  added,  that  by  no  people  were  the 
burdens  incident  to  a  great  war  more  cheerfully  borne. 

The  receipts  during  the  year,  from  all  sources,  including  loans 
and  the  balance  in  ihe  Treasury  at  its  commencement,  were  $901,125,- 
674  86,  and  the  aggregate  disbursements  $895,796,630  65,  leaving  a 
balance  on  the  1st  of  July,  1863,  of  $5,329,044  21.  Of  the  receipts, 
there  were  derived  from  Customs  $69,059,642  40;  from  Internal  Re 
venue,  $37,640,787  95;  from  direct  tax,  $1,485,103  61;  from  lands, 
$167,617  17;  from  miscellaneous  sources,  $,'5,046,615  35;  and  from 
loans,  $776,682,361  57,  making  the  aggregate  $901,125,674  86.  Of 
the  disbursements  there  were  for  the  civil  service  $23,253,922  08; 
for  pensions  and  Indians,  $4,216,520  79;  for  interest  on  public  debt, 
$24,729,846  51;  for  the  War  Department,  $509,298,600  83;  for  the 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  421 

Navy  Department,  $63,211,105  27  ;  for  payment  of  funded  and  tempo 
rary  debt,  $181,036,635  07,  making  the  aggregate  $895,796,630  65, 
and  leaving  the  balance  of  $5,329,044  21. 

But  the  payment  of  the  funded  and  temporary  debt,  having  been 
made  from  moneys  borrowed  during  the  j'ear,  must  be  regarded  'as 
merely  nominal  payments,  and  the  moneys  borrowed  to  make  them  as 
merely  nominal  receipts;  and  then*  amount,  $181,086,535  07,  should 
therefore  be  deducted  both  from  receipts  and  disbursements.  This  being- 
done,  there  remains,  as  actual  receipts,  $720,039,039  79,  and  the  actual 
disbursements  $714.709,995  58,  leaving  the  balance  as  already  stated. 

The  actual  receipts  and  disbursements  for  the  first  quarter,  and  the 
estimated  receipts  and  disbursements  for  the  remaining  three  quarters 
of  the  current  fiscal  year,  1864,  will  be  shown  in  detail  by  the  report  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  which  I  invite  your  attention. 

It  is  sufficient  to  say  here,  that  it  is  not  believed  that  actual  results 
will  exhibit  a  state  of  the  finances  less  favorable  to  the  country  than  the 
estimates  of  that  officer  heretofore  submitted,  while  it  is  confidently  ex 
pected  that,  at  the  close  of  the  year,  both  disbursements  and-  debt  will 
be  found  very  considerably  less  than  has  been  anticipated. 

The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War  is  a  document  of  great  interest. 
It  consists  of: 

First. — The  military  operations  of  the  year  detailed  in  the  report  of 
the  General-in-Cliief. 

Second. — The  organization  of  colored  persons  into  the  war  service. 

Third. — The  exchange  of  prisoners  fully  set  forth  in  the  letter  of 
General  Hitchcock. 

Fourth. — The  operations  under  the  act  for  enrolling  and  calling  out  the 
National  forces,  detailed  in  the  report  of  the  Provost-Marshal  General. 

Fifth. — The  organization  of  the  Invalid  Corps.     And — 

Sixth. — The  operations  of  the  several  departments  of  the  Quarter 
master-General,  Commissary-General,  Paymaster-General,  Chief  of  En 
gineers,  Chief  of  Ordnance,  and  Surgeon-General.  It  has  appeared  im 
possible  to  make  a  valuable  summary  of  this  report,  except  such  as 
would  be  too  extended  for  this  place,  and  hence  I  content  myself  by 
asking  your  careful  attention  to  the  report  itself.  The  duties  devolving 
on  the  naval  branch  of  the  service  during  the  year,  and  throughout  the 
whole  of  this  unhappy  contest,  hnve  been  discharged  with  fidelity  and 
eminent  success.  The  extensive  blockade  has  been  constantly  increas 
ing  in  efficiency,  as  the  navy  has  expanded,  yet  on  so  long  a  line  it 
has,  so  far,  been  impossible  entirely  to  suppress  illicit  trade.  From 


422 


returns  received  at  the  Navy  Department,  it  appears  that  more  than 
one  thousand  vessels  have  been  captured  since  the  blockade  was  in 
stituted,  and  that  the  value  of  prizes  already  sent  in  for  adjudica 
tion,  amount  to  over  thirteen  millions  of  dollars. 

The  naval  force  of  the  United  States  consists  at  this  time  of  five  hun 
dred  and  eighty-eight  vessels  completed  and  in  the  course  of  comple 
tion,  and  of  these  seventy-five  are  iron-clad  or  armored  steamers.  The 
events  of  the  war  give  an  increased  interest  and  importance  to  the 
navy,  which  will  probably  extend  beyond  the  war  itself.  The  armored 
vessels  in  our  navy,  completed  and  in  service,  or  which  are  under  con 
tract  and  approaching  completion,  are  believed  to  exceed  in  number 
those  of  any  other  Power ;  but  while  these  may  be  relied  upon  for  har 
bor  defence  and  coast  service,  others  of  greater  strength  and  capacity 
will  be  necessary  for  cruising  purposes,  and  to  maintain  our  rightful 
position  on  the  ocean. 

The  change  that  has  taken  place  in  naval  vessels  and  naval  warfare 
since  the  introduction  of  steam  as  a  motive  power  for  ships  of  war,  de 
mands  either  a  corresponding  change  in  some  of  our  existing  Navy- 
yards,  or  the  establishment  of  new  ones,  for  the  construction  and 
necessary  repair  of  modern  naval  vessels.  No  inconsiderable  embar 
rassment,  delay,  and  public  injury,  have  been  experienced  from  the 
want  of  such  governmental  establishments. 

The  necessity  of  such  a  Navy-yard,  so  furnished,  at  some  suitable 
place  upon  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  has,  on  repeated  occasions,  been 
brought  to  the  attention  of  Congress  by  the  Navy  Department,  and  is 
again  presented  in  the  report  of  the  Secretary,  which  accompanies  this 
communication.  I  think  'it  my  duty  to  invite  your  special  attention  to 
this  subject,  and  also  to  that  of  establishing  a  yard  and  depot  for  naval 
purposes  upon  one  of  the  Western  rivers.  A  naval  force  has  been 
created  on  these  interior  waters,  and  under  many  disadvantages,  within 
a  little  more  than  two  years,  exceeding  in  number  the  whole  naval  force 
of  the  country  at  the  commencement  of  the  present  Administration. 
Satisfactory  and  important  as  have  been  the  performances  of  the 
heroic  men  of  the  navy  at  this  interesting  period,  they  are  scarcely 
more  wonderful  than  the  success  of  our  mechanics  and  artisans  in 
the  production  of  war-vessels,  which  has  created  a  new  form  of  naval 
power. 

Our  country  has  advantages  superior  to  any  other  nation  in  our  re 
sources  of  iron  and  timber,  with  inexhaustible  quantities  of  fuel  in  the  im 
mediate  vicinity  of  both,  and  all  available  and  in  close  proximity  to  navi- 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  423 

gable  waters.  "Without  the  advantage  of  public  works,  the  resources  of 
the  nation  have  been  developed,  and  its  power  displayed,  in  the  construc 
tion  of  a  navy  of  such  magnitude,  which  has  at  the  very  period  of  its  cre 
ation  rendered  signal  service  to  the  Union. 

The  increase  of  the  number  of  seamen  in  the  public  service  from 
7,500  men  in  the  Spring  of  1861,  to  about  34,000  at  the  present  time, 
has  been  accomplished  without  special  legislation  or  extraordinary 
bounties  to  promote  that  increase.  It  has  been  found,  however,  that  the 
operation  of  the  draft,  with  the  high  bounties  paid  for  army  recruits,  is 
beginning  to  affect  injuriously  the  naval  service,  and  will,  if  not  cor 
rected,  be  likely  to  impair  its  efficiency  by  detaching  seamen  from  their 
proper  vocation,  and  inducing  them  to  enter  the  army.  I  therefore  re 
spectfully  suggest  that  Congress  might  aid  both  the  army  and  naval 
service  by  a  definite  provision  on  this  subject,  which  would  at  the  same 
time  be  equitable  to  the  communities  more  especially  interested. 

I  commend  to  your  consideration  the  suggestions  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  in  regard  to  the  policy  of  fostering  and  training  seamen,  and 
also  the  education  of  officers  and  engineers  for  the  naval  service.  The 
Naval  Academy  is  rendering  signal  service  in  preparing  Midshipmen  for 
the  highly  responsible  duties  which  in  after  life  they  will  be  required  to 
perform.  In  order  that  the  country  should  not  be  deprived  of  the 
proper  quota  of  educated  officers,  for  which  legal  provision  has  been 
made  at  the  naval  school,  the  vacancies  caused  by  the  neglect  or 
omission  to  make  nominations  from  the  States  in  insurrection,  have  been 
filled  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  The  school  is  now  more  full  and 
complete  than  at  any  former  period,  and  in  every  respect  entitled  to  the 
favorable  consideration  of  Congress. 

During  the  last  fiscal  year  the  financial  condition  of  the  Post-office 
Department  has  been  one  of  increasing  prosperity,  and  I  am  gratified  in 
being  able  to  state  that  the  actual  postal  revenue  has  nearly  equalled 
the  entire  expenditures,  the  latter  amounting  to  $11,314,206  84,  and 
the  former  to  $11,163,789  59,  leaving  a  deficiency  of  but  $150,417  25. 
In  18 GO,  the  year  immediately  preceding  the  rebellion,  the  deficiency 
amounted  to  $5,656,705  49,  the  postal  receipts  for  that  year  being 
$2,647,225  19  less  than  those  of  1863.  The  decrease  since  1860  in  the 
annual  amount  of  transportation  has  been  only  about  25  per  cent. ;  but 
the  annual  expenditure  on  account  of  the  same  has  been  reduced  35  per 
cent.  '  It  is  manifest,  therefore,  that  the  Post-office  Department  may 
become  self-sustaining  in  a  few  years,  even  with  the  restoration  of  the 
whole  service. 


424 

The  international  conference  of  postal  delegates  from  the  principal 
countries  of  Europe  and  America,  which  was  called  at  the  suggestion  of 
the  Postmaster-General,  met  at  Paris  on  the  llth  of  May  last,  and  con 
cluded  its  deliberations  on  the  8th  of  June.  The  principles  established 
by  the  conference  as  best  adapted  to  facilitate  postal  intercourse  between 
nations,  and  as  the  basis  of  future  postal  conventions,  inaugurates  a 
general  system  of  uniform  international  charges  at  reduced  rates  of 
postage,  and  cannot  fail  to  produce  beneficial  results.  I  refer  you  to 
the  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  which  is  herewith  laid 
before  you,  for  useful  and  varied  information  in  relation  to  Public 
Lands,  Indian  Affairs,  Patents,  Pensions,  and  other  matters  of  the  public 
concern  pertaining  to  his  department. 

The  quantity  of  land  disposed  of  during  the  last  and  the  first  quarter 
of  the  present  fiscal  years,  was  three  millions,  eight  hundred  and  forty- 
one  thousand,  five  hundred  and  forty-nine  acres,  of  which  one  hundred 
and  sixty-one  thousand,  nine  hundred  and  eleven  acres  were  sold  for 
cash.  One  million,  four  hundred  and  fifty-six  thousand,  five  hundred 
and  fourteen  acres,  were  taken  up  under  the  Homestead  Law,  and  the 
residue  disposed  of  under  laws  granting  lands  ibr  military  bounties,  for 
railroad  and  other  purposes.  It  also  appears  that  the  sale  of  public 
lands  is  largely  on  the  increase. 

It  has  long  been  a  cherished  opinion  of  some  of  our  wisest  statesmen 
that  the  people  of  the  United  States  had  a  higher  and  more  enduring 
interest  in  the  early  settlement  and  substantial  cultivation  of  the  public 
lands  than  in  the  amount  of  direct  revenue  to  be  derived  from  the  sale 
of  them.  This  opinion  has  had  a  controlling  influence  in  shaping 
legislation  upon  the  subject  of  our  national  domain.  I  may  cite,  as 
evidence  of  this,  the  liberal  measures  adopted  in  reference  to  actual 
settlers,  the  grant  to  the  States  of  the  overflowed  lands  within  their 
limits,  in  order  to  their  being  reclaimed  and  rendered  fit  for  cultivation, 
the  grants  to  railway  companies  of  alternate  sections  of  land  upon  the 
contemplated  lines  of  their  roads,  which,  when  completed,  will  so 
largely  multiply  the  facilities  for  reaching  our  distant  possessions.  This 
policy  has  received  its  most  signal  and  beneficent  illustration  in  the 
recent  enactment  granting  homesteads  to  actual  settlers.  Since  the 
first  day  of  January  last  the  before  mentioned  quantity  of  one  million 
four  hundred  and  fifty-six  thousand  five  hundred  and  fourteen  acres 
of  land  have  been  taken  up  under  its  provisions.  This  fact,  and  the 
amount  of  sales,  furnish  gratifying  evidence  of  increasing  settlement 
upon  the  public  lands,  notwithstanding  the  great  struggle  in  which  the 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  425 

energies  of  the  nation  have  been  engaged,  and  which  has  required  so 
large  a  withdrawal  of  our  citizens  from  their  accustomed  pursuits.  I 
cordially  concur  in  the  recommendation  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
suggesting  a  modification  of  the  act  in  favor  of  those  engaged  in  the 
military  and  naval  service  of  the  United  States. 

I  doubt  not  that  Congress  will  cheerfully  adopt  such  measures  as 
will,  without  essentially  changing  the  general  features  of  the  system, 
secure  to  the  greatest  practical  extent  its  benefits  to  those  who  have 
left  their  homes  in  defence  of  the  country  in  this  arduous  crisis. 

I  invite  your  attention  to  the  views  of  the  Secretary  as  to  the  propriety 
of  raising,  by  appropriate  legislation,  a  revenue  from  the  mineral  lands 
of  the  United  States.  The  measures  provided  at  your  last  session  for 
the  removal  of  certain  Indian  tribes  have  been  carried  into  effect. 
Sundry  treaties  have  been  negotiated,  which  will,  in  due  time,  be  sub 
mitted  for  the  constitutional  action  of  the  Senate.  They  contain  stipu 
lations  for  extinguishing  the  possessory  rights  of  the  Indians  to  large 
and  valuable  tracts  of  lands.  It  is  hoped  that  the  effect  of  these 
treaties  will  result  in  the  establishment  of  permanent  friendly  relations 
with  such  of  these  tribes  as  have  been  brought  into  frequent  and 
bloody  collision  with  our  outlying  settlements  and  emigrants.  Sound 
policy,  and  our  imperative  duty  to  these  wards  of  the  Government, 
demand  our  anxious  and  constant  attention  to  their  material  well-being, 
to  their  progress  in  the  arts  of  civilization,  and,  above  all,  to  that  moral 
training  which,  under  the  blessing  of  Divine  Providence,  will  confer 
upon  them  the  elevated  and  sanctifying  influences,  the  hopes  and  con 
solations  of  the  Christian  faith.  I  suggested  in  my  last  Annual  Message 
the  propriety  of  remodelling  our  Indian  system.  Subsequent  events 
have  satisfied  me  of  its  necessity.  The  details  set  forth  in  the  report 
of  the  Secretary  evince  the  urgent  need  for  immediate  legislative  action. 

I  commend  the  benevolent  institutions,  established  or  patronized  by 
the  government  in  this  District,  to  your  generous  and  fostering  care. 

The  attention  of  Congress,  during  the  last  session,  was  engaged  to 
some  extent  with  a  proposition  for  enlarging  the  water  communication 
between  the  Mississippi  River  and  the  northeastern  seaboard,  which 
proposition,  however,  failed  for  the  time.  Since  then,  upon  a  call  of  the 
greatest  respectability,  a  Convention  has  been  held  at  Chicago  upon 
the  same  subject,  a  summary  of  whose  views  is  contained  in  a  Memorial 
Address  to  the  President  and  Congress,  and  which  I  now  have  the 
honor  to  lay  before  you.  That  the  interest  is  on«  which  will  ere  long 
fore?  its  own  way  I  do  not  entertain  a  doubt,  while  it  is  submitted 


426  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

entirely  to  your  wisdom  as  to  what  can  be  done  now.  Augmented 
interest  is  given  to  this  subject  by  the  actual  commencement  of  work 
upon  the  Pacific  railroad,  under  auspices  so  favorable  to  rapid  progress 
and  completion.  The  enlarged  navigation  becomes  a  palpable  need  to 
the  great  road. 

I  transmit  the  second  annual  report  of  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Department  of  Agriculture,  asking  your  attenntion  to  the  developments 
in  that  vital  interest  of  the  nation. 

When  Congress  assembled  a  year  ago,  the  war  had  already  lasted 
nearly  twenty  months,  and  there  had  been  many  conflicts  on  both  land 
and  sea,  with  varying  results ;  the  rebellion  had  been  pressed  back 
into  reduced  limits ;  yet  the  tone  of  public  feeling  and  opinion,  at  home 
and  abroad,  was  not  satisfactory.  With  other  signs,  the  popular  elec 
tions  then  just  past  indicated  uneasiness  among  ourselves,  while,  amid 
much  that  was  cold  and  menacing,  the  kindest  words  coming  from 
Europe  were  uttered  in  accents  of  pity  that  we  were  too  blind  to  sur 
render  a  hopeless  cause.  Our  commerce  was  suffering  greatly  by  a  few 
vessels  built  upon  and  furnished  from  foreign  shores,  and  we  were 
threatened  with  such  additions  from  the  same  quarters  as  would  sweep 
our  trade  from  the  seas  and  raise  our  blockade.  We  had  failed  to 
elicit  from  European  governments  any  thing  hopeful  upon  this  subject. 

The  preliminary  Emancipation  Proclamation  issued  in  September,  was 
running  its  assigned  period  to  the  beginning  of  the  new  year.  A  month 
later,  the  final  proclamation  came,  including  the  announcement  that  col 
ored  men  of  suitable  condition  would  be  received  in  the  war  service. 
The  policy  of  emancipation  and  of  employing  black  soldiers  gave  to  tho 
future  a  new  aspect,  about  which  hope  and  fear  and  doubt  contended  in 
uncertain  conflict.  According  to  our  political  system,  as  a  matter  of 
civil  administration  the  Government  had  no  lawful  power  to  effect 
emancipation  in  any  State,  and  for  a  long  time  it  had  been  hoped  that 
the  rebellion  could  be  suppressed  without  resorting  to  it  as  a  military 
measure.  It  was  all  the  while  deemed  possible  that  the  necessity  for  it 
might  come,  and  that  if  it  should,  the  crisis  of  the  contest  would  then 
be  presented.  It  came,  and,  as  was  anticipated,  was  followed  by  dark 
and  doubtful  days. 

Eleven  months  having  now  passed,  we  are  permitted  to  take  an 
other  review.  The  rebel  borders  are  pressed  still  further  back,  and  by 
tho  complete  opening  of  the  Mississippi,  the  country  dominated  by  the 
rebellion  is  divided  into  distinct  parts  with  no  practical  communication 
between  them.  Tennessee  and  Arkansas  have  been  substantially 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE.  427 

cleared  of  insurgent  control,  and  influential  citizens  in  each — owners  of 
slaves  and  advocates  of  slavery  at  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion — now 
declare  openly  for  emancipation  in  their  respective  States.  Of  those 
States  not  included  in  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  Maryland  and 
Missouri,  neither  of  which  three  years  ago  would  tolerate  any  restraint 
upon  the  extension  of  slavery  into  new  Territories,  only  dispute  now  as 
to  the  best  mode  of  removing  it  within  their  own  limits. 

Of  those  who  were  slaves  at  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion,  full  one 
hundred  thousand  are  now  in  the  United  States  military  service,  about 
one-half  of  which  number  actually  bear  arms  in  the  ranks— thus  giving 
the  double  advantage  of  taking  so  much  labor  from  the  insurgent  cause 
and  supplying  the  places  which  otherwise  must  be  filled  with  so  many 
white  men.  So  far  as  tested,  it  is  difficult  to  say  they  are  not  as  good 
soldiers  as  any.  No  servile  insurrection  or  tendency  to  violence  or 
cruelty  has  marked  the  measures  of  emancipation  and  arming  the  blacks. 
These  measures  have  been  much  discussed  in  foreign  countries,  and, 
cotemporary  with  such  discussion,  the  tone  of  public  sentiment  there  is 
much  improved.  At  home  the  same  measures  have  been  fully  discuss 
ed,  supported,  criticised  and  denounced,  and  the  annual  elections  follow- 
in"-  are  highly  encouraging  to  those  whose  official  duty  it  is  to  bear  the 
country  through  this  great  trial  Thus  we  have  the  new  reckoning. 
The  crisis  which  threatened  to  divide  the  friends  of  the  Union  is  past. 
Looking  now  to  the  present  and  future,  and  witli  a  re-ference  to  a 
resumption  of  the  National  authority,  in  the  States  wherein  that  author 
ity  has  been  suspended,  I  have  thought  fit  to  issue  a  proclamation— a 
copy  of  which  is  herewith  transmitted.  On  examination  of  this  procla 
mation,  it  will  appear,  as  is  believed,  that  nothing  is  attempted  beyond 
what  is  amply  justified  by  the  Constitution.  True,  the  form  of  an  oath 
is  given,  but  no  man  is  coerced  to  take  it.  The  man  is  only  promised  a 
pardon  in  case  he  voluntarily  takes  the  oath.  The  Constitution  author 
izes  the  Executive  to  grant  or  withdraw  the  pardon  at  his  own  abso 
lute  discretion,  and  this  includes  the  power  to  grant  on  terms,  as  is  fully 
established  by  judicial  and  other  authorities.  It  is  also  proffered  that 
if  in  any  of  the  States  named  a  State  Government  shall  be  in  the  mode 
prescribed  set  up,  such  government  shall  be  recognized  and  guaranteed 
by  the  United  States,  and  that  under  it  the  State  shall,  on  the  constitu 
tional  conditions,  be  protected  against  invasion  and  domestic  violence. 

The  constitutional  obligation  of  the  United  States  to  guarantee  to 
every  State  in  the  Union  a  Republican  form  of  Government,  and  to 
protect  the  State  in  the  cases  stated,  is  explicit  and  full  But  why  ten- 


PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

der  the  benefits  of  this  provision  only  to  a  State  Government  set  up  in 
this  particular  way?  This  section  of  the  Constitution  contemplates  a 
case  wherein  the  element  within  a  State  favorable  to  Republican  gov 
ernment  in  the  Union  may  be  too  feeble  for  an  opposite  and  hostile  ele 
ment  external  to  or  even  within  the  State,  and  such  are  precisely  the 
cases  with  which  we  are  now  dealing. 

An  attempt  to  guarantee  and  protect  a  revived  State  Government, 
constructed  in  whole  or  in  preponderating  part  from  the  very  element 
against  whose  hostility  and  violence  it  is  to  be  protected,  is  simply  ab 
surd.  There  must  be  a  test  by  which  to  separate  the  opposing  elements, 
so  as  to  build  only  from  the  sound ;  and  that  test  is  a  sufficiently  liberal 
one  which  accepts  as  sound  whoever  will  make  a  sworn  recantation  of 
his  former  unsoundness. 

But  if  it  be  proper  to  require,  as  a  test  of  admission  to  the  political  body, 
an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  to  the 
Union  under  it,  why  also  to  the  laws  and  proclamations  in  regard  to 
slavery  ? 

Those  laws  and  proclamations  were  enacted  and  put  forth  for  the 
purpose  of  aiding  in  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion.  To  give  them 
their  fullest  effect  there  had  to  be  a  pledge  for  their  maintenance.  In 
my  judgment  they  have  aided  and  will  further  aid  the  cause  for  which 
they  were  intended. 

To  now  abandon  them  would  be  not  only  to  relinquish  a  lever  of 
power,  but  would  also  be  a  cruel  and  an  astounding  breach  of  faith. 

I  may  add,  at  this  point,  that  while  I  remain  in  my  present  position,  I 
shall  not  attempt  to  retract  or  modify  the  Emancipation  Proclamation, 
nor  shall  I  return  to  slavery  any  person  who  is  free  by  the  terms  of 
that  proclamation,  or  by  any  of  the  acts  of  Congress. 

For  these  and  other  reasons,  it  is  thought  best  that  support  of  these 
measures  shall  be  included  in  the  oath,  and  it  is  believed  that  the  Exec 
utive  may  lawfully  claim  it  in  return  for  pardon  and  restoration  of  for 
feited  rights,  which  he  has  a  clear  constitutional  power  to  withhold  al 
together  or  grant  upon  the  terms  which  he  shall  deem  wisest  for  the 
public  interest.  It  should  be  observed,  also,  that  this  part  of  the  oath 
is  subject  to  the  modifying  and  abrogating  power  of  legislation  and 
supreme  judicial  decision. 

The  proposed  acquiescence  of  the  National  Executive  in  any  reason 
able  temporary  State  arrangement  for  the  freed  people,  is  made  with 
the  view  of  possibly  modifying  the  confusion  and  destitution  which 
must  at  best  attend  all  classes  by  a  total  revolution  of  labor  throughout 


THE    PROCLAMATION    OF    AMNESTY.  429 

whole  States.  It  is  hoped  that  the  already  deeply  afflicted  people 
in  those  States  may  be  somewhat  more  ready  to  give  up  the  cause  of 
their  affliction,  if,  to  this  extent,  this  vital  matter  be  left  to  themselves, 
while  no  power  of  the  National  Executive  to  prevent  an  abuse  i3 
abridged  by  the  proposition. 

The  suggestion  in  the  proclamation  as  to  maintaining  the  political 
frame  work  of  the  States  on  what  is  called  reconstruction,  is  made  in 
the  hope  that  it  may  do  good,  without  danger  of  harm.  It  will  save  la 
bor,  and  avoid  great  confusion.  But  why  any  proclamation  now  upon 
this  subject  ?  This  question  is  beset  with  the  conflicting  views  that  the 
step  might  be  delayed  too  long,  or  be  taken  too  soon.  In  some  States 
the  elements  for  resumption  seem  ready  for  action  but  remain  inactive, 
apparently  for  want  of  a  rallying  point — a  plan  of  action.  Why  shall 
A  adopt  the  plan  of  B,  rather  than  B  that  of  A  ?  And  if  A  and  B  should 
agree,  how  can  they  know  but  that  the  General  Government  here  will 
reject  their  plan  ?  By  the  proclamation  a  plan  is  presented  which  may 
be  accepted  by  them  as  a  rallying  point — and  which  they  are  assured 
in  advance  will  not  be  rejected  here.  This  may  bring  them  to  act 
sooner  than  they  otherwise  would. 

The  objection  to  a  premature  presentation  of  a  plan  by  the  National 
Executive  consists  in  the  danger  of  committals  on  points  which  could 
be  more  safely  left  to  further  developments.  Care  has  been  taken  to  so 
shape  the  document  as  to  avoid  embarrassments  from  this  source. 
Saying  that  on  certain  terms  certain  classes  will  be  pardoned  with  rights 
restored,  it  is  not  said  that  other  classes  or  other  terms  will  never  be 
included.  Saying  that  reconstruction  will  be  accepted  if  presented  in  a 
specified  way,  it  is  not  said  it  will  never  be  accepted  in  any  other  way. 
The  movements  by  State  action  for  emancipation  in  several  of  the  States 
not  included  in  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  are  matters  of  profound 
gratulation.  And  while  I  do  not  repeat  in  detail  what  I  have  heretofore 
so  earnestly  urged  upon  this  subject,  my  general  views  and  feelings  re 
main  unchanged ;  and  I  trust  that  Congress  will  omit  no  fair  opportuni 
ty  of  aiding  these  important  steps  to  the  great  consummation. 

In  the  midst  of  other  cares,  however  important,  we  must  not  lose  sight 
of  the  fact  that  the  war  power  is  still  our  main  reliance  To  that  power 
alone  can  we  look  for  a  time,  to  give  confidence  to  the  people  in  the  con 
tested  regions,  that  the  insurgent  power  will  not  again  overrun  them. 
Until  that  confidence  shall  be  established,  little  can  be  done  anywhere 
for  what  is  called  reconstruction.  Hence  our  chiefest  care  must  still  be 
directed  to  the  army  and  navy,  who  have  thus  far  borne  their  harder 


430  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

part  so  nobly  and  well.  And  it  may  be  esteemed  fortunate  that  in  giv 
ing  the  greatest  efficiency  to  these  indispensable  arms,  we  do  also  hon 
orably  recognize  the  gallant  men,  from  commander  to  sentinel,  who  com 
pose  them,  and  to  whom,  more  than  to  others,  the  world  must  stand  in 
debted  for  the  home  of  freedom,  disenthralled,  regenerated,  enlarged 
and  perpetuated. 

(Signed)  AURAHAM  LINCOLN. 

December  8,  1863. 

The  following  proclamation  is  appended  to  the  mes 
sage: 

PROCLAMATION 

Whereas,  In  and  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  it  is  pro 
vided  that  the  President  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and  par 
dons  for  offences  against  the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeach 
ment — and,  whereas,  a  rebellion  now  exists,  whereby  the  loyal  State 
Governments  of  several  States  have  for  a  long  time  been  subverted, 
and  many  persons  have  committed  and  are  now  guilty  of  treason  against 
the  United  States ;  and 

Whereas,  With  reference  to  said  rebellion  and  treason,  laws  have 
been  enacted  by  Congress,  declaring  forfeitures  and  confiscation  of 
property  and  liberation  of  slaves,  all  upon  terms  and  conditions 
therein  stated,  and  also  declaring  that  the  President  was  thereby  au 
thorized  at  any  time  thereafter,  by  proclamation,  to  extend  to  persons 
who  may  have  participated  in  the  existing  rebellion  in  any  State  or  part 
thereof,  pardon  and  amnesty,  with  such  exceptions  and  at  such  times 
and  on  such  conditions  as  he  may  deem  expedient  for  the  public  wel 
fare;  and 

Whereas,  The  Congressional  declaration  for  limited  and  conditional 
pardon  accords  with  the  well-established  judicial  exposition  of  the  par 
doning  power ;  and 

Whereas,  "With  reference  to  the  said  rebellion,  the  President  of  the 
United  States  has  issued  several  proclamations  with  provisions  in  re 
gard  to  the  liberation  of  slaves ;  and 

Wliereas,  It  is  now  desired  by  some  persons  heretofore  engaged  in 
said  rebellion  to  resume  their  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  and 
to  reinaugurate  loyal  State  Governments  within  and  for  their  respec 
tive  States;  therefore 


THE    PROCLAMATION    OF    AMNESTY.  431 

I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States,  do  proclaim,  de 
clare  and  make  known  to  all  persons  who  have  directly  or  by  implication 
participated  in  the  existing  rebellion,  except  as  hereinafter  excepted,  that 
a  full  pardon  is  hereby  granted  to  them  and  each  of  them,  with  restoration 
of  all  rights  of  property,  except  as  to  slaves,  and  in  property  cases  where 
rights  of  third  parties  shall  have  intervened,  and  upon  the  condition  that 
every  such  person  shall  take  and  subscribe  an  oath  and  thenceforward 
keep  and  maintain  said  oath  inviolate,  an  oath  which  shall  be  registered 
for  permanent  preservation,  and  shall  be  of  the  tenor  and  effect  follow 
ing,  to  wit: 

"  I, ,  do  solemnly  swear,  in  presence  of  Almighty  God, 

that  I  will  henceforth  faithfully  support,  protect  and  defend  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States  and  the  Union  of  the  States  thereunder;  and 
that  I  will  in  like  manner  abide  by  and  faithfully  support  all  acts  of 
Congress  passed  during  the  existing  rebellion  with  reference  to  slaves, 
so  long  and  so  far  as  not  repealed,  modified,  or  held  void  by  Congress 
or  by  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court ;  and  that  I  will  in  like  manner 
abide  by  and  faithfully  support  all  proclamations  of  the  President  made 
during  the  existing  rebellion  having  reference  to  slaves,  so  long  and  so 
far  as  not  modified  or  declared  void  by  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
So  help^  me  God." 

The  persons  excepted  from  the  benefits  of  the  foregoing  provisions 
are :  All  who  are,  or  shall  have  been  civil  or  diplomatic  officers  or  agents 
of  the  so-called  Confederate  Government ;  all  who  have  left  judicial 
stations  under  the  United  States  to  aid  the  rebellion ;  all  who  are,  or 
shall  have  been  military  or  naval  officers  of  said  so-called  Confederate 
Government,  above  the  rank  of  Colonel  in  the  army,  or  of  Lieutenant  in 
the  navy ;  all  who  left  seats  in  the  United  States  Congress  to  aid  the 
rebellion;  all  who  resigned  commissions  in  the  army  or  navy  of  the 
United  States,  and  afterward  aided  the  rebellion ;  and  all  who  have  en 
gaged  in  any  way  in  treating  colored  persons,  or  white  persons  in 
charge  of  such,  otherwise  than  lawfully  as  prisoners  of  war,  and  which 
persons  may  have  been  found  in  the  United  States  service  as  soldiers, 
seamen,  or  any  other  capacity ;  and  I  do  further  proclaim,  declare  and 
make  known  that,  whenever,  in  any  of  the  States  of  Arkansas,  Texas, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Georgia,  Florida,  South 
Carolina,  and  North  Carolina,  a  number  of  persons  not  less  than  one- 
tenth  in  number  of  the  votes  cast  in  such  States  at  the  Presidential  elec 
tion  of  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty,  each 
having  taken  the  oath  aforesaid,  and  not  having  since  violated  it, 


432 

and  being  a  qualified  voter  by  the  election  law  of  the  State  existing  im 
mediately  before  the  so-called  act  of  Secession,  and  excluding  all  others, 
shall  re-establish  a  State  Government  which,  shall  be  Republican,  and 
in  no  wise  contravening  said  oath,  such  shall  be  recognized  as  the  true 
government  of  the  State,  and  the  State  shall  receive  thereunder  the  ben 
efits  of  the  constitutional  provision,  which  declares  that 

"  The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union  a 
Republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against 
invasion,  and  on  application  of  the  Legislature,  or  the  Executive,  when 
the  Legislature  cannot  be  convened,  against  domestic  violence." 


And  I  do  further  proclaim,  declare,  and  make  known,  that  any  provi 
sion  which  may  be  adopted  by  such  State  Government  in  relation  to 
the  freed  people  of  such  State,  which  shall  recognize  and  declare  their 
permanent  freedom,  provide  for  their  education,  and  which  may  yet  be 
consistent,  as  a  temporary  arrangement,  with  their  present  condition  as 
a  laboring,  landless,  and  homeless  class,  will  not  be  objected  to  by  the 
National  Executive. 

And  it  is  suggested  as  not  improper  that,  in  constructing  a  loyal  State 
Government  in  any  State,  the  name  of  the  State,  the  boundary,  the 
subdivisions,  the  Constitution,  and  the  general  code  of  laws,  as  before 
the  rebellion,  be  maintained,  subject  only  to  the  modifications  made 
necessary  by  the  conditions  herein  before  stated,  and  such  others,  if 
any,  not  contravening  said  conditions,  and  which  may  be  deemed  expe 
dient  by  those  framing  the  new  State  Government.  To  avoid  misunder 
standing,  it  may  be  proper  to  say  that  this  proclamation,  so  far  as  it 
relates  to  State  Governments,  has  no  reference  to  States  wherein  loyal 
State  Governments  have  all  the  while  been  maintained;  and  for  the 
same  reason  it  may  be  proper  to  further  say,  that  whether  members 
sent  to  Congress  from  any  State  shall  be  admitted  to  seats,  constitution 
ally  rests  exclusively  with  the  respective  Houses,  and  not  to  any  extent 
with  the  Executive.  And  still  further,  that  this  proclamation  is 
intended  to  present  the  people  of  the  States  wherein  the  national 
authority  has  been  suspended,  and  loyal  State  Governments  have  been 
subverted,  a  mode  in  and  by  which  the  national  authority  and  loyal 
State  Governments  may  be  re-established  within  said  States,  or  in  any 
of  them.  And,  while  the  mode  presented  is  the  best  the  Executive  can 
suggest  with  his  present  impressions,  it  must  not  be  understood  that  no 
other  possible  mode  would  be  acceptable. 


EXPLANATORY    PROCLAMATION.  433 

Given  under  mj  hand  at  the  city  of  "Washington,  the  eighth  day  of  De 
cember,  A.  D.  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  of  the 
independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  Eighty-eighth, 

By  the  President :  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

WIL  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State, 

In  further  prosecution  of  the  object  sought  by  this  measure 
of  amnesty,  the  President  subsequently  issued  the  following 
additional  explanatory  PROCLAMATION  : 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America : 

Whereas,  it  has  become  necessary  to  define  the  cases  in  which  insur 
gent  enemies  are  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  the  Proclamation  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  which  was  made  on  the  8th  day  of  De 
cember,  1863,  and  the  manner  in  which  they  shall  proceed  to  avail 
themselves  of  these  benefits ;  and  whereas  the  objects  of  that  proclama 
tion  were  to  suppress  the  insurrection  and  to  restore  the  authority  of 
the  United  States;  and  whereas  the  amnesty  therein  proposed  by  the 
President  was  offered  with  reference  to  these  objects  alone; 

Now,  therefore,  L,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  hereby  proclaim  and  declare  that  the  said  proclamation  does  not 
apply  to  the  cases  of  persons  who.  at  the  time  when  they  seek  to  obtain 
the  benefits  thereof  by  taking  the  oath  thereby  prescribed,  are  in  mili 
tary,  naval  or  civil  confinement  or  custody,  or  under  bonds,  or  on  parole 
of  the  civil,  military  or  naval  authorities,  or  agents  of  the  United  States, 
as  prisoners  of  war,  or  persons  detained  for  offeaces  of  any  kind,  either 
before  or  after  conviction ;  and  that  on  the  contrary  it  does  apply  only 
to  those  persons  who,  being  yet  at  large,  and  free  from,  any  arrest,  con 
finement,  or  duress,  shall  voluntarily  come  forward  and  take  the  said 
oath,  with  the  purpose  of  restoring  peace  and  establishing  the  national 
authority. 

Persons  excluded  from  the  amnesty  offered  in  tho  said  proclamation 
may  apply  to  the  President  for  clemency,  like  all  other  offenders,  and 
their  application  will  receive  due  consideration. 

I  do  further  declare  and  proclaim  that  the  oath  presented  in  the 
aforesaid  proclamation  of  the  8th  of  December,  18G3,  may  be  taken  and 
subscribed  before  any  commissioned  officer,  civil,  military,  or  naval,  in 
the  service  of  the  United  States,  or  any  civil  or  military  officer  of  a 
State  or  Territory  not  in  insurrection,  who,  by  the  laws  thereof,  may  be 
qualified  for  administering  oaths. 


434  TKESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

All  officers  who  receive  such  oaths  are  hereby  authorized  to  give 
certificates  thereof  to  the  persons  respectively  by  whom  they  are  made, 
and  such  officers  are  hereby  required  to  transmit  the  original  records  of 
such  oaths  at  as  early  a  day  as  may  be  convenient,  to  the  Department 
of  State,  where  they  will  be  deposited,  and  remain  in  the  archives  of 
the  Government. 

The  Secretary  of  State  will  keep  a  registry  thereof,  and  will,  on 
application,  in  proper  cases,  issue  certificates  of  such  records  in  the 
customary  form  of  official  certificates. 

In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the  seal 
of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed.     Done  at  the  city  of  Wnsh- 

[L.  S.]    ington.  the  26th  day  of  March,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  18G4, 
and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  Eighty- eighth. 
By  the  President :  ABRAHAM  LINCOLX. 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

The  action  of  Congress  at  this  session  has  not  been  of  special 
interest  or  importance.  Public  attention  continued  to  be  ab 
sorbed  by  military  operations,  and  Congress,  at  its  previous 
session,  had  so  fully  provided  for  the  emergencies,  present  and 
prospective,  of  the  war,  that  little  in  this  direction  remained 
to  be  done.  Resolutions  were  introduced  by  members  of  tho 
opposing  parties,  some  approving  and  others  condemning  the 
policy  of  the  Administration.  Attempts  were  made  to  amend 
the  conscription  bill,  but  the  two  houses  failing  to  agree  on 
some  of  the  more  important  changes  proposed,  the  bill,  as 
finally  passed,  did  not  vary  essentially  from  the  original  law. 
The  leading  topic  of  discussion  in  this  connection  was  the  em 
ployment  of  colored  men,  free  and  slave,  as  soldiers.  The 
policy  of  thus  employing  them  had  been  previously  established 
by  the  action  of  the  Government  in  all  departments ;  and  all 
that  remained  was  to  regulate  the  mode  of  their  enlistment. 
A  proviso  was  finally  adopted  by  both  houses  that  colored 
troops,  "while  they  shall  be  credited  in  the  quotas  of  the  sev 
eral  States  or  subdivisions  of  States  wherein  they  are  respect 
ively  drafted,  enlisted,  or  shall  volunteer,  shall  not  be  assigned 


DEBATE    O:tf    SLAVERY.  435 

as  State  troops,  but  shall  be  mustered  into  regiments  or  com 
panies  as  'United  States  Colored  Volunteers."' 

The  general  tone  of  the  debates  in  Congress  indicates  the 
growing  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  whole 
country,  without  regard  to  party  distinctions,  that  the  destruc 
tion  of  slavery  is  inseparable  from  the  victorious  prosecution 
of  the  war.  Men  of  all  parties  have  acquiesced  in  the  position 
that  the  days  of  slavery  are  numbered, — that  the  rebellion,  or 
ganized  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  it,  has  placed  it  at  the 
mercy  of  the  national  force,  and  compelled  the  Government  to 
assail  its  existence  as  the  only  means  of  subduing  the  rebellion 
and  preserving  the  Union.  The  certainty  that  the  prosecution 
of  the  war  must  result  in  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  has 
led  to  the  proposal  of  measures  suited  to  this  emergency.  On 
the  6th  of  February,  a  bill  was  reported  in  the  House  for  the 
establishment  of  a  Bureau  of  Freedmen's  Affairs,  which  should 
determine  all  questions  relating  to  persons  of  African  descent, 
and  make  regulations  for  their  employment  and  proper  treat 
ment  on  abandoned  plantations ;  and  after  a  sharp  and  dis 
cursive  debate,  it  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  69  to  67.  A  reso 
lution  has  also  been  adopted  to  submit  to  the  action  of 
the  several  States,  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  prohibiting  the  existence  of  slavery  with 
in  the  States  and  Territories  of  the  Union  forever.  This  prop 
osition  has  encountered  but  little  opposition.  The  experience 
of  the  last  three  years  has  left  but  little  inclination  in  any 
quarter  to  prolong  the  existence  of  slavery,  and  the  political 
necessities  which  formerly  gave  it  strength  and  protection,  have 
ceased  to  exist.  At  the  commencement  of  the  session  resolu 
tions  were  offered  by  several  members  in  both  Houses,  aiming 
at  its  prohibition  by -such  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution. 
This  mode  of  accomplishing  the  object  sought  was  held  to  be 
free  from  the  objections  to  which  every  other  is  exposed,  as  it 
is  unquestionably  competent  for  the  people  to  amend  the  Con- 


436  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

stitution,  in  accordance  with  the  forms  prescribed  by  its  own 
provisions.  One  or  two  Southern  senators,  Mr.  Saulsbury,  of 
Delaware,  and  Mr.  Powell,  of  Kentucky,  being  prominent,  have 
urged  that  it  is  a  palpable  violation  of  State  rights  for  the 
people  thus  to  interfere  with  any  thing  which  State  laws  de 
clare  to  be  property;  but  they  were  answered  by  Reverdy 
Johnson,  of  Maryland,  who  urged  that  when  the  Constitution 
was  originally  framed  this  prohibition  of  slavery  might  unques 
tionably  have  been  embodied  in  it,  and  that  it  was  competent 
for  the  people  to  do  now  whatever  they  might  have  done  then. 

A  bill  was  passed  in  both  Houses  restoring  the  grade  of 
Lieutenant-General,  and,  on  the  nomination  of  the  President, 
General  Grant  was  appointed  by  the  Senate  to  that  office,  and 
invested  with  the  command  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year,  as  the  terms  of  service  of 
many  of  the  volunteer  forces  were  about  to  expire,  the  Presi 
dent  issued  a  proclamation  for  300,000  volunteers.  The  mili 
tary  successes  of  the  season  had  raised  the  public  courage  and 
inspired  new  confidence  in  the  final  issue  of  the  contest  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Union  ;  it  was  believed,  therefore,  that  an 
appeal  for  volunteers  would  be  responded  to  with  alacrity,  and 
save  the  necessity  for  a  resort  to  another  draft.  The  procla 
mation  was  as  follows : 

A  PROCLAMATION 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Whereas,  the  term  of  service  of  part  of  the  volunteer  forces  of  the 
United  States  will  expire  during  the  coming  year ;  and,  whereas,  in  ad 
dition  to  the  men  raised  by  the  present  draft,  it  is  deemed  expedient  to 
call  out  three  hundred  thousand  volunteers  to  serve  for  three  years  or 
during  the  war,  not,  however,  exceeding  three  years;  Now,  therefore, 
I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States  and  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  army  and  navy  thereof,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several 
States  when  called  into  actual  service,  do  issue  this  my  proclamation, 
calling  upon  the  Governors  of  the  different  States  to  raise,  and  have 


CALL   FOR   TROOPS.  437 

enlisted  into  the  United  States  service,  for  the  various  companies  and 
regiments  in  the  field  from  their  respective  States,  the  quotas  of  three 
hundred  thousand  men. 

I  further  proclaim  that  all  the  volunteers  thus  called  out  and  duly 
eulisted  shall  receive  advance  pay,  premium,  and  bounty,  as  heretofore 
communicated  to  the  Governors  of  States  by  the  War  Department 
through  the  Provost-Marshal  General's  office,  by  special  letters. 

I  further  proclaim  that  all  volunteers  received  under  this  call,  as  well 
as  all  others  not  heretofore  credited,  shall  be  duly  credited  and  deducted 
from  the  quotas  established  for  the  next  draft. 

I  further  proclaim  that  if  any  State  shall  fail  to  raise  the  quota  as 
signed  to  it  by  the  War  Department  under  this  call,  then  a  draft  for  the 
deficiency  in  said  quota  shall  be  made  in  said  State,  or  on  the  districts 
of  said  State  for  their  due  proportion  of  said  quota,  and  the  said  draft 
shall  commence  on  the  5th  day  of  January,  18G4. 

And  I  further  proclaim  that  nothing  in  this  proclamation  shall  inter 
fere  with  existing  orders,  or  with  those  which  may  be  issued  for  the 
present  draft  in  the  States  where  it  is  now  in  progress,  or  where  it  has 
not  yet  been  commenced. 

The  quotas  of  the  States  and  districts  will  be  assigned  by  the  War 
Department  through  the  Provost-Marshal  General's  office,  due  regard 
being  had  for  the  men  heretofore  furnished,  whether  by  volunteering  or 
drafting ;  and  the  recruiting  will  be  conducted  in  accordance  with  such 
instructions  as  have  been  or  may  be  issued  by  that  Department. 

In  issuing  this  proclamation,  I  address  myself  not  only  to  the  Gover 
nors  of  the  several  States,  but  aiso  to  the  good  and  loyal  people  thereof, 
invoking  them  to  lend  their  cheerful,  willing,  and  effective  aid  to  the 
measures  thus  adopted,  with  a  view  to  re-enforce  our  victorious  army 
now  in  the  field,  and  bring  our  needful  military  operations  to  a  prosper 
ous  end,  thus  closing  forever  the  fountains  of  sedition  and  civil  war. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  17th  day  of  October, 

[L.  s.]     1863,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty- 
eighth. 

By  the  President :  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

WM.  II.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

By  the  act  of  1861  for  raising  troops,  a  government  bounty 
of  one  hundred  dollars  was  paid  to  each  volunteer ;  and  this 


438  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S   ADMINISTRATION. 

amount  had  been  increased  from  time  to  time  until  each  soldier 
who  had  already  filled  his  term  of  service  was  entitled  to  re 
ceive  four  hundred  dollars  on  re-enlisting,  and  each  new  volun 
teer  three  hundred.  After  the  President's  proclamation  was 
issued,  enlistments,  especially  of  men  already  in  the  service, 
proceeded  with  great  rapidity,  and  the  amount  to  be  paid  for 
bounties  threatened  to  be  very  large.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  Congress  adopted  an  amendment  to  the  enrolment 
act,  by  which  the  payment  of  all  bounties  except  those  author 
ized  by  the  act  of  1861,  was  to  cease  after  the  5th  day  of  Jan 
uary.  Both  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Provost-Marshal 
General  feared  that  the  effect  of  this,  when  it  came  to  be  gen 
erally  understood,  would  be  to  check  the  volunteering  which 
was  then  proceeding  in  a  very  satisfactory  manner;  and  on 
the  5th  of  January,  the  day  when  the  prohibition  was  to  take 
effect,  the  President  sent  to  Congress  the  following  communi 
cation  : 

WASHINGTON,  January  5,  1864. 
Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

By  a  joint  resolution  of  your  honorable  bodies,  approved  December 
23,  1863,  the  paying  of  bounties  to  veteran  volunteers,  as  now  practised 
by  the  War  Department,  is,  to  the  extent  of  three  hundred  dollars  in 
each  case,  prohibited  after  the  fifth  day  of  the  present  month.  I  trans 
mit  for  your  consideration  a  communication  from  the  Secretary  of  War, 
accompanied  by  one  from  the  Provost-Marshal  General  to  him,  both 
relating  to  the  subject  above  mentioned.  I  earnestly  recommend  that 
this  law  be  so  modified  as  to  allow  bounties  to  be  paid  as  they  now  are, 
at  least  to  the  ensuing  1st  day  of  February.  I  am  not  without  anxiety 
lest  I  appear  to  be  importunate  in  thus  recalling  your  attention  to  a  sub 
ject  upon  which  you  have  so  recently  acted,  and  nothing  but  a  deep 
conviction  that  the  public  interest  demands  it  could  induce  me  to  incur 
the  hazard  of  being  misunderstood  on  this  point.  The  executive  ap 
proval  was  given  by  me  to  the  resolution  mentioned,  and  it  is  now  by 
a  closer  attention  and  a  fuller  knowledge  of  facts  that  I  feel  constrained 
to  recommend  a  reconsideration  of  the  subject. 

A.  LINCOLN. 


GEX.   BLAIK'S   RESIGNATION.  439 

A  resolution  extending  the  payment  of  bounties,  in  accord 
ance  with  this  recommendation,  to  the  1st  of  April,  was  at 
once  reported  by  the  Military  Committee  of  the  Senate,  and 
passed  by  both  Houses  of  Congress. 

The  action  of  Congress  thus  far  during  the  session  has  re 
lated  mainly  to  questions  connected  with  taxation  and  the  cur 
rency,  and  does  not  call  for  detailed  mention  in  this  connec 
tion.  Considerable  time  has  been  consumed,  and  a  good  deal 
of  ill-feeling  created,  by  a  controversy  between  General  F.  P. 
Blair,  junior,  of  Missouri,  whose  seat  in  Congress  is  contested, 
and  other  members  of  the  Missouri  delegation.  General  Blair 
was  accused  by  one  of  his  colleagues  of  very  discreditable 
transactions  in  granting  permits  to  trade  within  the  limits  of 
his  department,  from  which  he  was,  however,  completely  ex 
onerated  by  the  investigations  of  a  Committee  of  the  House. 
After  this  matter  was  closed,  General  Blair  resigned  his  seat  in 
the  House  and  returned  to  his  post  in  the  army.  The  House, 
by  resolution,  called  upon  the  President  for  information  as  to 
the  circumstances  of  his  restoration  to  command,  and  received 
on  the  28th  of  April  the  following  in  reply : 
To  the  House  of  Representatives : — 

In  obedience  to  the  resolution  of  your  honorable  body,  a  copy  of  which 
is  herewith  returned,  I  have  the  honor  to  make  the  following  brief  state 
ment,  which  is  believed  to  contain  the  information  sought. 

Prior  to  and  at  the  meeting  of  the  present  Congress,  Robert  C. 
Schenck,  of  Ohio,  and  Frank  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  of  Missouri,  members  elect 
thereto,  by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  held  commissions  from 
the  Executive  as  Major-Generals  in  the  volunteer  army.  General 
Schenck  tendered  the  resignation  of  his  said  commission,  and  took 
his  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  at  the  assembling  thereof, 
upon  the  distinct  verbal  understanding  with  the  Secretary  of  War  and 
tbe  Executive  that  he  might  at  any  time  during  the  session,  at  his  own 
pleasure,  withdraw  said  resignation  and  return  to  the  field. 

General  Blair  was,  by  temporary  agreement  of  General  Sherman, 
in  command  of  a  corps  through  the  battles  in  front  of  Chattanooga, 
and  in  marching  to  the  relief  of  Knoxville,  which  occurred  in  the 


440          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

latter  days  of  December  last,  and  of  course  was  not  present  at  the  as 
sembling  of  Congress.  When  he  subsequently  arrived  here  he  sought 
and  was  allowed  by  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Executive  the  same 
conditions  and  promise  as  was  allowed  and  made  to  General  Schenck. 

General  Schenck  has  not  applied  to  withdraw  his  resignation;  but 
when  General  Grant  was  made  Lieutenant-General,  producing  some 
changes  of  commanders,  General  Blair  sought  to  be  assigned°to  the 
command  of  a  corps.  This  was  made  known  to  General  Grant  and 
General  Sherman,  and  assented  to  by  them,  and  the  particular  corps  for 
him  was  designated.  This  was  all  arranged  and  understood,  as  now  re 
membered,  so  much  as  a  month  ago;  but  the  formal  withdrawal  of 
General  Blair's  resignation,  and  the  reissuing  of  the  order  assigning  him 
to  the  command  of  a  corps,  were  not  consummated  at  the  War  Depart 
ment  until  last  week,  perhaps  on  the  23d  of  April  instant.  As  a  sum 
mary  of  the  whole  it  may  be  stated  that  General  Blair  holds  no  military 
commission  or  appointment  other  than  as  herein  stated,  and  that  it  is 
believed  he  is  now  acting  as  Major-General  upon  the  assumed  validity 
of  the  commission  herein  stated  and  not  otherwise. 

There  are  some  letters,  notes,  telegrams,  orders,  entries,  and  perhaps 
other  documents,  in  connection  with  this  subject,  which  it  is  believed 
would  throw  no  additional  light  upon  it,  but  which  will  be  cheerfully 
furnished  if  desired.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

April  28,  1864. 

On  the  same  day  the  President  sent  to  Congress  the  follow 
ing  Message,  which  sufficiently  explains  itself: 
To  the  Honorable  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  an  address  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  through  him  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  on  the 
condition  of  the  people  of  East  Tennessee,  and  asking  their  attention  to 
the  necessity  for  some  action  on  the  part  of  the  government  for  their  re 
lief,  and  which  address  is  presented  by  the  Committee  or  Organization, 
called  "  The  East  Tennessee  Relief  Association."  Deeply  commisera 
ting  the  condition  of  those  most  loyal  people,  I  am  unprepared  to  make 
any  specific  recommendation  for  their  relief.  The  military  is  doing,  and 
will  continue  to  do,  the  best  for  them  within  its  power.  Their  address 
represents  that  the  construction  of  a  direct  railroad  communication 
between  Knoxville  and  Cincinnati,  by  way  of  Central  Kentucky,  would 
be  of  great  consequence  in  the  present  emergency.  It  may  be  remem 
bered  that  in  my  annual  Message  of  December,  1861,  such  railroad  con- 


DIPL03IATIC    CORRESPONDENCE.  441 

struction  was  recommended.  I  now  add  that,  with  the  hearty  concur 
rence  of  Congress,  I  would  yet  be  pleased  to  construct  the  road,  both, 
for  the  relief  of  those  people  and  for  its  continuing  military  importance. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  year  1863,  which  was 
transmitted  to  Congress  with  the  President's  Message,  was 
voluminous  and  interesting.  But  it  touched  few  points  of 
general  interest,  relating  mainly  to  matters  of  detail  in  the 
relations  between  the  United  States  and  foreign  powers.  One 
point  of  importance  was  gained  in  the  course  of  our  correspond 
ence  with  Great  Britain, — the  issuing  of  an  order  by  that 
Government  forbidding  the  departure  of  formidable  rams 
which  were  building  in  English  ports  unquestionably  for  the 
Rebel  service.  Our  minister  in  London  had  been  unwearied 
in  collecting  evidence  of  the  purpose  and  destination  of  these 
vessels  and  in  pressing  upon  the  British  Government  the  ab- 
solute  necessity,  if  they  wished  to  preserve  peaceful  relations 
with  the  United  States,  of  not  permitting  their  professedly 
neutral  ports  to  be  used  as  naval  depots  and  dock-yards  for 
the  service  of  the  rebels.  On  the  5th  of  September,  1863, 
Mr.  Adams  had  written  to  Lord  Russell,  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  a  letter  from  him  in  which  the  deliberate  purpose  of 
the  British  Government  to  take  no  action  in  regard  to  these 
rams  was  announced.  Mr.  Adams  had  expressed  his  regret  at 
such  a  decision,  which  he  said  he  could  regard  as  no  other 
wise  than  as  practically  opening  to  the  insurgents  free  liberty 
in  Great  Britain  to  prepare  for  entering  and  destroying  any  of 
the  Atlantic  seaports  of  the  United  States.  "  It  would  be 
superfluous  in  me,"  added  Mr.  Adams,  "  to  point  out  to  your 
lordship  that  this  is  war.  No  matter  what  may  be  the  theory 
adopted  of  neutrality  in  a  struggle,  when  this  process  is  carried 
on  in  the  manner  indicated,  from  a  territory  and  with  the  aid 
of  the  subjects  of  a  third  party,  that  third  party  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  ceases  to  be  neutral.  Neither  is  it  necessary  to 


442 

show,  that  any  Government  which  suffers  it  to  be  done,  fails 
in  enforcing  the  essential  conditions  of  international  arnky  to 
wards  the  country  against  whom  the  hostility  is  directed.  In 
my  belief  it  is  impossible  that  any  nation,  retaining  a  proper 
degree  of  self-respect,  could  tamely  submit  to  a  continuance  '• 
of  relations  so  utterly  deficient  in  reciprocity.  I  have  no  idea 
that  Great  Britain  would  do  so  for  a  moment."  On  the  8th 
of  September  Earl  Russell  wrote  to  Mr.  Adams,  to  inform  him 
that  "  instructions  had  been  issued  which  would  prevent  the 
departure  of  the  two  iron-clad  vessels  from  Liverpool."  The 
Earl  afterwards  explained  in  Parliament,  however,  when  charged 
with  having  taken  this  action  under  an  implied  menace  of 
war  conveyed  in  the  letter  of  Mr.  Adams,  that  it  was  taken  in 
pursuance  of  a  decision  which  had  been  made  previous  to  the 
receipt  of  that  letter  and  in  ignorance  of  its  existence. 

On  the  llth  of  July  Mr.  Seward  forwarded  a  dispatch  to 
Mr.  Adams,  elicited  by  the  decision  of  the  British  Court  in 
the  case  of  the  Alexandra,  which  had  been  seized  on  suspicion 
of  having  been  fitted  out  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  Great  Bri 
tain  against  the  enlistment  of  troops  to  serve  against  nations 
with  which  that  government  was  at  peace.  The  decision  was 
a  virtual  repeal  of  the  enlistment  act  as  a  penal  measure  of 
prevention,  and  actually  left  the  agents  of  the  Rebels  at  full 
liberty  to  prepare  ships  of  war  in  English  ports  to  cruise 
against  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Seward  con 
veyed  to  Mr.  Adams  the  President's  views  on  the  extraordinary 
state  of  affairs  which  this  decision  revealed.  Assuming  that 
the  British  Government  had  acted  throughout  in  perfect  good 
faith  and  that  the  action  of  its  judicial  tribunals  was  not  to  be 
impeached,  this  dispatch  stated  that  "  if  the  rulings  of  the 
Chief  Baron  of  the  Exchequer  in  the  case  of  the  Alexandra 
should  be  affirmed  by  the  Court  of  last  resort,  so  as  to  regu 
late  the  action  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  the  President 
would  be  left  to  understand  that  there  is  no  law  in  Great 


OUR    RELATIONS    WITH    ENGLAND.  443 

Britain  which  will  be  effective  to  preserve  mutual  relations  of 
forbearance  between  the  subjects  of  her  Majesty  and  the  Gov 
ernment  and  people   of  the  United  States  in  the  only  point 
where  they  are  exposed  to  infraction.     And  the  United  States 
will  be  without  any  guarantee  whatever  against  the  indiscrimi 
nate  and  unlawful  employment  of  capital,  industry  and   skill 
by  British  subjects,  in  building,  arming,  equipping,  and  send 
ing  forth  ships-of-war  from  British  ports  to  make  war  against 
the  United  States."     The   suggestion  was  made  whether  it- 
would  not  be  wise  for  Parliament  to  amend  a  law  thus  proved 
to  be  inadequate  to  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  intended.     If 
the  law  must  be  left  without  amendment  and  be  construed  by 
the  Government  in .  conformity  with   the  rulings  in  this  case 
then,  said  Mr.  Seward,  "there  will  be  left  for  the  United  States 
no  alternative  but  to  protect  themselves   and  their  commerce 
against  armed  cruisers  proceeding  from  British  ports  as  against 
the  naval  forces  of  a  public  enemy  ;  and  also  to  claim  and  in 
sist  upon  indemnities  for  the  injuries  which  all  such  expeditions 
have  hitherto   committed   or   shall  hereafter  commit  against 
this  Government  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States."  "  Can 
it  be  an  occasion  for  either  surprise  or  complaint,"  asked  Mr. 
Seward,  "  that  if  this  condition   of  things  is  to  remain  and  re 
ceive  the  deliberate  sanction   of  the  British   Government,  the 
navy  of  the  United  States  will  receive  instructions  to  pursue 
these  enemies  into  the   ports  which  thus,  in   violation  of  the 
law  of  nations  and  the  obligations  of  neutrality,  become  har 
bors  for  the  pirates  ?"     Before  the  receipt  of  this  dispatch,  Mr. 
Adams  had  so  clearly  presented  the  same  views,  of  the  inevi 
table  results  of  the  policy  the  British  Government  seemed  to 
bo  pursuing,  to   Lord  Russell,  as  to  render  its  transmission  to 
him  unnecessary, — Mr.  Seward,  on  the  13th    of  August,  in 
forming  Mr.  Adams  that  he  regarded   his  "  previous  commu 
nications  to  Earl  Russell  on  the  subject  as  an  execution  of  his 
instructions  by  way  of  anticipation." 


444          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 


Our  relations  with  France  continued  to  be  friendly ;  but 
the  proceedings  of  the  French  in  Mexico  gave  rise  to  repre 
sentations  on  both  sides  which   may  have  permanent  impor 
tance  for  the  welfare  of  both  countries.     Rumors  were  circu 
lated  from  timo  to  time  in  France  that  the  government  of  the 
United  States  had  protested,  or  was  about  to  protest,  against 
the  introduction  into  Mexico  of  a  monarchical  form  of  govern 
ment,  under  a  European  prince,  to  be  established  and  sup 
ported  by   French   arms;   and  these  reports  derived  a  good 
deal  of  plausibility  from  the  language  of  the  American  press, 
representing  the  undoubted  sentiment  of  a  very  large  portion 
of  the  American  people.      Various  incidental   conversations 
were  had  on  this  subject  during  the  summer  of  1863  between 
Mr.  Dayton,  our  Minister  in  Paris,  and  the  French  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  in  which    the    latter  uniformly  assured  Mr. 
Dayton  that  France  had  no  thought  of  conquering  Mexico  or 
establishing    there   a   dominant   and  permanent   power.     She 
desired  simply  to  enforce  the  payment  of  just  claims  and  to 
vindicate    her  honor.)    In    a    conversation    reported   by   Mr. 
Dayton  in  a  letter  dated  August  21,  M.  Drouyn  de  1'IIuys 
"took  occasion  again  to  say  that  France  had  no  purpose  in 
Mexico  other  than  heretofore  stated, — that  she  did  not  mean 
to  appropriate  permanently  any  part  of  that  country,  and  that 
she  should  leave  it  as  soon  as  her  griefs  were  satisfied,  and  she 
could  do  so  with  honor."     "In  the  abandon  of  a  conversation 
somewhat  familiar,"  adds  Mr.  Dayton,  "I  took  occasion  to 
say  that  in  quitting  Mexico  she  might  leave  a  puppet  behind 
her.     He  said  no;  the  strings  would  be  too  long  to  work.     He 
added  that  they  had  had  enough  of  colonial   experience  in 
Algeria;  that  the  strength  of  France  was  in  her  compact  body 
and  well-defined  boundary.     In  that  condition  she  had  her 
resources  always  at  command." 

in  a  dispatch  dated  September  14,  Mr.  Dayton  reports  a 
conversation   in   which   the   French    Minister  referred  to  the 


FRANCE    AND   MEXICO.  445 

"almost  universal  report  that  our  government  only  awaits  the 
termination  of  our  domestic  troubles  to  drive  the  French  out 
of  Mexico."  He  said  that  the  French  naturally  conclude  that, 
if  they  are  to  have  trouble  with  us,  it  would  be  safest  to  take 
their  own  time;  and  he  assured  M.  Drouyn  de  1'Huys  that 
"  relying  on  the  constant  assurances  of  France  as  to  its  pur 
poses  in  Mexico,  and  its  determination  to  leave  the  people 
free  as  to  their  form  of  government,  and  not  to  hold  or  colo 
nize  any  portion  of  their  territories,"  our  government  had  indi 
cated  no  purpose  to  interfere  in  the  quarrel,  not  concealing  at 
the  same  time  our  earnest  solicitude  for  the  well-being  of  that 
country,  and  an  especial  sensitiveness  as  to  any  forcible  inter- 
ferpnce  in  the  form  of  its  government. 

(On  the  21st  of  September  Mr.  Seward  instructed  Mr.  Day 
ton  to  call  the  attention  of  the  French  Minister  to  the  appar 
ent  deviations  of  the  French  in  Mexico  from  the  tenor  of  the 
assurances  uniformly  given  by  the  French  government  that 
they  did  not  intend  permanent  occupation  of  that  country, 
or  any  violence  to  the  sovereignty  of  its  people.  x\nd  on  the 
26th  of  the  same  month  Mr.  Seward  set  forth  at  some  length 
the  position  of  our  government  upon  this  question,  which  is 
mainly  embodied  in  the  following  extract : — 

The  United  States  hold,  in  regard  to  Mexico,  the  same  principles 
that  they  hold  in  regard  to  all  other  nations.  They  have  neither  a 
right  nor  a  disposition  to  intervene  by  force  in  the  internal  affairs  of 
Mexico,  whether  to  establish  and  maintain  a  republic  or  even  a  domes 
tic  government  there,  or  to  overthrow  an  imperial  or  a  foreign  one,  if 
Mexico  chooses  to  establish  or  accept  it.  The  United  States  have 
neither  the  right  nor  the  disposition  to  intervene  by  force  on  either  side 
in  the  lamentable  war  which  is  going  on  between  France  and  Mexico. 
On  the  contrary,  they  practise  in  regard  to  Mexico,  in  every  phase  of 
that  war,  the  non-intervention  which  they  require  all  foreign  powers  to 
observe  in  regard  to  the  United  States.  But  notwithstanding  this  self- 
restraint,  this  government  knows  full  well  that  the  inherent  normal 
opinion  of  Mexico  favors  a  government  there  republican  in  form  and 


440  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

domestic  in  its  organization  iu  preference  to  any  monarchical  institutions 
to  be  imposed  from  abroad.  This  government  knows  also  that  this  nor 
mal  opinion  of  the  people  of  Mexico  resulted  largely  from  the  influence 
of  popular  opinion  in  this  country,  and  is  continually  invigorated  by  it. 
The  President  believes,  moreover,  that  this  popular  opinion  of  the 
United  States  is  just  in  itself  and  eminently  essential  to  the  progress  of 
civilization  on  the  American  continent,  which  civilization,  it  believes, 
can  and  will,  if  left  free  from  European  resistance,  work  harmoniously 
together  with  advancing  refinement  on  the  other  continents.  This  gov 
ernment  believes  that  foreign  resistance,  or  attempts  to  control  Ameri 
can  civilization,  must  and  will  fail  before  the  ceaseless  and  ever  increas 
ing  activity  of  material,  moral,  and  political  forces,  which  peculiarly 
belong  to  the  American  continent.  Nor  do  the  United  States  deny 
that,  in  their  opinion,  their  own  safety  and  the  cheerful  destiny  to 
which  they  aspire  are  intimately  dependent  on  the  continuance  of  free 
republican  institutions  throughout  America.  They  have  submitted 
these  opinions  to  the  Emperor  of  France,  on  proper  occasions,  as  wor 
thy  of  his  serious  consideration,  in  determining  how  he  would  conduct 
and  closo  what  might  prove  a  successful  war  in  Mexico.  Nor  is  it 
necessary  to  practise  reserve  upon  the  point  that  if  France  should, 
upon  due  consideration,  determine  to  adopt  a  policy  in  Mexico  adverse 
to  the  American  opinion  and  sentiments  which  I  have  described,  that 
policy  would  probably  scatter  seeds  which  would  be  fruitful  of  jealousies 
which  might  ultimately  ripen  into  collision  between  France  and  the 
United  States  and  other  American  republics.  .  .  .  The  statements 
made  to  you  by  M.  Drouyn  de  1'IIuys  concerning  the  Emperor's  inten 
tions  are  entirely  satisfactory,  if  we  are  permitted  to  assume  them  as 
having  been  authorized  to  be  made  by  the  Emperor  in  view  of  the 
present  condition  of  affairs  in  Mexico. 

The  French  Minister,  in  a  conversation  on  the  8th  of  Octo 
ber,  stated  to  Mr.  Dayton  that  the  vote  of  the  entire  popula 
tion  of  Mexico,  Spanish  and  Indian,  would  be  taken  as  to  the 
form  of  government  to  be  established,  and  he  had  no  doubt  a 
large  majority  of  that  vote  would  be  in  favor  of  the  Archduke 
Maximilian.  He  also  expressed  a  desire  that  the  United 
States  would  express  its  acquiescence  in  siK;li  a  result,  and  its 
readiness  to  enter  into  peaceful  relations  with  such  a  govern- 


I 

THE    PRESIDENT   AND    THE    MONROE    DOCTRINE.       447 

ment,  by  acknowledging  it  as  speedily  as  possible, — inasmuch 
as  such  a  course  would  enable  France  the  sooner  to  leave 
Mexico  and  the  new  government  to  take  care  of  itself.  In 
replying  to  this  request,  on  the  23d4of  October  Mr.  Seward 
repeated  the  determination  of  our  government  to  maintain  a 
position  of  complete  neutrality  in  the  war  between  France  and 
Mexico,  and  declared  that  while  they  could  not  anticipate  the 
action  of  the  people  of  Mexico,  they  had  not  "  the  least  pur 
pose  or  desire  to  interfere  with  their  proceedings,  or  control 
or  interfere  with  their  free  choice,  or  disturb  them  in  the 
exercise  of  whatever  institutions  of  government  they  may,  in 
the  exercise  of  an  absolute  freedom,  establish."  As  we  did 
not  consider  the  war  yet  closed,  however,  we  were  not  at 
liberty  to  consider  the  question  of  recognizing  the  govern 
ment  which,  in  the  further  chances  of  that  war,  might  take 
the  place  of  the  one  now  existing  in  Mexico,  with  which  our 
relations  were  those  of  peace  and  friendship. 

The  policy  of  the  President,  therefore,  in  regard  to  the  war 
in  Mexico  has  been  that  of  neutrality ;  and,  although  this 
policy  has  in  some  respects  contravened  the  traditional  pur 
poses  arid  principles  of  the  government  and  people  of  the 
United  States,  it  is  not  easy  to  see  what  other  could  have  been 
adopted  without  inviting  hazards  which  no  responsible  states 
man  has  a  right  to  incur.  The  war  against  Mexico  was  under 
taken  ostensibly  for  objects  and  purposes  which  we  were  com 
pelled  to  regard  as  legitimate,  and  we  could  not  ourselves  depart 
from  a  strict  neutrality  without  virtually  conceding  the  right, 
not  only  of  France  but  of  every  other  nation  interested  in  our 
downfall,  to  become  party  to  the  war  against  us.  While 
we  have  to  a  certain  extent  pledged  ourselves  to  hold  the 
whole  continent  open  to  republican  institutions,  our  first  duty 
is  clearly  to  preserve  the  existence  of  our  own  Republic,  not 
only  for  ourselves,  but  as  the  only  condition  on  which  repub 
licanism  anywhere  is  possible.  The  President,  therefore,  in 


t 

448  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

holding  this  country  wholly  aloof  from  the  war  with  France,  has 
consulted  the  ultimate  and  permanent  interests  of  Democratic 
institutions  not  less  than  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the  United 
States,  and  has  pursued  the  only  policy  at  all  compatible  with 
the  preservation  of  our  Union  and  the  final  establishment  of 
the  Monroe  doctrine.  Neither  the  President  nor  the  people, 
however,  have  indicated  any  purpose  to  acquiesce  in  the  im 
position  of  a  foreign  prince  upon  the  Mexican  people  by  for 
eign  armies;  and  on  the  3d  of  April,  1864,  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  adopted  the  following  resolution  upon  the  subject, 
which  embodies,  beyond  all  doubt,  the  settled  sentiment  of 
the  people  of  this  country. 

THE    MEXICAN    MONARCHY. 

Resolved,  That  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  are  unwilling  by 
silence  to  leave  the  nations  of  the  world  under  the  impression  that 
they  are  indifferent  spectators  of  the  deplorable  events  now  transpir 
ing  in  the  Republic  of  Mexico ;  therefore,  they  think  it  fit  to  declare 
that  it  does  not  accord  \\  ith  the  sentiment  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  to  acknowledge  a  monarchical  government  erected  on  the  ruins 
of  any  republican  government  in  America,  under  the  auspices  of  any 
European  Power. 

No  action  up  to  the  present  time  (May  5)  has  been  taken 
upon  this  resolution  in  the  Senate.. 


THE    QUESTION    OF   RECONSTRUCTION.  449 


CHAPTER  XII. 

MOVEMENTS  TOWARDS    RECONSTRUCTION. THE    REBELLION    AND 

LABOR. THE     PRESIDENT    ON    BENEVOLENT    ASSOCIATIONS. 

ADVANCING    ACTION    CONCERNING-    THE    NEGRO    RACE. 

THE  Proclamation,  which  accompanied  the  Annual  Message 
of  the  President,  embodied  the  first  suggestions  of  the  ad 
ministration  on  the  important  subject  of  reconstructing  the 
governments  of  those  States,  which  had  joined  in  the  seces 
sion  movement.  The  matter  had  been  canvassed  somewhat 
extensively  by  the  public  press,  and  by  prominent  politicians, 
in  anticipation  of  the  overthrow  of  the  rebellion,  and  the  view 
taken  of  the  subject  had  been  determined,  to  a  very  consider 
able  extent,  by  the  sentiments  and  opinions  of  the  different 
parties  as  to  the  object  and  purpose  of  the  war.  The  support 
ers  of  the  administration  did  not  all  hold  precisely  the  same 
ground  on  this  subject.  As  has  already  been  seen,  in  the  de 
bates  of  the  Congress  of  18G2-3,  a  considerable  number  of 
the  friends  of  the  government,  in  both  houses,  maintained 
that,  by  the  act  of  secession,  the  revolted  States  had  put  them 
selves  outside  the  pale  of  the  Constitution,  and  were  hence 
forth  to  be  regarded  and  treated,  not  as  members  of  the  Union, 
but  as  alien  enemies:* — that  their  State  organizations  and 

*  President  Lincoln's  view  of  this  position  is  stated  in  the  following 
note  addressed  by  him  to  the  publishers  of  the  North  American  Review, 
which  contained  an  article  upon  his  policy  of  administration : 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  January  16,  1864. 
"Messrs.  CROSBY  &  NICHOLS: 

"Gentlemen: — The  number  for  this  month  and  year  of  the  North 
American  Review  was  duly  received,  and  for  which  please  accept  my 
thanks.  Of  course  I  arn  not  the  most  impartial  judge ;  yet,  with  due 


450 

State  boundaries  had  been  expunged  by  their  own  act ;  and  that 
they  were  to  be  re-admitted  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Con 
stitution,  and  to  the  privileges  of  the  Union,  only  upon  such 
terms  and  conditions  as  the  Federal  government  of  the  loyal 
States  might  prescribe.  On  the  other  hand  it  was  held  that 
the  acts  of  secession,  passed  by  the  several  State  governments, 
were  absolutely  null  and  void,  and  that  while  the  persons  who 
passed  them,  and  those  who  aided  in  giving  them  effect,  by 
taking  up  arms  against  the  United  States,  had  rendered  them 
selves  liable  individually  to  the  penalties  of  treason,  they 
had  not,  in  any  respect,  changed  the  relations  of  their  States, 

allowance  for  this,  I  venture  to  hope  that  the  article  entitled  '  The 
President's  Policy'  will  be  of  value  to  the  country.  I  fear  I  am  not 
worthy  of  all  which  is  therein  kindly  said  of  me  personally. 

"  The  sentence  of  twelve  lines,  commencing  at  the  top  of  page  252, 
I  could  wish  to  be  not  exactly  what  it  is.  In  what  is  there  expressed, 
the  writer  has  not  correctly  understood  me.  I  have  never  had  a  theory 
that  secession  could  absolve  States  or  people  from  their  obligations.  Pre 
cisely  the  contrary  is  asserted  in  the  inaugural  address ;  and  it  was 
because  of  my  belief  in  the  continuation  of  those  obligations  that  I  was 
puzzled,  for  a  time,  as  to  denying  the  legal  rights  of  those  citizens  who 
remained  individually  innocent  of  treason  or  rebellion.  But  I  mean  no 
more  now  than  to  merely  call  attention  to  this  point. 

"Tours  respectfully, 

"  A.  LINCOLN." 

The  sentence  referred  to  by  Mr.  Lincoln  is  as  follows  : 

"  Even  so  long  ago  as  when  Mr.  Lincoln,  not  yet  convinced  of 
the  danger  and  magnitude  of  the  crisis,  was  endeavoring  to  persuade 
himself  of  Union  majorities  at  the  South,  and  carry  on  a  war  that  was 
half  peace,  in  the  hope  of  a  peace  that  would  have  been  all  war,  while 
he  was  still  enforcing  the  Fugitive  Slave  law,  under  some  theory  that 
secession,  however  it  might  absolve  States  from  their  obligations,  could 
not  escheat  them  of  their  claims  under  the  Constitution,  and  that  slave 
holders  in  rebellion  had  alone  among  mortals,  the  privilege  of  having 
their  cake  and  eating  it  at  the  same  time, — the  enemies  of  free  govern 
ment  were  striving  to  persuade  the  people  that  the  war  was  an  abolition 
crusade.  To  rebel  without  reason  was  proclaimed  as  one  of  the  rights 
of  man,  while  it  was  carefully  kept  out  of  sight  that  to  suppress  rebel 
lion  is  the  lirst  duty  of  government." 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  VIEWS  OP  RECONSTRUCTION.     451 

as  such,  to  the  federal  government.  The  governments  of  those 
States  had  been  for  a  time  subverted  : — but  they  might  at  any 
time  be  re-established  upon  a  republican  basis,  under  the  au 
thority  and  protection  of  the  United  States.  The  Proclama 
tion  proceeded,  in  the  main,  upon  the  latter  theory.  The 
President  had  the  power,  under  the  Constitution,  and  by  spe 
cific  legislation  of  Congress,  to  grant  pardons  upon  such  con 
ditions  as  he  might  deem  expedient.  In  the  exercise  of  this 
power,  President  LINCOLN  released  from  legal  penalties,  and 
restored  to  the  rights  of  citizenship  all,  in  each  State,  with 
certain  specified  exceptions,  who  should  take  and  abide  by  a 
prescribed  oath  ;  and  then  he  proclaimed  his  purpose  to  re 
cognize  them  as  the  citizens  of  such  State,  and  as  alone  com 
petent  to  organize  and  carry  on  the  local  government;  and 
he  pledged  the  power  of  the  general  government  to  protect 
such  republican  State  governments  as  they  might  establish, 
"  against  invasion,  and  against  domestic  violence."  By 
way  of  precaution  against  a  usurpation  of  power  by  strangers, 
he  insisted  on  the  same  qualifications  for  voting  as  had  been 
required  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  State  previous 
to  secession  : — and  to  provide  against  usurpation  of  power 
by  an  insignificant  minority,  he  also  required  that  the  new 
government  should  be  elected  by  at  least  one  tenth  as  many 
voters  as  had  voted  in  the  State  at  the  Presidential  election 
of  1860.  In  the  oath,  which  he  imposed  as  essential  to  citi 
zenship,  the  President  required  a  pledge  to  sustain  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  the  laws  of  Congress  and  the 
Executive  Proclamations  and  acts  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  so 
long  and  so  far  as  the  same  should  not  be  declared  invalid  and 
of  no  binding  obligation,  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States.  These  were  the  foundations  of  the  broad  and  substan 
tial  basis  laid  by  the  President  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union, 
and  the  re-establishment  of  loyal  republican  governments  in 
the  several  seceded  States. 


452 

Various  indications  in  the  Southern  Statos,  had  satisfied 
the  President  that  the  time  had  come  when  the  work  of  re 
construction  might  safely  and  wisely  be  thus  commenced.  In 
Tennessee,  where  the  rebels  had  never  maintained  any  perma 
nent  foothold,  but  where  the  government  at  Washington  had 
found  it  necessary  to  commit  the  local  authority  to  Andrew 
Johnson,  as  Provisional  Governor,  there  had  been  a  very 
strong  party  in  favor  of  restoring  the  State  to  its  former  posi 
tion  as  a  member  of  the  Federal  Union.  But  in  Louisiana, 
the  movements  in  the  same  direction  had  been  earlier  and 
more  decided  than  in  any  other  Southern  State.  The  occu 
pation  of  Xew  Orleans  by  the  national  forces,  and  the  advent 
of  General  Butler  as  Commander  of  that  Military  Department, 
on  the  1st  of  May,  1862,  speedily  satisfied  a  very  consider 
able  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  who  had  property  at  stake  in 
the  City  and  State,  that  the  rebel  authority  could  never  be 
restored;  and  preparations  were  accordingly  made  to  hold  an 
election  in  the  fall  of  that  year  for  Members  of  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States.  General  Shepley  had  been  appointed 
Military  Governor  of  the  State,  and  to  him  the  President,  in 
November,  addressed  the  following  letter  on  that  subject : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  November  21,  1802. 

DEAR  SIR  : — Dr.  Kennedy,  bearer  of  this,  has  some  apprehension  that 
Federal  officers,  not  citizens  of  Louisiana,  may  be  set  up  as  candidates 
for  Congress  in  that  State.  In  my  view  there  could  be  no  possible  object 
in  such  an  election.  We  do  not  particularly  need  members  of  Congress 
from  those  States  to  enable  us  to  get  along  with  legislation  here.  What 
we  do  want  is  the  conclusive  evidence  that  respectable  citizens  of  Louisi 
ana  are  willing  to  be  members  of  Congress  and  to  swear  support  to  the 
Constitution,  and  that  other  respectable  citizens  there  are  willing  to  vote 
for  them  and  send  them.  To  send  a  parcel  of  Northern  men  here  as  re 
presentatives,  elected  as  would  be  understood  (and  perhaps  really  so),  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet,  would  be  disgraceful  and  outrageous ;  and  were 
I  a  member  of  Congress  here,  I  would  vote  against  admitting  any  such 
man  to  a  seat.  Tours,  very  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

Hon.  G.  F.  SHEPLEY. 


INITIAL    MOVEMENTS   IN   LOUISIANA.  453 

The  election  was  held,  and  Messrs.  Flanders  and  Halm 
were  chosen  and  admitted  to  their  seats  at  the  ensuing  ses 
sion,  as  has  been  already  seen. 

On  the  23d  of  May,  1863,  the  various  Union  associations 
of  New  Orleans  applied  to  the  Military  Governor  of  the  State 
for  authority  to  call  a  Convention  of  the  loyal  citizens  of 
Louisiana,  for  the  purpose  of  framing  a  new  State  Constitution, 
and  of  re-establishing  civil  government  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  What  they  especially  desired  of  him 
was  that  he  should  order  a  registration  of  the  loyal  voters  of 
the  State,  and  appoint  commissioners  of  registration  in  each 
parish  to  register  the  names  of  all  citizens  who  should  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
and  repudiate  allegiance  to  the  Rebel  Confederacy.  General 
Shepley,  in  reply,  recognized  fully  the  great  importance  of 
the  proposed  movement,  but  thought  it  of  the  utmost  conse 
quence  that  it  should  proceed  as  the  spontaneous  act  of  the 
people  of  the  State,  without  the  slightest  appearance  or 
suspicion  of  having  been  in  any  degree  the  result  of  military 
dictation.  He  consented  to  provide  for  the  registration  of 
such  voters  as  might  voluntarily  come  forward  for  the  purpose 
of  being  enrolled,  but  deferred  action  upon  the  other  points 
submitted  to  him  until  he  could  receive  definite  instructions 
on  the  subject  from  the  Government  at  Washington. 

In  June,  a  Committee  of  Planters,  recognizing  the  propriety 
of  some  movement  for  the  re-establishment  of  civil  authority 
in  the  State,  and  not  concurring  in  the  policy  of  those  who 
proposed  to  form  a  new  Constitution,  applied  to  the  President, 
asking  him  to  grant  a  full  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the  State 
as  they  existed  before  the  act  of  secession,  so  that  they  might 
return  to  their  allegiance  under  the  old  Constitution  of  the 
State,  and  that  he  would  order  an  election  for  State  officers, 
to  be  held  on  the  1st  Monday  of  November. 


454  PRESIDENT   LINCOLN'S    ADMINISTRATION. 

To  this  application  the  President  made  the  following  reply : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  June  19,  1803. 

GENTLEMEN  : — Since  receiving  your  letter,  reliable  information  has 
reached  me  that  a  respectable  portion  of  the  Louisiana  people  desire  to 
amend  their  State  Constitution,  and  contemplate  holding  a  Convention 
for  that  object.  This  fact  alone,  it  seems  to  me,  is  a  sufficient  reason 
Avhy  the  General  Government  should  not  give  the  committee  the  authority 
you  seek  to  act  under  the  existing  State  Constitution.  I  may  add,  that 
while  I  do  not  perceive  how  such  a  committee  could  facilitate  our  mili 
tary  operations  in  Louisiana,  I  really  apprehend  it  might  be  so  used  as  to 
embarrass  them. 

As  to  an  election  to  be  held  in  November,  there  is  abundant  time  with 
out  any  order  or  proclamation  from  me  just  now.  The  people  of  Louisi 
ana  shall  not  lack  an  opportunity  for  a  fair  election  for  both  Federal  and 
State  officers  by  want  of  any  thing  within  my  power  to  give  them. 

Your  obedient  servant,  A.  LINCOLN. 

After  the  appearance  of  the  President's  proclamation,  the 
movement  towards  reconstruction  in  Louisiana  assumed  Greater 

O 

consistency,  and  was  carried  forward  with  greater  steadiness 
and  strength.  On  the  8th  of  January  a  very  large  Free  State 
convention  was  held  at  New  Orleans,  at  which  resolutions 
were  adopted  indorsing  all  the  acts  and  proclamations  of  the 
President,  and  urging  the  immediate  adoption  of  measures  for 
the  restoration  of  the  State  to  its  old  place  in  the  Union.  On 
the  llth,  General  Banks  issued  a  proclamation,  appointing  an 
election  for  State  officers  on  the  22d  of  February,  who  were 
to  be  installed  on  the  4th  of  March,  and  another  election  for 
delegates  to  a  convention  to  revise  the  Constitution  of  the 
State  on  the  first  Monday  in  April.  The  old  Constitution  and 
laws  of  Louisiana  were  to  be  observed,  except  so  far  as  they 
relate  to  Slavery,  "  which,"  said  General  Banks,  "  being  incon 
sistent  with  the  present  condition  of  public  affairs,  and  plainly 
inapplicable  to  any  class  of  persons  within  the  limits  of  the 
State,  must  be  suspended,  and  they  are  now  declared  inopera 
tive  and  void."  The  oath  of  allegiance  required  by  the  Presi 
dent  in  his  proclamation,  with  the  condition  affixed  to  the 


ELECTIONS    IN   LOUISIANA   AND    ARKANSAS  455 

elective  franchise  by  the  Constitution  of  Louisiana,  was  pre 
scribed  as  constituting  the  qualification  of  voters. 

Under  this  order,  parties  were  organized  for  the  election  of 
State  officers.  The  friends  of  the  national  government  were 
divided,  and  two  candidates  were  put  in  nomination  for  gov 
ernor,  Hon.  Michael  Hahn  being  the  regular  nominee,  and 
representing  the  supporters  of  the  policy  of  the  President,  and 
Hon.  B.  F.  Flanders  being  put  in  nomination  by  those  who 
desired  a  more  radical  policy  than  the  President  had  proposed. 
Both  took  very  decided  ground  against  the  continued  existence 
of  slavery  within  the  State.  Hon.  C.  Roselius  was  nominated 
by  that  portion  of  the  people  who  concurred  in  the  wish  for 
the  return  of  Louisiana  to  the  Union,  and  were  willing  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  prescribed  by  the  President,  but  who 
nevertheless  disapproved  of  the  general  policy  of  the  Adminis 
tration,  especially  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  The  election  re 
sulted  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Hahn. 

In  Arkansas,  where  a  decided  Union  feeling  has  existed 
from  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion,  the  appearance  of  the 
proclamation  was  the  signal  for  a  movement  to  bring  the  State 
back  into  the  Union.  On  the  20th  of  January,  a  delegation 
of  citizens  from  that.  State  had  an  interview  with  the  Presi 
dent,  in  which  they  urged  the  adoption  of  certain  measures 
for  the  re-establishment  of  a  legal  State  government,  and 
especially  the  ordering  of  an  election  for  governor.  In  con 
sequence  of  this  application,  and  in  substantial  compliance 
with  their  request,  the  President  wrote  the  following  letter 
to  General  Steele,  who  commanded  in  that  Department : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Jan.  20,  1864. 
Major-General  STEELE  : 

Sundry  citizens  of  the  State  of  Arkansas  petition  me  that  an  election 
may  be  held  in  that  State,  at  which  to  elect  a  governor ;  that  it  be  as 
sumed  at  that  election  and  thenceforward,  that  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the  State,  a-s  before  the  rebellion,  are  in  full  force,  except  that  the  Con- 
stitution  is  so  modified  as  to  declare  that  there  shall  be  .neither  slavery 


456          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  in  the  punishment  of  crimes  whereof 
the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted ;  that  the  General  Assembly  may 
make  such  provisions  for  the  freed  people  as  shall  recognize  and  declare 
their  permanent  freedom,  and  provide  for  their  education,  and  which  may 
yet  be  construed  as  a  temporary  arrangement  suitable  to  their  condition 
as  a  laboring,  landless,  and  homeless  class ;  that  said  election  shall  be 
held  on  the  28th  of  March,  1864,  at  all  the  usual  places  of  the  State,  or  all 
such  as  voters  may  attend  for  that  purpose ;  that  the  voters  attending  at 
8  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  said  day  may  choose  judges  and  clerks  of 
election  for  such  purpose ;  that  all  persons  qualified  by  said  Constitution 
and  hnvs,  and  taking  the  oath  presented  in  the  President's  proclamation 
of  December  8,  1803,  either  before  or  at  the  election,  and  none  others, 
may  be  voters ;  that  each  set  of  judges  and  clerks  may  make  returns  di 
rectly  to  you  on  or  before  the  — tli  day  of next ;  that  in  all  other 

respects  said  election  may  be  conducted  according  to  said  Constitution 
and  laws ;  that  on  receipt  of  said  returns,  when  5,406  votes  shall  have 
been  cast,  you  can  receive  said  votes  and  ascertain  all  who  shall  thereby 
appear  to  have  been  elected;  that  on  the  — tli  day  of—  —  next,  all 
persons  so  appearing  to  have  been  elected,  who  shall  appear  before  you 
at  Little  Rock,  and  take  the  oath,  to  be  by  you  severally  administered, 
to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  said  modified  Con 
stitution  of  the  State  of  Arkansas,  may  be  declared  by  you  qualified  and 
empowered  to  immediately  enter  upon  the  duties  of  the  offices  to  which 
they  shall  have  been  respectively  elected. 

You  will  please  order  an  election  to  take  place  on  the  28th  of  March, 
1864,  and  returns  to  be  made  in  fifteen  days  thereafter. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

Upon  the  return  of  the  delegation  to  Arkansas,  they  issued 
an  address  to  the  people  of  the  State,  urging;  them  to  avail 
themselves  of  the  opportunity  thus  afforded  for  restoring  their 
State  to  its  old  prosperity,  and  assuring  them,  from  personal 
observation,  that  the  people  of  the  Northern  States  would 
most  cordially  welcome  their  return  to  the  Union.  Meantime 
a  convention  had  assembled  at  Little  Rock,  composed  of 
delegates  elected  without  any  formality,  and  not  under  the 
authority  of  the  General  Government,  and  proceeded  to  form 
a  new  State  Constitution.  Upon  learning  this  fact,  the  Presi 
dent  wrote  the  following  letter  to  one  of  the  most  prominent 
members : 


THE    EXPEDITION   TO    FLORIDA.  457 

To  WILLIAM  FISHBACK  : 

When  I  fixed  a  plan  for  an  election  in  Arkansas,  I  did  it  in  ignorance 
that  your  convention  was  at  the  same  work.  Since  I  learned  the  latter 
fact,  I  have  been  constantly  trying  to  yield  my  plan  to  theirs.  1  have 
sent  two  letters  to  General  Stcele,  and  three  or  four  dispatches  to  you  and 
others,  saying  that  he  (General  Stcele)  must  be  master,  but  that  it  will 
probably  be  best  for  him  to  keep  the  convention  on  its  own  plan.  Some 
single  mind  must  be  master,  else  there  will  be  no  agreement  on  any  thing ; 
and  General  Steele,  commanding  the  military  and  being  on  the  ground, 
is  the  best  man  to  be  that  master.  Even  now  citizens  are  telegraphing 
me  to  postpone  the  election  to  a  later  day  than  either  fixed  by  the  con 
vention  or  me.  This  discord  must  be  silenced.  A.  LINCOLN. 

The  Convention  framed  a  Constitution  abolishing  Slavery, 
which  was  subsequently  adopted  by  a  large  majority  of  the 
people. 

The  military  movements  of  the  year  1864  thus  far  call  for  no 
special  notice  in  this  place.  Three  enterprises  of  considera 
ble  magnitude  have  been  undertaken,  but  neither  of  them  was 
attended  with  results  of  any  great  importance. 

As  early  as  the  15th  of  December,  1SG3,  Gen.  Gillmore, 
commanding  the  Department  of  the  South,  applied  to  the 
Government  for  permission  to  send  an  expedition  into  Flori 
da,  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  off  supplies  of  the  enemy ; 
and  in  January,  in  urging  the  matter  still  further  upon  the 
attention  of  Gen.  Halleck,  he  suggested  that  measures  might 
be  also  inaugurated  for  restoring  the  State  of  Florida  to  her 
allegiance  under  the  terms  of  the  President's  Proclamation. 
Gen.  Gillmore  was  authorized  to  take  such  action  in  the  mat 
ter  as  he  should  deem  proper, — and  he  accordingly  organized 
an  expedition,  which  left  Port  Royal  on  the  5th  of  February, 
under  General  Seymour,  and  was  followed  soon  afterwards  by 
General  Gillmore  himself — to  whom,  on  the  13th  of  January, 
the  President  had  addressed  the  following  letter  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Jan.  13,  1864. 
Major-General  GILLMORE  : 

I  understand  an  effort  is  being  made  by'some  worthy  gentlemen  to 
20 


458 

reconstruct  a  legal  State  government  in  Florida.  Florida  is  in  your 
department,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  you  may  be  there  in  person.  I  have 
given  Mr.  Hay  a  commission  of  Major,  and  sent  him  to  you,  with  some 
blank  books  and  other  blanks,  to  aid  in  the  reconstruction.  He  will  ex 
plain  as  to  the  manner  of  using  the  blanks,  and  also  my  general  views  on 
the  subject.  It  is  desirable  for  all  to  co-operate,  but  if  irreconcilable 
differences  of  opinion  shall  arise,  you  are  master.  I  wish  the  thing  done 
in  the  most  speedy  way,  so  that  when  done  it  be  within  the  range  of  the 
late  proclamation  on  the  subject.  The  detail  labor  will,  of  course,  have 
to  be  done  by  others ;  but  I  will  be  greatly  obliged  if  you  will  give  it 
such  general  supervision  as  you  can  find  consistent  with  your  more 
strictly  military  duties. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


The  advance  portion  of  the  expedition  reached  Jacksonville 
on  the  8th  of  February.  Gen.  Gillmore  returned  to  Port  Royal 
on  the  16th,  leaving  the  command  of  the  expedition  to  Gen. 
Seymour.  The  first  operations  were  successful.  Near 
Jacksonville  one  hundred  prisoners,  with  eight  pieces  of  ser 
viceable  artillery,  fell  into  our  hands,  and  expeditions  were 
pushed  forward  into  the  interior,  by  which  large  amounts 
of  stores  and  supplies  were  destroyed.  On  the  17th  General 
Seymour,  with  5,000  men,  was  on  the  Florida  Central  Rail 
road,  about  forty-five  miles  from  Jacksonville.  Here  they 
remained  until  the  20th,  when  the  preparations  for  a  move 
ment  toward  Lake  City  were  completed.  The  enemy  was 
found  in  force,  a  little  before  reaching  Lake  City,  at  Olustee, 
a  small  station  on  the  railroad.  The  engagement  was  com 
menced  between  the  enemy's  skirmishers  and  our  advance. 
The  fire  directed  against  our  men  was  so  hot  that  they  were 
compelled  to  fall  back ;  then  we  brought  two  batteries  to  bear 
on  the  enemy,  and  our  whole  force  became  engaged  with  more 
than  twice  their  number  of  the  enemy,  who  occupied  a  strong 
position,  flanked  by  a  marsh.  Again  we  retreated,  taking 
another  position ;  but  it  was  impossible  to  contend  with  a 
force  so  greatly  superior,  and,  after  a  battle  of  three  hours 
and  a  half,  General  Seymour  retreated,  leaving  his  dead  and 


THE    EXPEDITIONS    OF    SHERMAN    AND    KILPATEICK.    459 

severely  wounded  on  the  field.  Fire  guns  were  lost,  and 
about  a  thousand  men  killed,  wounded,  and  missing. 

On  the  3d  of  February,  General  Sherman,  with  a  strong 
force,  set  out  from  Vicksburg,  in  light  marching  order,  and 
moved  eastward.  Shortly  after,  a  cavalry  expedition,  under 
General  Smith,  set  out  from  Memphis,  to  work  its  way  south 
eastward,  and  join  Sherman  somewhere  on  the  borders  of 
Mississippi  and  Alabama.  By  the  18th  Smith  had  accom 
plished  nearly  one-half  of  his  proposed  march,  but  soon  after 
found  the  enemy  concentrated  in  superior  force  in  his  way. 
Finding  it  impossible  to  proceed,  he  fell  back,  destroying  the 
bridges  on  the  Memphis  and  Ohio  Railroad  in  his  retreat. 
There  was  continual  skirmishing,  but  no  decisive  battle  during 
the  retreat,  which  lasted  until  the  25th,  when  the  expedition 
accomplished  its  return  to  Memphis.  Much  damage  was  done 
to  the  enemy  by  the  destruction  of  property,  but,  the  main 
object  of  making  a  junction  with  Sherman  failed.  Sherman 
went  as  far  east  as  Meridian,  almost  on  the  borders  of  Missis 
sippi  and  Alabama,  and  after  destroying  large  quantities  of 
the  rebel  stores,  and  breaking  their  means  of  communication, 
he  returned  to  Vicksburg. 

The  other  enterprise  to  which  reference  is  made  above,  was 
a  raid  upon  Richmond,  made  by  a  large  cavalry  force  under 
General  Kilpatrick.  Leaving  his  camp  on  the  28th  of  Feb 
ruary,  he  crossed  the  Rapidan,  gained  the  rear  of  Lee's  army 
without  being  discovered,  and  pushed  rapidly  on  in  the  direc 
tion  of  Richmond.  A  detachment  under  Colonel  Dahlgren 
was  sent  from  the  main  body  to  Frederick's  Hall,  on  the 
Virginia  Central  Railroad.  The  road  was  torn  up  for  some 
distance,  and  then  the  James  River  Canal  was  struck,  and  six 
grist-mills  destroyed,  which  formed  one  of  the  main  sources 
of  supply  for  the  Confederate  army.  Several  locks  on  the 
canal  were  destroyed,  and  other  damage  done.  Dahlgren' s 
main  body  then  pressed  onward  toward  Richmond,  and  came 


460  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

within  three  miles  of  the  city,  when,  encountering  a  Confed 
erate  force,  it  was  compelled  to  withdraw,  Dahlgren  himself 
being  killed,  and  a  laro;e  part  of  his  force  captured.  Kil- 
patrick,  meanwhile,  pressed  onward  to  Spottsylvania  Court- 
House,  and  thence  to  Beaver  Dam,  near  where  the  two  lines 
of  railway  from  Kichmond,  those  running  to  Gordonsville  and 
Fredericksburg,  cross.  Here  the  railway  was  torn  up,  and  the 
telegraphic  line  cut,  and  the  cavalry  pushed  straight  on  toward 
Richmond.  They  reached  the  outer  line  of  fortifications  at 
a  little  past  ten  on  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  March,  about 
three  and  a  half  miles  from  the  city.  These  were  fairly 
passed,  and  the  second  line,  a  mile  nearer,  was  reached,  and 
a  desultory  fire  was  kept  up  for  some  hours.  Toward  evening 
Kilpatrick  withdrew,  and  encamped  six  miles  from  the  city. 
In  the  night  an  artillery  attack  was  made  upon  the  camp,  and 
our  troops  retired  still  farther,  and  on  the  following  morning 
took  up  their  line  of  march  down  the  Peninsula  toward  Wil- 
lianisburg.  Several  miles  of  railway  connection  of  great 
importance  to  the  enemy  were  interrupted,  stores  to  the 
value  of  several  millions  of  dollars  were  destroyed,  and  .some 
hundreds  of  prisoners  were  captured,  as  the  result  of  this 
expedition. 

The  relations  of  the  war  which  is  carried  on  to  maintain 
the  Republican  Government  of  the  United  States,  against  the 
efforts  of  the  slave-holding  oligarchy  for  its  overthrow,  to  the 
general  interests  of  labor,  have  from  time  to  time  enlisted  a 
good  deal  of  the  thoughts  of  the  President,  and  elicited  from 
him  expressions  of  his  own  sentiments  on  the  subject.  On 
the  31st  of  December,  1863,  a  very  large  meeting  of  working- 
men  was  held  at  Manchester,  England,  to  express  their  opin 
ion  in  regard  to  the  war  in  the  United  States.  At  that  meet 
ing  an  address  to  President  LINCOLN  was  adopted,  expressing 
the  kindest  sentiments  towards  this  country,  and  declaring  that, 
since  it  had  become  evident  that  the  destruction  of  Shivery 


THE  PRESIDENT  TO  THE  WORKINGMEN  OF  ENGLAND.    461 

was  involved  in  the  overthrow  of  the  rebellion,  their  sympa 
thies  had  been  thoroughly  and  heartily  with  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  This 
address  was  forwarded  to  the  President  through  the  American 
Minister  in  London,  and  elicited  the  following  reply  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Januat-y  19, 1863. 
To  tJie  Worklngmen  of  Manchester : 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  the  address  and  reso 
lutions  which  you  sent  me  on  the  eve  of  the  new  year.  When  I  came 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  through  a  free  and  constitutional  election,  to 
preside  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  the  country  was  found 
at  the  verge  of  civil  war.  Whatever  might  have  been  the  cause,  or 
whosesoever  the  fault,  one  duty,  paramount  to  all  others,  was  before  me, 
namely,  to  maintain  and  preserve  at  once  the  Constitution  and  the  intcc 
rity  of  the  Federal  Republic.  A  conscientious  purpose  to  perform  this 
duty,  is  the  key  to  all  the  measures  of  administration  which  have  been, 
and  to  all  which  will  hereafter  be  pursued.  Under  our  frame  of  govern 
ment  and  my  official  oath,  I  could  not  depart  from  this  purpose  if  I 
would.  It  is  not  always  in  the  power  of  governments  to  enlarge  or  re 
strict  the  scope  of  moral  results  which  follow  the  policies  that  they  may 
deem  it  necessary,  for  the  public  safety,  from  time  to  time  to  adopt, 

I  have  understood  well  that  the  duty  of  self-preservation  rests  solely 
with  the  American  people.  But  I  have  at  the  same  time  been  aware 
that  favor  or  disfavor  of  foreign  nations  might  have  a  material  influence 
in  enlarging  or  prolonging  the  struggle  with  disloyal  men  in  which  the 
country  is  engaged.  A  fair  examination  of  history  has  served  to  author 
ize  a  belief  that  the  past  actions  and  influences  of  the  United  States,  were 
generally  regarded  as  having  been  beneficial  toward  mankind.  I  have, 
therefore,  reckoned  upon  the  forbearance  of  nations.  Circumstances- 
to  some  of  which  you  kindly  allude— induced  me  especially  to  expect  that 
if  justice  and  good  faith  should  be  practised  by  the  United  States,  they 
would  encounter  no  hostile  influence  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain.  It  is 
now  a  pleasant  duty  to  acknowledge  the  demonstration  you  have  given 
of  your  desire  that  a  spirit  of  amity  and  peace  toward  this  country  may 
prevail  in  the  councils  of  your  Queen,  who  is  respected  and  esteemed  in 
your  own  country  only  more  than  she  is  by  the  kindred  nation  which 
has  its  home  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

I  know,  and  deeply  deplore  the  sufferings  which  the  workingmen  at 
Manchester,  and  in  all  Europe,  are  called  to  endure  in  this  crisis.  It  has 
been  often  and  studiously  represented  that  the  attempt  to  overthrow  this 
Government,  which  was  built  upon  the  foundation  of  human  rights,  and 
to  substitute  for  it  one  which  should  rest  exclusively  on  the  basis  of 


462 

human  slavery,  was  likely  to  obtain  the  favor  of  Europe.  Through  the 
action  of  our  disloyal  citizens,  the  workingmen  of  Europe  have  been 
subjected  to  severe  trials,  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  their  sanction  to 
that  attempt.  Under  the  circumstances,  I  cannot  but  regard  jour  deci 
sive  utterances  upon  the  question  as  an  instance  of  sublime  Christian 
heroism,  which  has  not  been  surpassed  in  any  age  or  in  any  country.  It 
is  indeed  an  energetic  and  reinspiring  assurance  of  the  inherent  power 
of  truth,  and  of  the  ultimate  and  universal  triumph  of  justice,  humanity, 
and  freedom.  I  do  not  doubt  that  the  sentiments  you  have  expressed 
will  be  sustained  by  your  great  nation,  and  on  the  other  hand,  I  have  no 
hesitation  in  assuring  you  that  they  will  excite  admiration,  esteem,  and 
the  most  reciprocal  feelings  of  friendship  among  the  American  people. 
I  hail  this  interchange  of  sentiment,  therefore,  as  an  augury  that  what 
ever  else  may  happen,  whatever  misfortune  may  befall  your  country  or  my 
own,  the  peace  and  friendship  which  now  exist  between  the  two  nations 
will  be,  as  it  shall  be  my  desire  to  make  them,  perpetual. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  workingmen  of  London  held  a  similar  meeting  at  about 
the  same  time,  and  took  substantially  the  same  action.  The 
President  made  the  following  response  to  their  address : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  Feb.  2,  1863. 
To  the  Workingmen  of  London : 

I  have  received  the  New  Year's  Address  which  you  have  sent  me,  with 
a  sincere  appreciation  of  the  exalted  and  humane  sentiments  by  which 
it  was  inspired. 

As  these  sentiments  are  manifestly  the  enduring  support  of  the  free 
institutions  of  England,  so  I  am  sure  also  that  they  constitute  the  only 
reliable  basis  for  free  institutions  throughout  the  world. 

The  resources,  advantages,  and  powers  of  the  American  people  are 
very  great,  and  they  have  consequently  succeeded  to  equally  great  respon 
sibilities.  It  seems  to  have  devolved  upon  them  to  test  whether  a  gov 
ernment  established  on  the  principles  of  human  freedom,  can  be  main 
tained  against  an  effort  to  build  one  upon  the  exclusive  foundation  of 
human  bondage.  They  will  rejoice  with  me  in  the  new  evidences  which 
your  proceedings  furnish,  that  the  magnanimity  they  arc  exhibiting  is 
justly  estimated  by  the  true  friends  of  freedom  and  humanity  in  foreign 
countries. 

Accept  my  best  wishes  for  your  individual  welfare,  and  for  the  welfare 
and  happiness  of  the  whole  British  people. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

On  the  21st  of  March,  1864,  a  committee  from  the  Working- 
men's  Association  of  the  city  of  New  York  waited  upon  the 


THE  PRESIDENT  TO  THE  WORKINGMEN  OF  NEW  YORK.    463 

President  and  delivered  an  address,  stating  the  general  objects 
and  purposes  of  the  Association,  and  requesting  that  he  would 
allow  his  name  to  be  enrolled  among  its  honorary  members- 
To  this  address  the  President  made  the  following  reply  : 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  : — The  honorary  membership  in  your 
association,  as  generously  tendered,  is  gratefully  accepted. 

You  comprehend,  as  your  address  shows,  that  the  existing  rebellion 
means  more  and  tends  to  do  more  than  the  perpetuation  of  African  slav 
ery — that  it  is,  in  fact,  a  war  upon  the  rights  of  all  working  people.  Partly 
to  show  that  this  view  has  not  escaped  my  attention,  and  partly  that  I 
cannot  better  express  myself,  I  read  a  passage  from  the  message  to  Con 
gress  in  December,  1861 : 

"  It  continues  to  develop  that  the  insurrection  is  largely,  if  not  ex 
clusively,  a  war  upon  the  first  principle  of  popular  government,  the  rights 
of  the  people.  Conclusive  evidence  of  this  is  found  in  the  most  grave 
and  maturely  considered  public  documents,  as  well  as  in  the  general  tone 
of  the  insurgents.  In  those  documents  we  find  the  abridgement  of  the 
existing  right  of  suffrage,  and  the  denial  to  the  people  of  all  right  to  par 
ticipate  in  the  selection  of  public  officers,  except  the  legislative,  boldly 
advocated,  with  labored  argument  to  prove  that  large  control  of  the 
people  in  government  is  the  source  of  all  political  evil.  Monarchy  itself 
is  sometimes  hinted  at  as  a  possible  refuge  from  the  power  of  the  people. 

"  In  my  present  position  I  could  scarcely  be  justified  were  I  to  omit 
raising  a  warning  voice  against  this  approach  of  returning  despotism. 

"  It  is  not  needed,  nor  fitting  here,  that  a  general  argument  should  be 
made  in  favor  of  popular  institutions;  but  there  is  one  point  with  its 
connections,  not  so  hackneyed  as  most  others,  to  which  I  ask  a  brief  at 
tention.  It  is  the  effort  to  place  capital  on  an  equal  footing,  if  not  above 
labor,  in  the  structure  of  government.  It  is  assumed  that  labor  is  avail 
able  only  in  connection  with  capital ;  that  nobody  labors  unless  some 
body  else,  owning  capital,  somehow  by  the  use  of  it  induces  him  to  labor. 
This  assumed,  it  is  next  considered  whether  it  is  best  that  capital  shall 
hire  laborers,  and  thus  induce  them  to  work  by  their  own  consent,  or  buy 
them,  and  drive  them  to  it  without  their  consent.  Having  proceeded  so 
far,  it  is  naturally  concluded  that  all  laborers  are  either  hired  laborers,  or 
what  we  call  slaves.  And,  further,  it  is  assumed  that  whoever  is  once  a 
hired  laborer,  is  fixed  in  that  condition  for  life.  Now  there  is  no  such 
relation  between  capital  and  labor  as  ass'umed,  nor  is  there  any  such  thing 
as  a  free  man  being  fixed  for  life  in  the  condition  of  a  hired  laborer.  Both 
these  assumptions  are  false,  and  all  inferences  from  them  are  ground 
less. 

"  Labor  is  prior  to,  and  independent  of,  capital.  Capital  is  only  the 
fruit  of  labor,  and  could  never  have  existed  if  labor  had  not  first  existed. 
Labor  is  the  superior  of  capital,  and  deserves  much  the  higher  considera 
tion.  Capital  has  its  rights,  which  are  as  worthy  of  protection  as  any 
other  rights.  Nor  is  it  denied  that  there  is,  and  probably  always  will  be, 
a  relation  between  capital  and  labor,  producing  mutual  benefits.  The 
error  is  in  assuming  that  the  whole  labor  of  a  community  exists  within 
that  relation.  A  few  men  own  capital,  and  that  few  avoid  labor  them 
selves,  and,  with  their  capital,  hire  or  buy  another  few  to  labor  for  them. 
A  large  majority  belong  to  neither  class — neither  work  for  others,  nor 


464  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

have  others  working  for  them.  In  most  of  the  Southern  States  a  maior- 
ity  of  the  whole  people  of  ail  colors,  are  neither  slaves  nor  masters;  while 
in  the  Northern,  a  large  majority  are  neither  hirers  nor  hired.  Men  with 
their  families— wives,  sons  and  daughters— work  for  themselves,  on  their 
farms,  in  their  houses,  and  in  their  shops,  taking  the  whole  product,  to 
themselves,  and  asking  no  favors  of  capital  on  the  one  hand  nor  of  hired 
laborers  or  slaves  on  the  other.  It  is  not  forgotten  that  a  considerable 
number  of  persons  mingle  their  own  labor  with  capital ;  that  is,  they 
labor  with  their  own  hands,  and  also  buy  or  hire  others  to  labor  for  them 
but  this  is  only  a  mixed  and  not  a  distinct  class.  No  principle  stated  is 
disturbed  by  the  existence  of  this  mixed  class. 

"  Again,  as  has  already  been  said,  there  is  not,  of  necessity,  any  such 
thing  as  the  free  hired  laborer  being  tixed  to  that  condition  for  life. 
Many  independent  men  everywhere  in  these  States,  a  few  years  back  in 
their  lives  were  hired  laborers.  The  prudent  penniless  beginner  in  the 
world  labors  for  wages  a  while,  saves  a  surplus  with  which  to  buy  tools 
or  land  for  himself,  then  labors  on  his  own  account  another  while  and  at 
length  hires  another  new  beginner  to  help  him.  This  is  the  just  and 
generous  and  prosperous  system  which  opens  the  way  to  all — gives  hope 
to  all,  and  consequent  energy  and  progress,  and  improvement  of  condi 
tion  to  all.  No  men  living  are  more  worthy  to  be  trusted  than  those  who 
toil  up  from  poverty— none  less  inclined  to  touch  or  take  aught  which 
they  have  not  honestly  earned.  Let  them  beware  of  surrendering  a  polit 
ical  power  they  already  possess,  and  which,  if  surrendered,  will  surely  be 
used  to  close  the  door  of  advancement  against  such  as  they,  and  to  fix 
new  disabilities  and  burdens  upon  them,  till  all  of  liberty  shall  be  lost." 

The  views  then  expressed  remain  unchanged,  nor  have  I  much  to  add. 
None  are  so  deeply  interested  to  resist  the  present  rebellion  as  the  work 
ing  people.  Let  them  beware  of  prejudices,  working  division  and  hos 
tility  among  themselves.  The  most  notable  feature  of  a  disturbance  in 
your  city  last  summer  was  the  hanging  of  some  working  people  by  other 
working  people.  It  should  never  be  so.  The  strongest  bond  of  human 
sympathy,  outside  of  the  family  relation,  should  be  one  uniting  all  work 
ing  people,  of  all  nations,  and  tongues,  and  kindreds.  Nor  should  this 
lead  to  a  war  upon  property  or  the  owners  of  property.  Property  is  the 
fruit  of  labor ;  property  is  desirable ;  is  a  positive  good  in  the  world.  That 
some  should  be  rich  shows  that  others  may  become  rich,  and,  hence,  is 
just  encouragement  to  industry  and  enterprise.  Let  not  him  who  is 
houseless  pull  down  the  house  of  another,  but  let  him  labor  diligently  and 
build  one  for  himself,  thus  by  example  assuring  that  his  own  shall  be  safe 
from  violence  when  built. 

The  President  had  always  taken  a  deep  interest  in  the  vol 
unteer  movements  of  benevolent  people  throughout  the  coun 
try,  for  relieving  the  suffering's  of  the  sick  and  wounded 
among  our  soldiers.  A  meeting  of  one  of  these  organizations, 
the  Christian  Commission,  was  held  at  Washington,  on  the 
22d  of  February,  1863,  to  which  President  LINCOLN,  unable 
to  attend  and  preside,  addressed  the  following  letter: 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  THE  CHRISTIAN  COMMISSION.     465 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  February  22,  1SG3. 
Rev.  ALEXANDER  REED  : 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :— Your  note,  by  which  you,  as  G-eneral  Superintendent 
of  the  U.  S.  Christian  Commission,  invite  me  to  preside  at  a  meeting  to  bo 
held  this  day,  at  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  this  city, 
is  received. 

While,  for  reasons  which  I  deem  sufficient,  I  must  decline  to  preside, 
I  cannot  withhold  my  approval  of  the  meeting,  and  its  worthy  objects. 
Whatever  shall  be,  sincerely  and  in  God's  name,  devised  for  the  good 
of  the  soldiers  and  seamen  in  their  hard  spheres  of  duty,  can  scarcely 
fail  to  be  blessed.  And  whatever  shall  tend  to  turn  our  thoughts  from 
the  unreasoning  and  uncharitable  passions,  prejudices,  and  jealousies 
incident  to  a  great  national  trouble  such  as  ours,  and  to  fix  them  on  the 
vast  and  long-enduring  consequences,  for  weal  or  for  woe,  which  are  to 
result  from  the  struggle,  and  especially  to  strengthen  our  reliance  on 
the  Supreme  Being  for  the  final  triumph  of  the  right,  cannot  but  be 
well  for  us  all 

The  birthday  of  "Washington  and  the  Christian  Sabbath  coinciding 
this  year,  and  suggesting  together  the  highest  interests  of  this  life  and 
of  that  to  come,  is  most  propitious  for  the  meeting  proposed. 

Your  obedient  servant,  A.  LINCOLN. 

On  the  16th  of  March,  1864,  at  the  close  of  a  fair  in 
Washington,  given  at  the  Patent  Office,  for  the  benefit  of  the 
sick  and  wounded  soldiers  of  the  army,  President  LINCOLN 
happening  to  be  present  in  response  to  loud  and  continuous 
calls,  made  the  following  remarks  : 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  :— I  appear  to  say  but  a  word.  This  extraor 
dinary  war  in  which  we  are  engaged  falls  heavily  upon  all  classes  of  peo 
ple,  but  the  most  heavily  upon  the  soldier.  For  it  has  been  said,  all  that 
a  man  hath  will  he  give  for  his  life ;  and  while  all  contribute  of  their 
substance,  the  soldier  puts  his  Me  at  stake,  and  often  yields  it  up  in  his 
country's  cause.  The  highest  merit,  then,  is  due  to  the  soldier. 

In  this  extraordinary  war,  extraordinary  developments  have  manifested 
themselves,  such  as  have  not  been  seen  in  former  wars ;  and  among  these 
manifestations  nothing  has  been  more  remarkable  than  these  fairs  for  the 
relief  of  suffering  soldiers  and  their  families.  And  the  chief  agents  in 
these  fairs  are  the  women  of  America. 

I  am  not  accustomed  to  the  use  of  language  of  eulogy ;  I  have  never 
studied  the  art  of  paying  compliments  to  women ;  but  I  must  say,  that 
if  all  that  has  been  said  by  orators  and  poets  since  the  creation  of  the 
20* 


466          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

world  in  praise  of  women  were  applied  to  the  women  of  America,  it 
would  not  do  them  justice  for  their  conduct  during  this  war.  I  will 
close  by  saying,  God  bless  the  women  of  America ! 

Still  another  occasion  of  a  similar  character  occurred  at 
Baltimore  on  the  18th  of  April,  at  the  opening  of  a  Fair  for 
the  benefit  of  the  Sanitary  Commission.  The  President  ac 
cepted  an  invitation  to  attend  the  opening  exercises,  and  made 
the  following  remarks : 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN: — Calling  to  mind  that  we  are  in  Baltimore, 
we  cannot  fail  to  note  that  the  world  moves.  Looking  upon  these  many 
people  assembled  here  to  serve,  as  they  best  may,  the  soldiers  of  the 
Union,  it  occurs  at  once  that  three  years  agd  the  same  soldiers  could 
not  so  much  as  pass  through  Baltimore.  The  change  from  then  till  now 
is  both  great  and  gratifying.  Blessings  on  the  brave  men  who  have 
wrought  the  change,  and  the  fair  women  who  strive  to  reward  them 
for  it. 

But  Baltimore  suggests  more  than  could  happen  within  Baltimore. 
The  change  within  Baltimore  is  part  only  of  a  far  wider  change.  When 
the  war  began,  three  years  ago,  neither  party,  nor  any  man,  expected  it 
would  last  till  now.  Each  looked  for  the  end,  in  some  way,  long  ere  to 
day.  Neither  did  any  anticipate  that  domestic  slavery  would  be  much 
affected  by  the  war.  But  here  we  are ;  the  war  has  not  ended,  and 
slavery  has  been  much  affected — how  much  needs  not  now  to  be  re 
counted.  So  true  is  it  that  man  proposes  and  God  disposes. 

But  we  can  see  the  past,  though  we  may  not  claim  to  have  directed 
it ;  and  seeing  it,  in  this  case,  we  feel  more  hopeful  and  confident  for  the 
future. 

The  world  has  never  had  a  good  definition  of  the  word  liberty,  and 
the  American  people,  just  now,  are  much  in  want  of  one.  "We  all  de 
clare  for  liberty ;  but  in  using  the  same  word  we  do  not  all  mean  the 
same  thing.  With  sorr.e  the  word  liberty  may  mean  for  each  man  to  do 
as  he  pleases  with  himself,  and  the  product  of  his  labor ;  while  with 
others  the  same  word  may  mean  for  some  men  to  do  as  they  please  with 
other  men,  and  the  product  of  other  men's  labor.  Here  are  two,,  not 
only  different,  but  incompatible  things,  called  by  the  same  name,  liberty. 
And  it  follows  that  each  of  the  things  is,  by  the  respective  parties,  called 
by  two  different  and  incompatible  names — liberty  and  tyranny. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  SPEECH  AT  BALTIMORE.         407 

The  shepherd  drives  the  wolf  from  the  sheep's  throat,  for  which  the 
sheep  thanks  the  shepherd  as  a  liberator,  while  the  wolf  denounces  him 
for  the  same  act,  as  the  destroyer  of  liberty,  especially  as  the  sheep  was 
a  black  one.  Plainly,  the  sheep  and  the  wolf,  are  not  agreed  upon  a 
definition  of  the  word  liberty ;  and  precisely  the  same  difference  prevails 
to-day  among  us  human  creatures,  even  in  the  North,  and  all  professing 
to  love  liberty.  Hence  we  beholc.  the  process  by  which  thousands  are 
daily  passing  from  under  the  y  -'ce  of  bondage  hailed  by  some  as  the 
advance  of  liberty,  and  bewa.-.ect  by  others  as  the  destruction  of  all 
liberty.  Recently,  as  it  seen  s,  the  people  of  Maryland  have  been  doing 
something  to  define  liberty  and  thanks  to  them  that,  in  what  they 
have  done,  the  wolf's  dictionary  has  been  repudiated. 

It  is  not  very  becoming  for  one  in  my  position  to  make  speeches  at 
great  length;  but  there  is  another  subject  upon  which  I  feel  that  I 
ought  to  say  a  word.  A  painful  rumor,  true  I  fear,  has  reached  us  of 
the  massacre,  by  the  rebel  forces  at  Fort  Pillow,  in  the  west  end  of 
Tennessee,  on  the  Mississippi  River,  of  some  three  hundred  colored 
soldiers  and  white  officers,  who  had  just  been  overpowered  by  their 
assailants.  There  seems  to  be  some  anxiety  in  the  public  mind  whether 
the  Government  is  doing  its  duty  to  the  colored  soldier,  and  to  the  ser 
vice,  at  this  point.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war,  and  for  some  time, 
the  use  of  colored  troops  was  not  contemplated ;  and  how  the  change 
of  purpose  was  wrought,  I  will  not  now  take  time  to  explain.  Upon  a 
clear  conviction  of  duty,  I  resolved  to  turn  that  element  of  strength  to 
account;  and  I  am  responsible  for  it  to  the  American  people,  to  the 
Christian  world,  to  history,  and  on  my  final  account  to  God.  Having 
determinod  to  use  the  negro  as  a  soldier,  there  is  no  way  but  to  give 
him  all  the  protection  given  to  any  other  soldier.  The  difficulty  is  not 
in  stating  the  principle,  but  in  practically  applying  it.  It  is  a  mistake 
to  suppose  the  Government  is  indifferent  to  this  matter,  or  is  not  doing 
the  best  it  can  in  regard  to  it.  We  do  not  to-day  know  that  a  colored 
soldier,  or  white  officer  commanding  colored  soldiers,  has  been  massa 
cred  by  the  rebels  when  made  a  prisoner.  We  fear  it,  believe  it,  I  may 
say,  but  we  do  not  know  it.  To  take  the  life  of  one  of  their  prisoners 
on  the  assumption  that  they  murder  ours,  when  it  is  short  of  certainty 
that  they  do  murder  ours,  might  be  too  serious,  too  cruel  a  mistake. 
We  are  having  the  Fort  Pillow  affair  thoroughly  investigated;  and 
such  investigation  will  probably  show  conclusively  how  the  truth  is. 
If,  after  all  that  has  been  said,  it  shall  turn  out  that  there  has  been  no 
massacre  at  Fort  Pillow,  it  will  be  almost  safe  to  say  there  has  been_ 


468 

Done,  and  will  be  none  elsewhere.  If  there  has  been  the  massacre 
of  three  hundred  there,  or  even  the  tenth  part  of  three  hundred,  it  will 
be  conclusively  proven ;  and  being  so  proven,  the  retribution  shall  as 
surely  come.  It  will  be  matter  of  grave  consideration  in  what  ex 
act  course  to  apply  the  retribution ;  but  in  the  supposed  case,  it  must 
come. 

It  became  manifest,  soon  after  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  that  its  progress  would  inevitably  have  the  effect  of  free 
ing  very  many,  if  not  all,  the  slaves  of  the  Southern  States. 
The  President's  attention  was  therefore  directed  at  an  early 
day  to  the  proper  disposition  of  those  who  should  thus  be 
freed.  As  his  Messages  show,  he  was  strongly  in  favor  of 
colonizing  them,  with  their  own  consent,  in  some  country 
\vhere  they  could  be  relieved  from  the  embarrassments  oc 
casioned  by  the  hostile  prejudices  of  the  whites,  and  enter 
upon  a  career  of  their  own.  In  consequence  of  his  urgent 
representations  upon  this  subject,  Congress  at  its  session  of 
1862  passed  an  act  placing  at  his  disposal  the  sum  of  $600,000 
to  be  expended,  in  his  discretion,  in  removing,  with  their  own 
consent,  free  persons  of  African  descent  to  some  country 
which  they  might  select  as  adapted  to  their  condition  and 
necessities. 

On  the  14th  of  August,  1862,  the  President  received  a 
deputation  of  colored  persons,  with  whom  he  had  an  inter 
view  on  the  subject,  of  which  one  of  the  parties  interested  has 
made  the  following  record  : 

WASHINGTON,  Thursday,  August  14,  1 862. 

This  afternoon  the  President  of  the  United  States  gave  an  audience 
to  a  Committee  of  colored  men  at  the  White  House.  They  were  intro 
duced  by  Rev.  J.  Mitchell,  Commissioner  of  Emigration.  E.  M.  Thomas, 
the  Chairman,  remarked  that  they  were  there  by  invitation  to  hear 
what  the  Executive  had  to  say  to  them. 

Having  all  been  seated,  the  President,  after  a  few  preliminary  obser 
vations,  informed  them  that  a  sum  of  money  had  been  appropriated  by 
Congress,  and  placed  at  his  disposition,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the 


THE    PRESIDENT    ON   COLONIZATION.  469 

colonization  in  some  country  of  the  people,  or  a  portion  of  them,  of 
African  descent,  thereby  making  it  his  duty,  as  it  had  for  a  long  time 
been  his  inclination,  to  favor  that  cause ;  and  why,  he  asked,  should 
the  people  of  your  race  be  colonized,  and  where?  Why  should  they 
leave  this  country  ?  This  is,  perhaps,  the  first  question  for  proper  con 
sideration.  You  and  we  are  different  races.  We  have  between  us  a 
broader  difference  than  exists  between  almost  any  other  two  races. 
Whether  it  is  right  or  wrong  I  need  not  discuss ;  but  this  physical 
difference  is  a  great  disadvantage  to  us  both,  as  I  think.  Your  race 
suffer  very  greatly,  many  of  them  by  living  among  us,  while  ours  suffer 
from  your  presence.  In  a  word  we  suffer  on  each  side.  If  this  is  ad 
mitted,  it  affords  a  reason,  at  least,  why  we  should  be  separated.  You 
here  are  freemen,  I  suppose. 
A  voice — Yes,  Sir. 

The  President— Perhaps  you  have  long  been  free,  or  all  your  lives. 
Your  race  are  suffering,  in  my  judgment,  the  greatest  wrong  inflicted 
on  any  people.     But  even  when  you  cease  to  be  slaves;  you  are  yet  far 
removed  from  being  placed  on  an  equality  with  the  white  race.     You 
are  cut  off  from  many  of  the  advantages  which  the  other  race  enjoys. 
The  aspiration  of  men  is  to  enjoy  equality  with  the  best  when  free,  but 
on   this  broad  continent  not  a  single  man  of  your  race  is  made  the 
equal  of  a  single  man  of  ours.     Go  where  you  are  treated  the  best, 
and  the  ban  is  still  upon  you.     I  do  not  propose  to  discuss  this,  but  to 
present  it  as  a  fact,  with  which  we  have  to  deal.     I  cannot  alter  it  if  I 
would.     It  is  a  fact  about  which  we  all  think  and  feel  alike,  I  arid  you. 
We  look  to  our  condition.     Owing  to  the  existence  of  the  two  races  on 
this  continent,  I  need  not  recount  to  you  the  effects  upon  white  men, 
growing  out  of  the  institution  of  Slavery.     I  believe  in  its  general  evil 
effects  on  the  white   race.     See   our  present  condition — the  country 
engaged  in  war !  our  white  men  cutting  one  another's  throats— none 
knowing  how  far  it  will  extend— and  then  consider  what  we  know  to 
be   the  truth.     But  for  your  race  among  us  there  could  not  be  war, 
although  many  men  engaged  on  either  side  do  not  care  for  you  one 
way  or  the  other.     Nevertheless,  I  repeat,  without  the  institution  of 
Slavery,  and  the  colored  race  as   a  basis,  the  war  could  not  have  an 
existence.     It  is  better  for  us  both,  therefore,  to  be  separated.     I  know 
that  there  are  free  men  among  you  who,  even  if  they  could  better  their 
condition,  are  not  as  much  inclined  to  go  out  of  the  country  as  those 
who,  being  slaves,  could  obtain  their  freedom  on  this  condition.     I  sup 
pose  one  of  the  principal  difficulties  in  the  way  of  colonization  is  that 


470  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION 

the  free  colored  man  cannot  see  that  his  comfort  would  bo  advanced  by 
it.  Ton  may  believe  that  you  can  live  in  Washington,  or  elsewhere  in 
the  United  States,  the  remainder  of  your  life ;  perhaps  more  so  than 
you  can  in  any  foreign  country,  and  hence  you  may  come  to  the  con 
clusion  that  you  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  idea  of  going  to  a  foreign 
country.  This  is  (I  speak  in  no  unkind  sense)  an  extremely  selfish 
view  of  the  case.  But  you  ought  to  do  something  to  help  those  who 
are  not  so  fortunate  as  yourselves.  There  is  an  unwillingness  on  the 
part  of  our  people,  harsh  as  it  may  be,  for  you  free  colored  people  to 
remain  with  us.  Now  if  you  could  give  a  start  to  the  white  people 
you  would  open  a  wide  door  for  many  to  be  made  free.  If  we  deal 
with  those  who  are  not  free  at  the  beginning,  and  whose  intellects  are 
clouded  by  Slavery,  we  have  very  poor  material  to  start  with.  If  in 
telligent  colored  men,  such  as  are  before  me,  would  move  in  this  matter, 
much  might  be  accomplished.  It  is  exceedingly  important  that  we  have 
men  at  the  beginning  capable  of  thinking  as  white  men,  and  not 
those  who  have  been  systematically  oppressed.  There  is  much  to 
encourage  you.  For  the  sake  of  your  race  you  should  sacrifice  some 
thing  of  your  present  comfort  for  the  purpose  of  being  as  grand  in  that 
respect  as  the  white  people.  It  is  a  cheering  thought  throughout  life, 
that  something  can  be  done  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  those  who 
have  been  subject  to  the  hard  usages  of  the  world.  It  is  difficult  to 
make  a  man  miserable  while  ho  feels  he  is  worthy  of  himself  and  claims 
kindred  to  the  great  God  who  made  him.  In  the  American  Revolution 
ary  War  sacrifices  were  made  by  men  engaged  in  it,  but  they  were 
cheered  by  the  future.  General  Washington  himself  endured  greater 
physical  hardships  than  if  he  had  remained  a  British  subject,  yet  he 
was  a  happy  man,  because  he  was  engaged  in  benefiting  his  race; 
in  doing  something  for  the  children  of  his  neighbors,  having  none  of  his 
own. 

The  colony  of  Liberia  has  been  in  existence  a  long  time.  In  a  cer 
tain  sense,  it  is  a  success.  The  old  President  of  Liberia,  Roberts,  has 
just  been  with  me  the  first  time  I  ever  saw  him.  He  says  they  have 
within  the  bounds  of  that  colony  between  three  und  four  hundred 
thousand  people,  or  more  than  in  some  of  our  old  States,  such  as  Rhode 
Island  or  Delaware,  or  in  some  of  our  newer  States,  and  less  than  in 
some  of  our  larger  ones.  They  are  not  all  American  colonists  or  their 
descendants.  Something  less  than  12,000  have  been  sent  thither  from 
this  country.  Many  of  the  original  settlers  have  died,  yet,  like  people 
elsewhere,  their  offspring  outnumber  those  deceased.  The  question  is, 


THE    PRESIDENT    ON   COLONIZATION.  471 

if  the  colored  people  are  persuaded  to  go  anywhere,  why  not  there  ? 
One  reason  for  unwillingness  to  do  so  is,  that  some  of  you  would  rather 
remain  within  reach  of  the  country  of  your  nativity.  I  do  not  know 
how  much  attachment  you  may  have  toward  our  race.  It  does  not 
strike  me  that  you  have  the  greatest  reason  to  love  them.  But  still  you 
are  attached  to  them  at  all  events.  The  place  I  am  thinking  about 
having  for  a  colony,  is  in  Central  America.  It  is  nearer  to  us  than 
Liberia — not  much  more  than  one-fourth  as  far  as  Liberia,  and  within 
seven  days'  run  by  steamers.  Unlike  Liberia,  it  is  a  great  line  of 
travel — it  is  a  highway.  The  country  is  a  very  excellent  one  for  any 
people,  and  with  great  natural  resources  and  advantages,  and  espe 
cially  because  of  the  similarity  of  climate  with  your  native  soil,  thus 
being  suited  to  your  physical  condition.  The  particular  place  I  have  in 
view,  is  to  be  a  great  highway  from  the  Atlantic  or  Caribbean  Sea  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  this  particular  place  has  all  the  advantages  for  a 
colony.  On  both  sides  there  are  harbors  among  the  finest  in  the  world. 
Again,  there  is  evidence  of  very  rich  coal  mines.  A  certain  amount  of 
coal  is  valuable  in  any  country,  and  there  may  be  more  than  enough  for 
1  he  wants  of  any  country.  Why  I  attach  so  much  importance  to  coal 
is,  it  will  afford  an  opportunity  to  the  inhabitants  for  immediate  employ 
ment  till  they  get  ready  to  settle  permanently  in  their  homes.  If  you 
take  colonists  where  there  is  no  good  landing,  there  is  a  bad  show ;  and 
so  where  there  is  nothing  to  cultivate,  and  of  which  to  make  a  farm. 
But  if  something  is  started  so  that  you  can  get  your  daily  bread  as  soon 
as  you  reach  there,  it  is  a  great  advantage.  Coal  land  is  the  best  thing 
I  know  of  with  which  to  commence  an  enterprise.  To  return — you 
have  been  talked  to  upon  this  subject,  and  told  that  a  speculation  is  in 
tended  by  gentlemen  who  have  an  interest  in  the  country,  including  the 
coal  mines.  We  have  been  mistaken  ail  our  lives  if  we  do  not  know 
whites,  as  well  as  blacks,  look  to  their  self-interest.  Unless  among 
those  deficient  of  intellect,  everybody  you  trade  with  makes  something. 
You  meet  with  these  things  here  and  everywhere.  If  such  persons 
have  what  will  be  an  advantage  to  them,  the  question  is,  whether  it 
cannot  be  made  of  advantage  to  you  ?  You  are  intelligent  and  know 
that  success  does  not  as  much  depend  on  external  help  as  on  self-reli 
ance.  Much,  therefore,  depends  upon  yourselves.  As  to  the  coal 
mines,  I  think  I  see  the  means  available  for  your  self-reliance.  I  shall, 
if  I  get  a  sufficient  number  of  you  engaged,  have  provision  made  that 
you  shall  not  be  wronged.  If  you  will  engage  in  the  enterprise,  I  will 
spend  some  of  the  money  intrusted  to  me.  I  am  not  sure  you  will  sue- 


472  PKESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

coed.  The  Government  may  lose  the  money,  but  we  cannot  succeed 
unless  we  try ;  but  we  think  with  care  we  can  succeed.  The  political 
affairs  in  Central  America  are  not  in  quite  as  satisfactory  condition  as  I 
wish.  There  are  contending  factions  in  that  quarter;  but  it  is  true,  all 
the  factions  are  agreed  alike  on  the  subject  of  colonization,  and  wa-nt  it, 
and  are  more  generous  than  we  are  here.  To  your  colored  race  they 
have  no  objection.  Besides,  I  would  endeavor  to  have  you  made  equals, 
and  have  the  best  assurance  that  you  should  be  the  equals  of  the  best. 
The  practical  thing  I  want  to  ascertain  is,  whether  I  can  get  a  number 
of  able-bodied  men,  with  their  wives  and  children,  who  are  willing  to 
go,  when  I  present  evidence  of  encouragement  and  protection.  Could 
I  get  a  hundred  tolerably  intelligent  men,  with  their  wives  and  child 
ren,  and  able  to  "cut  their  own  fodder,"  so  to  speak  ?  Can  I  have  fifty  ? 
Tf  I  could  find  twenty-five  able-bodied  men,  with  a  mixture  of  women  and 
children — good  things  in  the  family  relation,  I  think — I  could  make  a 
successful  commencement.  I  want  you  to  let  me  know  whether  this 
can  be  done  or  not.  This  is  the  practical  part  of  my  wish  to  see  you. 
These  are  subjects  of  very  great  importance — worthy  of  a  month's 
study,  of  a  speech  delivered  in  an  hour.  1  ask  you,  then,  to  consider 
seriously,  not  pertaining  to  yourselves  merely,  nor  for  your  race  and  ours 
for^the  present  time,  but  as  one  of  the  things,  if  successfully  managed, 
for  the  good  of  mankind — not  confined  to  tho  present  generation,  but  as 

"From  age  to  age  descends  the  lay 

To  millions  yet  to  be, 
Till  far  its  echoes  roll  away 
Into  eternity." 

The  above  is  merely  given  as  the  substance  of  the  President's  re 
marks. 

The  chairman  of  the  delegation  briefly  replied,  that  "they  would  hold 
a  consultation,  and  in  a  short  time  give  an  answer."  The  President 
said,  "  Take  your  full  time — no  hurry  at  all." 

The  delegation  then  withdrew. 

In  pursuance  of  bis  plans  of  Colonization,  an  agreement  was 
entered  into,  by  the  President,  September  12,  1862,  with 
A.  W.  Thompson,  for  the  settlement,  by  free  colored  emi 
grants  from  the  United  States,  of  a  tract  of  country  within 
the  republic  of  New  Grenada — the  region  referred  to  by  the 


EFFORTS   AT   NEGRO    COLONIZATION.  473 

President  in  his  remarks  quoted  above  ;  and  the  Hon.  S.  E. 
Pomeroy,  a  senator  from  Kansas,  proposed  to  accompany  and 
superintend  the  expedition.  The  sum  of  $25,000  was  ad 
vanced  to  him  from  the  colonization  fund,  but  it  was  soon 
after  discovered  that  the  Government  of  New  Grenada  objected 
to  the  landing  of  these  emigrants  upon  its  territory,  and  the 
project  was  abandoned. 

In  April,  1863,  an  agreement  was  made  with  responsible  and 
highly  respectable  parties  in  New  York  for  the  colonization 
of  He  a  Vache,  within  the  Republic  of  Hayti,  of  which  a 
favorable  grant  had  been  made  by  the  Government — and 
which  was  represented  in  the  published  report  of  the  Commis 
sioner  of  Emigration  in  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  as 
being  in  every  way  adapted  to  the  culture  of  cotton  and  other 
tropical  products,  and  as  eminently  favorable  for  such  an  ex 
periment.  The  Government  agreed  to  pay  fifty  dollars  each 
for  the  removal  of  the  consenting  emigrants  thither — pay 
ment  to  be  made  on  official  certificate  of  their  arrival.  The 
contractors  fulfilled  their  portion  of  the  agreement  with 
fidelity,  and  to  the  utmost  extent  of  their  ability  ;  but  after  an 
expenditure  of  about  eighty  thousand  dollars,  it  was  discovered 
that  the  representations  of  the  fertility  of  the  island  had  been 
utterly  unfounded,  and  that  the  enterprise  was  hopeless.  The 
agent  of  the  Company,  moreover,  through  whom  the  Govern 
ment  had  made  the  original  contract,  proved  to  be  utterly  un 
trustworthy  and  incapable,  and  was  removed.  The  Govern 
ment  at  last  brought  the  negroes  back  to  the  United  States, 
but  incurred  no  additional  expense,  as  it  declined  to  pay  the 
contractors  the  stipulated  sum  for  the  removal  of  the  emi 
grants,  or  to  reimburse  them  any  portion  of  the  moneys  ex 
pended  in  the  enterprise. 

No  further  experiments  have  been  made  in  the  matter  of 
colonization ;  but  the  disposition  and  employment  of  the 
negroes  has  engaged  a  good  deal  of  the  attention  and  solici- 


474 

tude  of  the  Government.  When  the  rebellion  first  broke  out 
there  were  many  persons  who  insisted  upon  the  instant  eman 
cipation  of  the  slaves,  and  their  employment  in  arms  against 
the  rebels  of  the  Southern  States.  Public  sentiment,  however, 
was  by  no  means  prepared  for  the  adoption  of  such  a  measure. 
The  Administration,  upon  its  advent  to  power,  was  compelled  to 
encounter  a  wide-spread  distrust  of  its  general  purposes  in  re 
gard  to  slavery,  and  special  pains  were  taken  by  the  agents 
and  allies  of  the  rebellion  to  alarm  the  sensitive  apprehensions 
of  the  Border  States  upon  this  subject.  The  President, 
therefore,  deemed  it  necessary,  in  order  to  secure  that  unity 
of  sentiment  without  which  united  and  effective  action  against 
the  rebellion  was  felt  to  be  impossible,  to  exclude  from  the 
contest  all  issues  of  a  secondary  nature,  and  to  fasten  the 
attention  and  thought  of  the  whole  country  upon  the  para 
mount  end  and  aim  of  the  war — the  restoration  of  the  Union 
and  the  authority  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
How  steadily  and  carefully  this  policy  was  pursued,  the  pre 
ceding  pages  of  this  record  will  show. 

But  as  the  war  went  on,  and  the  desperate  tenacity  of  the 
rebel  resistance  became  more  manifest — as  the  field  of  opera 
tions,  both  military  and  political,  became  enlarged,  and  the 
elements  of  the  rebel  strength  were  better  understood,  the 
necessity  of  dealing  with  the  question  of  Slavery  forced  itself 
upon  the  people  and  the  Government.  The  legislation  of 
Congress,  from  time  to  time,  represented  and  embodied  these 
advancing  phases  of  public  opinion.  At  the  extra  session  of 
1861  a  law  was  passed,  discharging  from  slavery  every  slave 
who  should  be  required  or  permitted  by  his  master  to  take  up 
arms  against  the  United  States,  or  to  be  employed  in  any 
military  capacity  in  the  rebel  service.  At  the  next  session 
the  President  was  authorized  to  employ  persons  of  African 
descent  in  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  "  in  such  manner 
as  he  should  judge  best  for  the  public  welfare,"  and  also  to 


EMPLOYMENT   OF   NEGKO   TROOPS.  475 

issue  a  proclamation  commanding  all  persons  in  rebellion 
against  the  United  States  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  return 
to  their  allegiance ;  and  if  any  persons  so  warned  should  be 
found  in  rebellion  thirty  days  after  the  date  of  such  proclama 
tion,  the  President  was  authorized  to  set  free  their  slaves. 
Under  these  comprehensive  acts  the  President  took  such  steps 
on  the  subject  as  he  believed  the  necessities  of  the  country  re 
quired,  and  as  the  public  sentiment  of  the  country  would  sustain. 
The  Emancipation  proclamation  was  issued  on  the  1st  of  Jan 
uary,  1863,  and  measures  were  adopted  soon  afterwards  to 
provide  for  the  changes  which  it  made  inevitable.  On  the 
20th  of  January,  the  Secretary  of  War  authorized  Governor 
Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  to  enlist  volunteers  for  three 
years,  and  to  include  persons  of  African  descent,  organized 
into  a  separate  corps.  In  April  negro  troops  were  enlisted  by 
Adjutant- General  Thomas  for  service  in  Arkansas,  and  on  the 
15th  of  that  month  he  issued  an  order  appointing  commission 
ers  to  superintend  the  execution  of  a  policy  which  the  Gov 
ernment  had  adopted  for  committing  the  protection  of  the 
banks  of  the  Mississippi  to  a  negro  force.  On  the  22d  of 
May,  orders  were  issued  by  the  Secretary  of  War  creating  a 
Bureau  of  the  WTar  Department  for  all  matters  relating  to  the 
organization  of  colored  troops,  and  establishing  rules  for  their 
enlistment,  and  for  the  appointment  of  officers  to  command 
them.  And,  on  the  20th  of  August,  Hon.  J.  Holt,  Judge- 
Advocate  General,  sent  to  the  President  an  official  opinion, 
to  the  effect  that,  under  the  laws  of  Congress  on  the  subject, 
he  had  full  authority  to  enlist  slaves  for  service  in  the  army 
precisely  as  he  might  enlist  any  other  persons— providing  for 
compensation  to  loyal  owners  whose  property  might  thus  be 
taken  for  the  public  service. 

These  were  the  initial  steps  of  a  movement  for  the  employ 
ment  of  negro  troops,  which  has  gone  forward  steadily  ever 
since,  until,  as  has  been  seen  from  the  President's  Message, 


476 

over  100,000  negro  soldiers  are  now  in  the  army  of  the  United 
States,  contributing  largely,  by  their  courage  and  good  conduct, 
to  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  which  seeks  the  perpetual 
enslavement  of  their  race.  The  popular  prejudice  against 
their  employment  in  the  army,  which  was  so  potent  at  the 
beginning,  has  gradually  given  way,  even  in  the  slaveholding 
States,  to  a  more  just  estimate  of  the  necessities  of  the  emer 
gency  and  the  capacities  of  the  negro  race.  And  what  is 
of  still  more  importance  to  the  welfare  of  the  country,  the 
people  of  the  slaveholding  States  have  taken  up  the  question 
of  slavery  for  discussion  and  practical  action,  as  one  in  which 
their  own  well-being,  present  and  prospective,  is  deeply  in 
volved.  The  Union  party  in  every  Southern  State  favors  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  and  in  Missouri,  Maryland,  Louisiana,  and 
Arkansas,  measures  are  already  far  advanced  which  will  inevi 
tably  lead  to  the  speedy  overthrow  of  an  institution  which  has 
proved  so  detrimental  to  their  interests,  and  so  menacing  to  the 
unity  of  the  nation  and  the  stability  of  republican  institutions. 


It  formed  no  part  of  the  object  of  this  work  to  deal  in 
eulogy  or  in  criticism  of  President  LINCOLN  and  his  adminis 
tration.  Its  purpose  will  have  been  attained  if  it  places  his 
acts  and  words  in  such  a  form  that  those  who  read  them  may 
judge  for  themselves  of  the  merits  and  defects  of  the  policy 
he  has  pursued.  It  has  been  his  destiny  to  guide  the  nation 
through  the  stormiest  period  of  its  existence.  No  one  of  his 
predecessors,  not  even  Washington,  encountered  difficulties 
of  equal  magnitude,  or  was  called  to  perform  duties  of  equal 
responsibility.  lie  was  elected  by  a  minority  of  the  popular 
vote,  and  his  election  was  regarded  by  a  majority  of  the 
people  as  the  immediate  occasion,  if  not  the  cause,  of  civil 
war;  yet  upon  him  devolved  the  necessity  of  carrying  on  that 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  RELIANCE  ON  THE  PEOPLE.     477 

war,  and  of  combining  and  wielding  the  energies  of  the 
nation  for  its  successful  prosecution.  The  task,  under  all  the 
circumstances  of  the  case,  was  one  of  the  most  gigantic  that 
ever  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  head  of  any  nation. 

From  the  outset,  Mr.  LINCOLN'S  reliance  was  upon  the  spirit 
and  patriotism  of  the  people.  He  had  no  overweening  esti 
mate  of  his  own  sagacity ;  he  was  quite  sensible  of  his  lack 
of  that  practical  knowledge  of  men  and  affairs  which  experi 
ence  of  both  alone  can  give  ;  but  he  had  faith  in  the  devotion 
of  the  people  to  the  principles  of  Republican  government,  in 
their  attachment  to  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  and  in 
that  intuitive  sagacity  of  a  great  community  which  always 
transcends  the  most  cunning  devices  of  individual  men,  and, 
in  a  great  and  perilous  crisis,  more  resembles  inspiration  than 
the  mere  deductions  of  the  human  intellect.  At  the  very  outset 
of  his  administration,  President  LINCOLN  cast  himself  without 
reserve  and  without  fear,  upon  this  reliance.  It  has  ever 
been  urged  against  him  as  a  reproach  that  he  has  not  assumed 
to  lead  and  control  public  sentiment,  but  has  been  content  to 
be  the  exponent  and  the  executor  of  its  will.  Possibly  an 
opposite  course  might  have  succeeded,  but  possibly,  also,  it 
might  have  ended  in  disastrous  and  fatal  failure.  One  thing 
is  certain  :  the  policy  which  he  did  pursue  has  not  failed. 
The  rebellion  has  not  succeeded ;  the  authority  of  the  Gov 
ernment  has  not  been  overthrown ;  no  new  government,  rest 
ing  on  slavery  as  its  corner-stone,  has  yet  been  established 
upon  this  continent,  nor  has  any  foreign  nation  been  provoked 
or  permitted  to  throw  its  sword  into  the  scale  against  us.  A 
different  policy  might  have  done  better,  but  it  might  also 
have  done  worse.  A  wise  and  intelligent  people  will  hesitate 
long  before  they  condemn  an  administration  which  has  done 
well,  on  the  mere  hypothesis  that  another  might  have  done 
better. 

In  one  respect  President  LINCOLN  has  achieved  a  wonderful 


478          PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

success.  He  has  maintained,  through  the  terrible  trials  of  his 
administration,  a  reputation,  with  the  great  body  of  the 
people,  for  unsullied  integrity,  of  purpose  and  of  conduct, 
which  even  Washington  did  not  surpass,  and  which  no  Pres 
ident  since  Washington  has  equalled.  He  has  had  command 
of  an  army  greater  than  that  of  any  living  monarch  ;  he  has 
wielded  authority  less  restricted  than  that  conferred  by  any 
other  constitutional  government ;  he  has  disbursed  sums  of 
money  equal  to  the  exchequer  of  any  nation  in  the  world  ; 
yet  no  man,  of  any  party,  believes  him  in  any  instance  to 
have  aimed  at  his  own  aggrandizement,  to  have  been  actuated 
by  personal  ambition,  or  to  have  consulted  any  other  interest 
than  the  welfare  of  his  country,  and  the  perpetuity  of  its 
Republican  form  of  government.  This  of  itself  is  a  success 
which  may  well  challenge  universal  admiration,  for  it  is  one 
which  is  the  indispensable  condition  of  all  other  forms  of 
success.  No  man  whose  public  integrity  was  open  to  sus 
picion,  no  matter  what  might  have  been  his  abilities  or  his 
experience,  could  possibly  have  retained  enough  of  public 
confidence  to  carry  the  country  through  such  a  contest  as 
that  in  which  we  are  now  involved.  No  President  suspected 
of  seeking  his  own  aggrandizement  at  the  expense  of  his 
country's  liberties,  could  ever  have  received  such  enormous 
grants  of  power  as  were  essential  to  the  successful  prosecution 
of  this  war.  They  were  lavishly  and  eagerly  conferred  upon 
Mr.  LINCOLN,  because  it  was  known  and  felt  everywhere  that 
he  would  not  abuse  them.  Faction  has  had  in  him  no  mark 
for  its  assaults.  The  weapons  of  party  spirit  have  recoiled 
harmlessly  from  the  shield  of  his  unspotted  character. 

It  was  this  unanimous  confidence  in  the  disinterested  purity 
of  his  character,  and  in  the  perfect  integrity  of  his  public  pur 
poses,  far  more  than  any  commanding  intellectual  ability,  that 
enabled  Washington  to  hold  the  faith  and  confidence  of  the 
American  people  steadfast  for  seven  years,  while  they  waged 


PRES.  LINCOLN'S  WAY  OF  "PUTTING  THINGS."     479 

the  unequal  war  required  to  achieve  their  independence. 
And  it  certainly  is  something  more  than  a  casual  coincidence 
that  this  same  element,  as  rare  in  experience  as  it  is  transcen-^ 
dent  in  importance,  should  have  characterized  the  President 
upon  whom  devolves  the  duty  of  carrying  the  country  through 
this  second  and  far  more  important  and  sanguinary  struggle. 

No  one  can  read  Mr.  LINCOLN'S  state  papers  without  per 
ceiving  in  them  a  most  remarkable  faculty  of  "  putting  things" 
so  as  to  command  the  attention  and  assent  of  the  common 
people.  His  style  of  thought  as  well  as  of  expression  is  thor 
oughly  in  harmony  with  their  habitual  modes  of  thinking  and 
of  speaking.  His  intellect  is  keen,  emphatically  logical  in  its 
action,  and  capable  of  the  closest  and  most  subtle  analysis : 
and  he  uses  language  for  the  sole  purpose  of  stating,  in  the 
clearest  and  simplest  possible  form,  the  precise  idea  he  wishes 
to  convey.  He  has  no  pride  of  intellect— not  the  slightest 
desire  for  display— no  thought  or  purpose  but  that  of  making 
everybody  understand  precisely  what  he  believes  and  means 
to  utter.  And  while  this  sacrifices  the  graces  of  style,  it  gains 
immeasurably  in  practical  force  and  effect.  It  gives  to  his 
public  papers  a  weight  and  influence  with  the  mass  of  the 
people,  which  no  public  man  of  this  country  has  ever  before 
attained.  And  this  is  heightened  by  the  atmosphere  of  humor 
which  seems  to  pervade  his  mind,  and  which  is  just  as  natural 
to  it  and  as  attractive  and  softening  a  portion  of  it,  as  the 
smoky  hues  of  Indian  summer  are  of  the  charming  season  to 
which  they  belong.  His  nature  is  eminently  genial,  and  he 
seems  to  be  incapable  of  cherishing  an  envenomed  resentment. 
And  although  he  is  easily  touched  by  whatever  is  painful,  the 
elasticity  of  his  temper  and  his  ready  sense  of  the  humorous 
break  the  force  of  anxieties  and  responsibilities  under  which 
a  man  of  harder  though  perhaps  a  higher  nature  would  sink 
and  fail. 

One  of  the  most  perplexing  questions  with  which  Mr.  LIN 
COLN  has  had  to  deal  in  carrying  on  the  war,  has  been  that  of 


480  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

slavery.  There  are  two  classes  of  persons  who  cannot,  even 
now,  see  that  there  was  any  thing  perplexing  about  it,  or  that 
he  ought  to  have  had  a  moment's  hesitation  how  to  treat  it. 
One,  is  made  up  of  those  who  regard  the  law  of  slavery  as 
paramount  to  the  Constitution,  and  the  rights  of  slavery  as 
the  most  sacred  of  all  the  rights  which  are  guaranteed  by  that 
instrument :  the  other,  of  those  who  regard  the  abolition  of 
slavery  as  the  one  thing  to  be  secured,  whatever  else  may  be 
lost.  The  former  denounce  Mr.  LINCOLN  for  having  interfered 
with  slavery  in  any  way,  for  any  purpose,  or  at  any  time :  the 
latter  denounce  him,  with  equal  bitterness,  for  not  having 
swept  it  out  of  existence  the  moment  Fort  Sumter  was  at 
tacked.  In  this  matter,  as  in  all  others,  Mr.  LINCOLN  has  acted 
upon  a  fixed  principle  of  his  own,  which  he  has  applied  to  the 
practical  conduct  of  affairs  just  as  fast  as  the  necessities  of  the 
case  required  and  as  the  public  sentiment  would  sustain  him 
in  doing.  His  policy  has  been  from  the  outset  a  tentative 
one — as,  indeed,  ail  policies  of  government  to  be  successful 
must  always  be.  On  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion  the  first 
endeavor  of  the  rebels  was  to  secure  the  active  co-operation  of 
all  the  slavehoiding  States.  Mr.  LINCOLN'S  first  action,  there 
fore,  was  to  withhold  as  many  of  these  States  from  joining 
the  rebel  confederacy  as  possible.  Every  one  can  see  now 
that  this  policy,  denounced  at  the  time  by  his  more  zealous 
anti-slavery  supporters  as  temporizing  and  inadequate,  pre 
vented  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Maryland,  Missouri,  and  part  of 
Virginia  from  throwing  their  weight  into  the  rebel  scale ;  and 
although  it  is  very  easy  and  very  common  to  undervalue  ser 
vices  to  a  cause  after  its  triumph  seems  secure,  there  are  few 
who  will  not  concede  that  if  these  States  had  been  driven  or 
permitted  to  drift  into  the  rebel  confederacy,  a  successful  ter 
mination  of  the  war  would  have  been  much  farther  off  than  it 
seems  at  present.  Mr.  LINCOLN  did  every  thing  in  his  power, 
consistent  with  fidelity  to  the  Constitution,  to  retain  the  Bor 
der  Slave  States  within  the  Union  ;  and  the  degree  of  success 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  POLICY  ON  SLAVERY.  481 

which  attended  his  efforts  is  the  best  proof  of  their  substantial 
wisdom. 

His  treatment  of  the  slavery  question  has  been  marked  by 
the  same  experimental  policy.  The  various  letters  by  which 
from  time  to  time  he  has  explained  the  principles  on  which 
he  was  acting,  in  any  particular  emergency,  show  very  clearly 
that  he  has  been  far  more  anxious  to  take  action  which  should 
be  sanctioned  and  sustained  by  the  country,  and  thus  be  per 
manently  valuable,  than  to  put  forth  any  theory  of  his  own 
or  carry  into  effect  the  dogmas  and  opinions  of  any  party, 
The  whole  case  is  stated  with  great  clearness  and  force  in  a 
letter  written  by  him  on  the  4th  of  April  to  Mr.  Hodges, 
who,  with  Governor  Bramlette  and  some  other  gentlemen  of 
Kentucky,  had  called  upon  him  on  business  relating  to  the 
draft,  and  with  whom  he  had  some  conversation  in  regard  to 
the  misconceptions  of  his  policy  that  seemed  to  be  current  in 
their  State.  That  letter  is  as  follows : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  "WASHINGTON,  April  4th,  1864. 

A.  G.  HODGES,  Esq.,  Frankfort,  Ky:  My  dear  Sir: — You  ask  me  to 
put  in  writing  the  substance  of  what  I  verbally  said  the  other  day,  in 
your  presence,  to  Governor  Bramlette  and  Senator  Dixon.  It  was  about 
as  follows: 

"I  am  naturally  anti-slavery.  If  slavery  is  not  wrong,  nothing  is 
wrong.  I  cannot  remember  when  I  did  not  so  think  and  feel,  and  yet 
I  have  never  understood  that  the  Presidency  conferred  upon  me  an  un 
restricted  right  to  act  officially  upon  this  judgment  and  feeling.  It  was 
in  the  oath  I  took  that  I  would  to  the  best  of  my  ability  preserve,  pro 
tect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  I  could  not  take 
the  office  without  taking  the  oath.  Nor  was  it  my  view  that  I  might 
take  an  oath  to  get  power,  and  break  the  oath  in  using  the  power.  [ 
understood,  too,  that  in  ordinary  civil  administration  this  oath  even  for 
bade  me  to  practically  indulge  my  primary  abstract  judgment  on  the 
moral  question  of  slavery.  I  had  publicly  declared  this  many  times,  and 
in  many  ways.  And  I  aver  that,  to  this  day,  I  have  done  no  official  act 
in  mere  deference  to  my  abstract  judgment  and  feeling  on  slavery.  I 
did  understand,  however,  that  my  oath  to  preserve  the  Constitution  to 
the  best  of  my  ability,  imposed  upon  me  the  duty  of  preserving,  by  every 
21 


482 

indispensable  means,  that  government — that  nation,  of  which  that  Con 
stitution  was  the  organic  law.  Was  it  possible  to  lose  the  nation  and 
yet  preserve  the  Constitution  ?  By  general  law,  life  and  limb  must  be 
protected ;  yet  often  a  limb  must  be  amputated  to  save  a  life ;  but  a  lifo 
is  never  wisely  given  to  save  a  limb.  I  felt  that  measures,  otherwise 
unconstitutional,  might  become  lawful,  by  becoming  indispensable  to  the 
preservation  of  the  Constitution,  through  the  preservation  of  the  nation. 
Right  or  wrong,  I  assumed  this  ground,  and  now  avow  it.  I  could  not 
feel  that,  to  the  best  of  my  ability  I  had  even  tried  to  preserve  the  Con 
stitution,  if,  to  save  slavery,  or  any  minor  matter,  I  should  permit  the 
wreck  of  government,  country,  .and  constitution,  altogether.  When, 
early  in  the  war,  General  Fremont  attempted  military  emancipation,  I 
forbade  it,  because  I  did  not  then  think  it  an  indispensable  necessity. 
When  a  little  later,  General  Cameron,  then  Secretary  of  War,  suggested 
the  arming  of  the  blacks,  I  objected,  because  I  did  not  yet  think  it  an 
indispensable  necessity.  When,  still  later,  General  Hunter  attempted 
military  emancipation,  I  again  forbade  it,  because  I  did  not  yet  think  the 
indispensable  necessity  had  come.  When  in  March  and  May,  and  July, 
18G2,  I  made  earnest  and  successive  appeals  to  the  border  States  to 
favor  compensated  emancipation,  I  believed  the  indispensable  neces 
sity  for  military  emancipation  and  arming  the  blacks  would  come,  unless 
averted  by  that  measu-e.  They  declined  the  proposition,  and  I  was,  in 
my  best  judgment,  driven  to  the  alternative  of  either  surrendering  the 
Union,  and  with  it.  the  Constitution,  or  of  laying  strong  hand  upon  the 
colored  element.  I  chose  the  latter.  In  choosing  it,  1  hoped  for  greater 
gain  than  loss,  but  of  this  I  was  not  entirely  confident.  More  than  a 
year  of  trial  now  shows  no  loss  by  it  in  our  foreign  relations,  none  in 
our  home  popular  sentiment,  none  in  our  white  military  force,  no  loss 
by  it  any  how,  or  anywhere.  On  the  contrary,  it  shows  a  gain  of 
quite  a  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  soldiers,  seamen  and  laborers. 
These  are  palpable  facts,  about  which,  as  facts,  there  can  be  no  cavil 
ling.  We  have  the  men;  and  we  could  not  have  had  them  without  the 
measure. 

*'  And  now  let  any  Union  man  who  complains  of  the  measure,  test  him 
self  by  writing  down  in  one  line,  that  he  is  for  subduing  the  rebellion 
by  force  of  arms;  and  in  the  next,  that  he  is  for  taking  three  hundred 
and  thirty  thousand  men  from  the  Union  side,  and  placing  them  where 
they  would  be  best  for  the  measure  he  condemns.  If  he  cannot  face  his 
case  so  stated,  it  is  only  because  he  cannot  face  the  truth." 

_  uud  a  word  which  was  not  in  the  verbal  conversation.  In  telling 
this  tale,  I  attempt  no  compliment  to  my  own  sagacity.  I  claim  not  to 


LETTER   TO    MR.    HODGES.  483 

Lave  controlled  events,  but  confess  plainly  that  events  have  controlled 
me.  Now  at  the  end  of  three  years'  struggle,  the  nation's  condition  is 
not  what  either  party,  or  any  man  devised,  or  expected.  God  alone  can 
claim  it.  Whither  it  is  tending  seems  plain.  If  God  now  wills  the  re 
moval  of  a  great  wrong,  and  wills  also  that  we  of  the  North,  as  well  as 
you  of  the  South,  shall  pay  fairly  for  our  complicity  in  that  wrong,  im 
partial  history  will  find  therein  new  causes  to  attest  and  revere  tho 
ustice  and  goodness  of  God.  Yours,  truly, 

(Signed.)  A.  LINCOLN. 

An  impression  is  quite  common  that  great  men,  who  make 
their  mark  upon  the  progress  .of  events  and  the  world's  history, 
do  it  by  impressing  their  own  opinions  upon  nations  and  com 
munities,  in  disregard  of  their  sentiments  and  prejudices. 
History  does  not  sustain  this  view  of  the  case.  No  man  ever 
moulded  the  destiny  of  a  nation  except  by  making  the  senti 
ment  of  that  nation  his  ally — by  working  with  it,  by  shaping 
his  measures  and  his  policy  to  its  successive  developments. 
But  little  more  than  a  year  before  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence  was  issued,  Washington  wrote  to  a  friend  in  England 
that  the  idea  of  separation  from  Great  Britain  was  not  enter 
tained  by  any  considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
colonies.  If  independence  had  then  been  proclaimed,  it  would 
not  have  been  supported  by  public  sentiment ;  and  its  procla 
mation  would  have  excited  hostilities  and  promoted  divisions 
which  might  have  proved  fatal  to  the  cause.  Time, — the  de 
velopment  of  events, — the  ripening  conviction  of  the  necessity 
of  such  a  measure,  were  indispensable  as  preliminary  conditions 
of  its  success.  And  one  of  the  greatest  elements  of  Washing 
ton's  strength  was  the  patient  sagacity  with  which  he  could 
watch  and  wait  until  these  conditions  were  fulfilled.  The 
position  and  duty  of  President  LINCOLN  in  regard  to  Slavery 
have  been  very  similar.  If  he  had  taken  counsel  only  of  his 
own  abstract  opinions  and  sympathies,  and  had  proclaimed 
emancipation  at  the  outset  of  the  war,  or  had  sanctioned  the 
action  of  those  department  commanders  who  assumed  to  do  it 


484 

themselves,  the  first  effect  would  have  been  to  throw  all  the 
Border  Slave  States  into  the  bosom  of  the  slaveholding  con 
federacy,  and  add  their  formidable  force  to  the  armies  of  the 
rebellion  :  the  next  result  would  have  been  to  arouse  the 
political  opposition  of  the  loyal  States  to  fresh  activity  by 
giving  them  a  rallying  cry  :  and  the  third  would  have  been  to 
divide  the  great  body  of  those  who  agreed  in  defending  the 
Union,  but  who  did  not  then  agree  in  regard  to  the  abolition 
of  slavery.  Candid  men,  who  pay  more  regard  to  facts  than 
to  theory,  and  who  can  estimate  with  fairness  the  results  of 
public  action,  will  have  no  difficulty  in  seeing  that  the  proba 
ble  result  of  these  combined  influences  would  have  been  such 
a  strengthening  of  the  forces  of  the  Confederacy,  and  such  a 
weakening  of  our  own,  as  might  have  overwhelmed  the  Ad 
ministration,  and  given  the  rebellion  a  final  and  a  fatal  triumph 
By  awaiting  the  development  of  public  sentiment,  President 
Lincoln  secured  a  support  absolutely  essential  to  success ;  and 
there  are  few  persons  now,  whatever  may  be  their  private 
opinions  on  slavery,  who  will  not  concede  that  his  measures 
in  regard  to  that  subject  have  been  adopted  with  sagacity  and 
crowned  with  substantial  success. 

It  is  too  soon,  we  are  aware,  to  pronounce  definitively  on 
the  merits  of  President  LINCOLN'S  administration.  Its  policy 
is  still  in  process  of  development.  If  it  is  allowed  to  go  on 
without  interruption, — if  the  measures  which  President  LIN 
COLN  has  inaugurated  for  quelling  the  rebellion  and  restoring 
the  Union,  are  permitted  to  work  out  their  natural  results,  un 
checked  by  popular  impatience  and  sustained  by  public  confi 
dence,  we  believe  they  will  end  in  re-establishing  the  authority 
of  the  Constitution,  in  restoring  the  integrity  of  the  Union, 
in  abolishing  every  vestige  of  slavery,  and  in  perpetuating  the 
principles  of  democratic  government  upon  this  continent  and 
throughout  the  world. 


APPENDIX. 


LIEUT.-GEN.   SCOTT  AND  MAJ.-GEK   McCLELLAN. 

Allusion  is  made  on  a  previous  page  to  a  letter  of  advice 
and  suggestions  addressed  by  General  McClellan  to  General 
Scott,  which  he  afterwards  withdrew. 

The  following  correspondence  relates  to  that  letter  and  grew 
out  of  it : 

GEN.    SCOTT    TO  THE    SECRETARY    OF    WAR. 

WASHINGTON,  Aug.  9, 1861. 

SIR: — I  received  yesterday  from  Major-General  McClellan  a  letter  of 
that  date,  to  which  I  design  this  as  my  only  reply. 

Had  Major-General  McClellan  presented  the  same  views  in  person, 
they  would  have  been  fully  entertained  and  discussed.  All  my  military 
views  and  opinions  had  been  so  presented  to  him,  without  eliciting 
much  remark  in  our  fow  meetings  which  I  have  in  vain  sought  to  mul 
tiply.  He  has  stood  on  his  guard  and  now  places  himself  on  record. 
Let  him  make  the  most  of  his  unenvied  advantages. 

Major-General  McClellan  has  propagated  in  high  quarters  the  idea  ex 
pressed  in  the  letter  before  me.  that  Washington  was  not  only  "  inse 
cure,"  but  in  "  imminent  danger." 

Relying  on  our  numbers,  our  forts,  and  the  Potomac  river,  I  am  con 
fident  in  the  opposite  opinion  ;  and  considering  the  stream  of  new  regi 
ments  that  is  pouring  in  upon  us  (before  the  alarm  could  have  reached 
their  homes),  I  have  not  the  slightest  apprehension  for  the  safety  of  the 
Government  here. 

Having  now  been  unable  to  mount  a  horse,  or  to  walk  more  than  a 
few  paces  at  a  time,  and  consequently  being  unable  to  review  troops — 
much  less  to  direct  them  in  battle :  in  short,  broken  down  by  many 


486  APPEXPTX. 

particular  hurts,  besides  the  general  infirmities  of  age— I  feel  that  I  havo 
become  an  incumbrance  to  the  army  as  well  as  to  myself,  and  that  I 
ought,  gvinig  way  to  a  younger  commander,  to  seek  the  palliatives  of 
physical  pain  and  exhaustion. 

Accordingly  I  must  beg  the  President,  at  the  earliest  moment,  to 
allow  me  to  be  placed  on  the  officers'  retired  list,  and  then  quietly  to  lay 
myself  up — probably  for  ever — somewhere  in  or  about  New  York.  But 
wherever  I  may  spend  my  little  remainder  of  life,  rny  frequent  and  latest 
prayer  will  be — "God  save  the  Union!"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 
with  high  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

GEN.   M'CLELLAN  TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

WASHINGTON,  Aug.  10,  1861. 

The  letter  addressed  by  me  under  date  of  the  8th  inst.  to  Lieutenant- 
General  Scott,  commanding  the  United  States  Army,  was  designed  to 
be  a  plain  and  respectful  expression  of  my  views  of  the  measures  de 
manded  for  the  safety  of  the  Government  in  the  imminent  peril  that  be 
sets  it  at  the  present  hour.  Every  moment's  reflection  and  every  fact 
transpiring,  convinced  me  of  the  urgent  necessity  of  the  measures  there 
indicated,  and  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  him  and  to  the  country  to  communi 
cate  them  frankly.  It  is  therefore  with  great  pain  that  I  have  learned 
from  you  this  morning,  that  my  views  do  not  meet  with  the  approbation 
of  the  Lieutenant-General,  and  that  my  letter  is  unfavorably  regarded 
by  him.  The  command  with  which  I  am  intrusted  was  not  sought  by 
me,  and  has  only  been  accepted  from  an  earnest  and  humble  desire  to 
serve  my  country  in  the  moment  of  the  most  extreme  peril.  With  these 
views  I  am  willing  to  do  and  suffer  whatever  may  bo  required  for  that 
service.  Nothing  could  be  farther  from  my  wishes  than  to  seek  any 
command  or  urge  any  measures  not  required  for  the  exigency  of  the 
occasion,  and  above  all,  I  would  abstain  from  any  conduct  that  could 
give  offence  to  General  Scott  or  embarrass  the  President  or  any  Depart 
ment  of  the  Government. 

Influenced  by  these  considerations,  I  yield  to  your  request  and  with 
draw  the  letter  referred  to.  The  Government  and  my  superior  officer 
being  apprised  of  what  I  consider  to  be  necessary  and  proper  for  the 
defence  of  the  National  Capital,  I  shall  strive  faithfully  and  zealously  to 
employ  the  means  that  may  be  placed  in  my  power  for  that  purpose, 
dismissing  every  personal  feeling  or  consideration,  and  praying  only  the 


GENERAL    SCOTT    AXD    GENERAL    M*CLELLAN.  487 

blessing  of  Divine  Providence  on  my  efforts.  I  will  only  add  that,  as 
you  requested  my  authority  to  withdraw  the  letter,  that  authority  is 
hereby  given,  with  the  most  profound  assurance  for  General  Scott  and 
fourself.  Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

GEORGE  B.  MCCLELLAN. 


GENERAL    SCOTT    TO    THE    PRESIDENT. 

WASHINGTON-.  Aug.  12,  1861. 

g^: — On  the  10th  inst,  I  was  kindly  requested  by  the  President  to 
withdraw  my  letter  to  you,  of  the  9th,  in  reply  to  one  I  had  received 
from  Major-General  MeClellan  of  the  day  before — the  President  at  the 
same  time  showing  me  a  letter  to  him  from  Major-General  Mcdellan, 
in  which,  at  the  instance  of  the  President,  he  offered  to  withdraw  the 
original  letter  on  which  I  had  animadverted. 

While  the  President  was  yet  with  me,  on  that  occasion,  a  servant 
handed  me  a  letter,  which  proved  to  be  an  authenticated  copy,  under  a 
blank  cover,  of  the  same  letter  from  General  MeClellan  to  the  President. 
This  slight  was  not  without  its  influence  on  my  mind. 

The  President's  visit,  however,  was  for  the  patriotic  purpose  of  heal 
ing  differences,  and  so  much  did  I  honor  his  motive  that  I  deemed  it  due 
to  him  to  hold  his  proposition  under  consideration  for  some  little  time. 

T  deeply  regret  that,  notwithstanding  my  respect  for  the  opinions  and 
wishes  of  the  President,  I  cannot  withdraw  the  letter  in  question,  for 
these  reasons: 

1.  The  original  offence  given  to  mo  by  Major-General  MeClellan  (see 
his  letter  of  8th  inst.)  seems  to  have  been  the  result  of  deliberation  be 
tween  him  and  some  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  by  whom  all  the 
greater  war  questions  are  to  be  settled — without  resort  to  or  consulta- 
tion  with  me,  the  nominal  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army.  In  further 
proof  of  this  neglect — although  it  is  unofficially  known  that  in  the  last 
week  (six  days)  many  regiments  have  arrived  and  others  have  changed 
their  position — some  to  a  considerable  distance — not  one  of  these 
movements  has  been  reported  to  me  (or  any  thing  else)  by  Major-General 
MeClellan ;  while  it  is  believed,  and  1  may  add  known,  that  he  is  in  fre 
quent  communication  with  portions  of  the  Cabinet,  and  on  matters  ap 
pertaining  to  me.  That  freedom  of  access  and  consultation  have,  very 
naturally,  deluded  the  junior  General  into  a  feeling  of  indifference  to 
wards  his  senior. 


APPENDIX. 


!.  With  such  supports,  on  his  part,  it  would  bo  as  idle  for  me,  as  it 
would  be  against  the  dignity  of  my  years,  to  be  filing  daily  complaints 
against  an  ambitious  junior,  who,  independent  of  the  extreme  advan 
tages  alluded  to,  has,  unquestionably,  very  high  qualifications  for  military 
command.  I  trust  they  may  achieve  crowning  victories  in  behalf  of  the 
Union. 

3.  I  have,  in  my  letter  to  you  of  the  9th  inst.,  already  said  enough  on 
the,  to  others,  disgusting  subject  of  my  many  physical  infirmities.  I 
will  hero  only  add  that,  borne  down  as  I  am  by  them,  I  should  un 
avoidably  be  in  the  way,  at  head-quarters,  even  if  my  abilities  for  war 
were  now  greater  than  when  I  was  young. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir,  with  high  respect, 
Tour  obedient  servant, 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 


A  DRAFT  URGED  BY  GENERAL  McCLELLAN. 

General  Scott,  very  soon  after  this  correspondence,  was 
allowed  to  retire  from  active  service,  in  accordance  with  his 
request,  and  General  McClellan  succeeded  to  the  command  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  His  attention  was  first  given  to 
recovering  the  disaster  of  Bull  Hun,  and  placing  the  army 
again  on  a  footing  for  the  speedy  resumption  of  hostilities. 
The  defeat  of  July,  and  the  danger  with  which  that  defeat  for 
the  moment  seemed  to  menace  the  capital,  had  aroused  the 
most  intense  enthusiasm  throughout  the  country,  and  volun 
teers  were  pouring  into  Washington  with  great  rapidity. 
Under  these  circumstances,  General  McClellan  wrote  to  the 
President  as  follows : 

WASHINGTON,  August  20,  18G1. 

SIR:— I  have  just  received  the  inclosed  dispatch  in  cipher.  Colonel 
Marcy  knows  what  ho  says,  and  is  of  the  coolest  judgment.  I  recom 
mend  that  the  Secretary  of  War  ascertain  at  once  by  telegram  how  the 
enrollment  proceeds  in  Xew  York  and  elsewhere,  and  that,  if  it  is  not 


OX   THE    ADVANCE    OF    OUR   ARMIES.  489 

proceeding  with  great  rapidity,  drafts  to  be  made  at  once.     We  must 
have  men  without  delay. 

Respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

GEORGE  B.  MCCLELLAN,  Maj.-Gen.  U.  S.  A. 

DISPATCH    FROM    COL.    R.    B.    MARCT    TO    GENERAL    M'CLELLAN. 

NEW  YORK,  August  20,  1861. 

I  urge  upon  you  to  make  a  positive  and  unconditional  demand  for  an 
immediate  draft  of  the  additional  troops  you  require.  Men  will  not  vol 
unteer  now,  and  drafting  is  the  only  successful  plan.  The  people  will 
applaud  such  a  course,  rely  upon  it.  I  will  be  in  Washington  to-morrow. 

R  B.  MABCY. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  SUGGESTION  FOR  AN  ADVANCE  IN 
DECEMBER,    1861. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  a  memorandum  marked  by  the 
President,  as  having  been  made  by  him  about  the  first  of 
December,  1 861.  It  was  while  the  army  under  McClellan  was 
lying  in  front  of  Washington,  and  while  the  Government  and 
the  whole  country  were  impatient  for  an  advance  upon  the 
rebel  army  encamped  at  Manassas. 

If  it  were  determined  to  make  a  forward  movement  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  without  awaiting  further  increase  of  numbers,  or  bet 
ter  drill  and  discipline,  how  long  would  it  require  to  actually  get  in 
motion  ? 

[Answer  in  pencil  by  McClellan  :  "  If  bridge  trains  ready— by  De 
cember  15— probably  25th."] 

After  leaving  all  that  would  be  necessary,  how  many  troops  could 
join  the  movement  from  southwest  of  the  river? 

[Answer  in  pencil,  "71,000."} 

How  many  from  northwest  of  it  ? 

[Answer  in  pencil,  "  33,000."] 

Suppose,  then,  that  of  those  southwest  of  the  river  [supplied  in 
pencil  "  50,000,"]  move  forward  and  menace  the  enemy  at  Centerville? 

The  remainder  of  the  movable  force  on  that  side  move  rapidly  to 
the  crossing  of  the  Occoquan  by  the  road  from  Alexandria  'vowarda 


490  APPENDIX. 

Richmond ;  there  to  be  joined  by  the  whole  movable  force  from  north 
east  of  the  river,  having  landed  from  the  Potomac  just  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Occoquan,  move  by  land  up  the  south  side  of  that  stream,  to  the 
crossing  point  named;  then  the  whole  move  together,  by  the  road 
thence  to  Brentville,  and  beyond,  to  the  railroad  just  south  of  its  cross 
ing  of  Broad  Run,  a  strong  detachment  of  cavalry  having  gone  rapidly 
ahead  to  destroy  the  railroad  bridges  south  and  north  of  the  point. 

If  the  crossing  of  the  Occoquan  by  those  from  above  be  resisted, 
those  landing  from  the  Potomac  below  to  take  the  resisting  force  of  the 
enemy  in  rear;  or,  if  landing  from  the  Potomac  be  resisted,  those 
crossing  the  Occoquan  from  above  to  take  that  resisting  force  in  rear. 
L?oth  points  will  probably  not  be  successfully  resisted  at  the  same  time. 
The  force  in  front  of  Centerville,  if  pressed  too  hardly,  should  fight 
back  into  the  intrenchments  behind  them.  Armed  vessels  and  trans 
ports  should  remain  at  the  Potomac  landing  to  cover  a  possible  retreat. 

The  following  reply  is  in  General  McClellan's  handwriting — 
dated  Washington,  December  10,  and  marked  ^confidential:" 

T  incloso  the  paper  you  left  with  me— filled  as  you  requested.  In 
arriving  at  the  numbers  given  I  have  left  the  minimum  numbers  in 
garrison  and  observation. 

Information  recently  leads  me  to  believe  that  the  enemy  would  meet 
us  in  front  with  equal  forces  nearly — and  I  have  now  my  mind  actually 
turned  towards  another  plan  of  campaign  that  I  do  not  think  at  all 
anticipated  by  the  enemy,  nor  by  many  of  our  own  people. 

GEORGE  B.  MCCLELLAN. 

This  is  doubtless  in  allusion  to  his  project  of  transferring 
the  army  to  the  York  River,  and  advancing  upon  Richmond 
by  that  line. 


THE  POSITION  OF  KENTUCKY. 

Reference  is  made  on  page  480  to  the  efforts  of  the  Presi 
dent  to  prevent  Kentucky  and  other  Border  Slave  States  from 
joining  the  Rebel  Confederacy.  General  McCIcHan,  while  in 
command  of  the  Department  of  the  Ohio,  had  entered  into  an 
agreement  with  General  Buckner  by  which  the  substantial 
neutrality  of  that  State  was  recognized  and  resprcted.  And 


THE    PRESIDENT    AND    KENTUCKY.  491 

in  August,  1861, .Governor  Magoffin  had  urged  the  removal 
by  the  President  of  the  Union  troops  which  had  been  raised 
and  were  encamped  within  that  State. 

To  this  request  he  received  the  following  reply  : 

WASIIIXGTON,  D.  C.,  August  24,  1861. 
To  His  Excellency  B.  MAGOFFIN,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Kentucky : 

SIR: — Your  letter  of  the  19th  inst.,  in  which  you  "  urge  the  removal 
from  the  limits  of  Kentucky  of  the  military  force  now  organized  and  in 
camp  within  that  State,"  is  received. 

[  may  not  possess  full  and  precisely  accurate  knowledge  upon  this 
subject,  but  I  believe  it  is  true  that  there  is  a  military  force  in  camp 
within  Kentucky,  acting  by  authority  of  the  United  States,  which  force 
is  not  very  large,  and  is  not  now  being  augmented. 

I  also  believe  that  some  arms  have  been  furnished  to  this  force  by 
the  United  States. 

I  also  bjlievo  that  this  force  consists  exclusively  of  Kentuckians, 
having  their  camp  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  their  own  homes,  and 
not  assailing  or  menacing  any  of  the  good  people  of  Kentucky. 

In  all  I  have  done  in  the  premises,  I  have  acted  upon  the  urgent 
solicitation  of  many  Kentuckians,  and  in  accordance  with  what  I  be 
lieved,  and  still  believe,  to  be  the  wish  of  a  majority  of  all  the  Union- 
loving  people  of  Kentucky. 

While  I  have  conversed  on  the  subject  with  many  eminent  men  of 
Kentucky,  including  a  large  majority  of  her  members  of  Congress,  I  do 
not  remember  that  any  one  of  them,  or  any  other  person,  except  your 
Excellency  and  the  bearers  of  your  Excellency's  letter,  has  urged  me  to 
remove  the  military  force  from  Kentucky  or  to  disband  it.  One  other 
very  worthy  citizen  of  Kentucky  did  solicit  me  to  have  the  augmenting 
of  the  force  suspended  for  a  time. 

Taking  all  the  means  within  my  reach  to  form  a  judgment,  I  do  not 
believe  it  is  the  popular  wish  of  Kentucky  that  the  force  shall  be  re 
moved  beyond  her  limits ;  and,  with  this  impression,  I  must  respectfully 
decline  to  remove  it. 

I  most  cordially  sympathize  with  your  Excellency  in  the  wish  to 
preserve  the  peace  of  my  own  native  State,  Kentucky,  but  it  is  with  re 
gret  I  search  for  and  cannot  find,  in  your  not  very  short  letter,  any  de 
claration  or  intimation  that  you  entertain  any  desire  for  the  preservation 

of  the  Federal  Union, 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


492  APPENDIX. 

THE  PRESIDENT  TO  GENERAL  McCLELLAN. 
President  LINCOLN  addressed  the  following  letter  to  General 
McClellan  after  the  latter  had  landed  his  forces  on  the  Penin 
sula  in  the  spring  of  1862.  It  relates  to  several  points  in 
which  the  General's  action  had  already  excited  a  good  deal 
of  public  uneasiness,  and  been  made  the  subject  of  public  com 
ment,  though  the  letter  itself  has  never  before  been  made 

public : 

FORTRESS  MONROE,  May  9,  18G2. 

MY  DEAR  Sm  : — I  have  just  assisted  the  Secretary  of  War  in  forming 
the  part  of  a  dispatch  to  you,  relating  to  army  corps,  which  dispatch, 
of  course,  will  have  reached  you  long  before  this  will.  I  wish  to  say 
a  few  words  to  you  privately  on  this  subject.  I  ordered  the  army  corps 
organization  not  only  on  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  twelve  generals 
of  division,  but  also  on  the  unanimous  opinion  of  every  military  man 
1  could  get  an  opinion  from,  and  every  modern  military  book,  yourself 
only  excepted.  Of  course,  I  did  not  on  my  own  judgment  pretend  to 
understand  the  subject.  I  now  think  it  indispensable  for  you  to  know 
how  your  struggle  against  it  is  received  in  quarters  which  wo  cannot 
entirely  disregard.  It  is  looked  upon  as  merely  an  effort  to  pamper  one 
or  two  pets,  and  to  persecute  and  degrade  their  supposed  rivals.  I  have 
had  no  word  from  Sumner,  Heintzelman  or  Keyes.  The  commanders 
of  these  corps  are  of  course  the  three  highest  officers  with  you,  but  I 
am  constantly  told  that  you  have  no  consultation  or  communication 
with  them,  that  you  consult  and  communicate  with  nobody  but  Fitz 
John  Porter,  and  perhaps  General  Franklin.  I  do  not  say  these  com 
plaints  are  true  or  just ;  but,  at  all  events,  it  is  proper  you  should  know 
of  their  existence.  Do  the  commanders  of  corps  disobey  your  orders 
in  any  thing  ? 

When  you  relieved  General  Hamilton  of  his  command  the  other  day, 
yon  thereby  lost  the  confidence  of  at  least  one  of  your  best  friends  in 
the  Senate.  And  here  let  me  say,  not  as  applicable  to  you  personally, 
that  Senators  and  Representatives  speak  of  me  in  their  places  as  they 
please  without  question ;  and  that  officers  of  the  army  must  cease  ad 
dressing  insulting  letters  to  them  for  taking  no  greater  liberty  with 
them.  But  to  return,  are  you  strong  enough,  oven  with  my  help,  to 
set  your  foot  upon  the  neck  of  Sumner,  Heintzelman,  and  Keyes,  all  at 
once?  This  is  a  practical  and  very  serious  question  for  you. 

Yours  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 


INDEX. 


Arbitrary  Arrests,  action  of  Govern 
ment,  339;  debute  in  Congress,  327. 

Arkansas,  President's  letter  to  General 
Steele,  455;  President's  letter  about 
Convention,  450;  election  and  adop 
tion  of  a  Free  State  Constitution,  457. 


Banks,  takes  Port  Hudson,  3S2;  proclam 
ation  for  an  election  in  Louisiana,  454. 

Battle  of  Bull  Kim,  '61. 154  ;  of  Williams- 
burg,  235 ;  of  Seven  Pines  and  Fair 
Oak's,  244;  of  Fredericksburg,  376;  of 
Gettysburg.  379;  of  Vicksburg,  382; 
of  Tullahoma,  383;  of  Chattanooga, 
389 ;  defeat  at  Olustee,  458. 

Blair,  F.  P.  Jr.,  reappoiutiuent  as  Major- 
General.  439. 

Border  States,  reply  of  the  members  to 
President's  address,  192;  Hon.  Mr. 
Maynard's  reply,  194. 

Buchanan,  official  action  on  Secession, 
56;  last  message,  03;  dissolution  of 
bis  Cabinet,  64;  message  on  Secession, 
65. 

Burnside,  General,  succeeds  McCIellan 
in  Army  of  Potomac,  281 ;  battle  of 
Fredericksburg,  376  ;  arrests  Vallan- 
digham,  351 ;  second  attempt  on  Fred 
ericksburg,  377 ;  relieved  from  com 
mand,  377;  defence  of  Knoxville,  300. 


Cabinet,  dissolution  of  Buchanan's,  64 ; 
organization  of  Lincoln's,  121 ;  resigna 
tion  of  Secretary  Cameron,  205. 

Cameron,  resignation  of,  as  Secretary  of 
War,  205:  President's  message  con 
cerning,  205. 

Colonization,  President's  views  on,  1S4; 
President's  interview  with  colored 
men  on,  468 ;  attempts  to  colonize  New 
Grenada,  472 ;  colony  to  Isle  a  Vache, 
473. 

Colfax,  elected  Speaker  of  House  of  Eep- 
resentatives,  416. 

Compromise,  Crittenden's,  66;  special 
committee  of  Congress  on,  63;  report 
of  resolutions  by  committee,  68 ;  adop 
tion  of  the  resolutions,  70. 


Confederacy — organization  of  the  Bebefr 
Government,  59;  objects  of  the  Con 
federacy  stated  by  Mr.  Stephens,  62. 

Confiscation  Bill,  153 ;  debate  in  Con 
gress  on,  196;  its  provisions,  199; 
supplementary  resolution,  200;  mes 
sage  approving,  201. 

Congress,  appoints  committee  on  Com 
promise,  6S  ;  adoption  of  Compromise 
resolution,  70;  action  on  amendment 
of  Constitution,  70  ;  action  on  Critten- 
den  resolution  and  Peace  Conference, 
76;  meeting  in  extra  Session,  July  4, 
1861,  138;  adoption  of  resolution  on 
the  objects  of  the  War,  152;  bills  on 
confiscation — employment  of  slaves, 
153;  meeting  in  December,  1861,  162; 
effect  of  Bulfliun  defeat  on  legislative 
action  of,  181 ;  abolishes  slavery  in 
Territories,  133;  abolishes  slavery  in 
District  Columbia,  183;  approves  com 
pensated  emancipation,  1»6;  debate  on 
Confiscation  Bill,  196;  the  Currency 
Bill,  195;  meeting,  December,  1S62, 
303;  debate  on  arbitrary  arrests,  327; 
admission  of  members  from  Louisiana, 
336;  meeting,  December,  1S63,  416; 
debates  of,  1863,  434 ;  action  on  slavery, 
435,;  passage  of  Conscription  Bill,  33L 

Constitution,  amendment  forbidding  in 
terference  with  slavery,  70;  amend 
ment  abolishing  slavery,  435. 

Crittemlen  Compromise,  66 ;  resolution 
declaring  the  objects  of  the  War,  152. 

Curtis,  General,  appointed  to  command 
in  Missouri,  398 ;  his  removal,  399. 


Democratic  Party,  its  position  at  time  of 
election,  1860,54;  success  in  State  elec 
tions  of  1862,  defeat  in  1863,  414. 


England,  instructions  to  our  Minister  at 
outbreak  of  the  Rebellion,  133;  protest 
against  her  recognition  of  the  Kebels 
as  belligerents,  135;  the  Trent  affair, 
162  ;  stoppage  of  rebel  rams,  441. 

Emancipation.  President's  reply  to  Chi 
cago  Committee  on,  212 ;  Proclamation 


494 


INDEX. 


of  September,  1S62,  215;  Proclamation 
of  January,  1808,  218;  in  Missouri, 
397. 

Eire-lion  of  President,  53;  State  elec 
tions  of  1862,  State  elections  of  1863, 
414 


Fremont,  appointed  to  Department  of 
the  West,  order  of  emancipation,  393; 
President's  revocation  of  order,  161 ; 
removal  from  command  of  Western 
Department,  894;  agreement  with 
Price,  894;  popular  demonstrations  in 
favor  of,  896;  asks  to  be  relieved,  '268. 

Fi-anee,  offer  of  mediation,  297  ;  reply  of 
Mr.  Seward,  29  b ;  our  relations  with, 
444. 

Florida,  expedition  of  General  Gillmoiv, 
457  ;  defeat  at  Olustee,  458. 

Greeley,  President  Lincoln's  letter  to, 
'210. 

Gettysburg,  battle  of,  879 ;  President's 
proclamation  of  victory,  381;  dedica 
tion  of  Cemetery,  381. 

Grant,  General,  siege  and  capture  of 
Vicksburg,  882;  appointment  as  Lieu- 
tenant-Generul,  4oO. 

Hunter,  General,  his  order  abolishing 
slavery  in.  South  Carolina,  188;  Lin 
coln's  letter  to,  in  Missouri,  394. 

Halleck,  letter  to  McClellan  on  the  neces 
sity  of  aiding  Pope,  260;  letter  about 
his  leaving  the  Peninsula,  260;  orders 
McClellan  to  advance  after  Anlietam, 
280;  letter  about  fugitive  slaves,  292. 

Habeas  Corpus,  iirst  instance  of  suspen 
sion,  341 ;  action  of  the  Government, 
339;  proclamation  suspending,  348; 
proclamation  on  subject,  367. 

Hooker,  General,  succeeds  General  Burn- 
side  in  Army  of  Potomac,  377 ;  is  re 
lieved  from  command,  379. 


Invasion — proposed  rebel  invasion  of  the 
North,  129;  invasion  of  Pennsylvania 
by  General  Lee,  378. 


Kilpntrick— raid  to  Richmond,  459. 
Knoxville,  siege  of,  raised,  390. 


%  Lincoln,  Abraham,  life  and  career,  13; 
nomination  at  Chicago,  45;  election  to 
the  Presidency,  53;  speech  at  Spring 
field,  78;  at  Tolono,  79;  at  Indiana 
polis.  79;  before  Legislature  of  Indi 
ana,  80 ;  at  Cincinnati,  81 ;  at  Columbus, 
88;  atSteubenville.  84;  at  Pittsbun:.  S4; 
before  Common  Council  of  Pittsburg, 


85;  at  Cleveland.  83;  at  Buffalo,  89;  at 
Rochester,  91 ;  at  Utica,  92;  at  Albany, 
92;  at  Troy,  94;  at  Hudson.  95;  at 
Poughkeepsie,  95;  at  Peekskill,  96;  at 
Astor  House,  New  York,  96;  to  Re 
publican  Association,  97;  at  City  Hall, 
99;  at  Jersey  City,  100;  at  Newark, 
100;  at  Trenton,  101;  at  Philadelphia, 
103;  at  Independence  Hall,  104;  at 
Lam-aster.  106;  at  Harrisburg,  106; 
at  Washington,  109;  at  Washington, 
about  McClellan,  286;  at  serenade  in 
Washington,  Sept.  24.  1*62,  306;  at  fair 
in  Washington,  465;  at  fair  in  Balti-- 
more,  466;  to  workingrnen  of  New 
York,  463;  at  Gettysburg.  381;  at 
Washington,  on  victories  of  Gettys 
burg  and  Vicksbunr,  385;  departure 
for  Washington.  108;  inauguration,  111; 
inaugural  address,  112;  message,  extra 
session,  July,  1861,  188;  First  Annual 
Message,  Dee.,  1861,  165;  message  rec 
ommending  aid  to  States  emancipating 
slaves,  184;  message  approving  bill 
to  abolish  slavery  in  District  of  Co 
lumbia,  184;  message  approving  confis 
cation  bill,  201 ;  message  on  blockade  ' 
of  Southern  ports,  208;  second  annual 
message,  1862,  808;  message  recom 
mending  aid  for  emancipation,  319; 
message  on  the  currency,  332 ;  third  an 
nual  message.  1863,  416;  proclamation 
for  75,000  troops,  123  ;  of  blockade,  128 : 
revoking  Gen.  Hunters  order,  188;  of 
emancipation,  September,  1862,215;  of 
emancipation,  January,  1863,  218;  for 
Thanksgiving,  April  10,  1862,  289;  to 
the  rebels,  294;  concerning  the  Sab 
bath,  806;  suspending  habeas  corpus, 
318,  367;  about  nation*!  forces  bill, 
369 ;  of  victory  at  Gettysburg,  381 ; 
for  Thanksgiving,  July,  1863,  386; 
Thanksgiving  for  victories  in  East 
Tennessee,  390;  Thanksgiving,  Oct.  3, 
1863,  890;  'acclamation  of  amnesty, 
430;  explanatory  proclamation  of  am 
nesty,  483;  for  300.000  volunteers,  486; 
letter  to  Gov.  Hicks,  of  Md.,  125;  to 
Gov.  Bradforo,  of  Md.,  126;  to  Gen. 
Fremont  revoking  his  order,  161 ;  to 
H.  Greeley,  210;  to  McClellan  concern 
ing  an  advance  on  Richmond,  224;  to 
M.-CK-llan  about  retaining  Blenker, 
229 ;  to  McClellan  about  strength  of  his 
army,  282 ;  to  McClellan  about  McDow 
ell.  -}:>7;  to  McClellan  about  withhold 
ing  McDowell,  240 ;  to  McClellan  about 
Jackson,  241 ;  to  McClellan  about  Han 
over  Junction.  248 ;  in  reply  to  McClel 
lan,  250;  about  re-enforcements  after 
seven  days'  battles.  253 ;  on  the  strength 
of  McClcllan'sarrny,  257;  to  McClellan 
after  Anlietam,  279;  to  McClellan  about 
horses,  2S3;  to  .Fernando  Wood,  805;  to 
committee  of  Albany  meeting,  354;  to 
committee  of  Ohio  Convention.  362 ;  to 


IXDEX. 


495 


Gov.  Seymour  on  the  draft,  372 ;  second 
letter  on  same  subject,  374;  dispr.tches 
to  Chicago,  375;  letter  of  thanks  to 
Gen.  Grant,  386;  to  Gen.  Hunter  on 
taking  command  in  Missouri,  394:  to 
Gen.  Sehofield,  399 ;  to  committee  from 
Missouri,  4o3 ;  on  church  quarrels  in 
Missouri,  409;  to  Union  convention  in 
Illinois,  411 ;  on  payment  of  bounties, 
136;  to  House  of  Representatives  on 
Gen.  Blair,  439;  on  aiding  people  of 
East  Tennessee.  440;  to  editor  of  N.  A. 
Review,  449;  to  Gov.  Shepley  on  elect 
ing  members  of  Congress  in  La.,  452 ; 
to  Gen.  Steele,  of  Arkansas.  455;  about 
Arkansas  Convention,  456;  to  Gen. 
Gillmore  about  Florida,  457;  to  work- 
ingme.n  of  Manchester,  461 ;  to  work- 
ingmen  of  London,  462>;  to  working- 
men  of  N.  Y.,  463  :  to  Christian  Com 
mission,  465;  to  Mr.  Hodge,  of  Ken 
tucky,  4S1 ;  to  Gov.  Magortin.  of  Ky. 
( App'.).  492 ;  to  Gen.  McClellan  on  the 
formation  of  army  corps  (App.),  494; 
interview  with  authorities  of  Aid.,  127; 
address  to  members  of  Congress  from 
Border  States.  190 ;  reply  to  Commis 
sioners  of  Virginia,  131 ;  remarks  on  ar 
rest  of  Md.  Legislature,  344;  draft  of  a 
bill  to  aid  emancipation,  194:  reply  to 
Chicago  committee  on  emancipation  of 
slaves.  212;  interview  with  radicals  of 
Missouri,  400 ;  reappoihtment  of  Gen. 
Blair,  439 ;  declines  to  recognize  Km- 

^  pire  of  Mexico,  447;  theory  of  recon 
struction.  449 ;  reply  to  application  of 
Louisiana  planters,  454 ;  interview  with 
colored  men  at  Washington, 468;  mem 
oranda  concerning  an  advance  of  the 
armies  in  1S61,  (App.)  491;  order  for 
advance  of  U.  S.  armies,  223;  for  ad 
vance  of  Army  of  Potomac,  224 ;  to 
leave  Washington  properly  defended, 
226;  authorized  to  issue  letters  of 
marque,  337 ;  general  estimate  of  his 
policy,  476. 

Louisiana,  admission  of  members  of  Con 
gress,  336;  movements  for  re^organiza- 
tion,  452;  President's  letter  to  Gov. 
Shep'.ey,  452;  application  for  authority 
to  calfa  Convention,  453;  application 
of  planters  to  the  President,  453  ;  Pres 
ident's  reply.  454  ;  Gen.  Banks's  pro 
clamation  ordering  an  election,  454; 
election  of  Gov.  Hahn,  455. 


Meade,  Gen.,  succeeds  Hooker,  379 ;  lights 
at  Gettysburg,  380. 

Mexico,  the  new  empire,  444;  Mr.  Sew- 
ard's  letter  on.  445 ;  President  declines 
to  recognize,  447 ;  resolution  of  House 
of  Representatives,  448. 

McClellan,  appointed  commander-in- 
chief,  222 ;  report  of  rebel  strength  at 
York  town,  230;  movement  to  the 
Cliickahominy,  236;  reports  of  Wil- 
liainsburg,  235:  wants  McDowell  to 
join  him  by  water,  238:  letter  of  ad-" 
vice  to  the  "President,  250;  ordered  to 
withdraw  from  the  Peninsula,  259;  or 
dered  to  superintend  forwarding  of  re- 
enforcements  to  Pope,  263;  his  failure 
to  aid  Pope,  264;  suggests  that  Pope 
be  left  to  "get  out  of  his  scrape,"1  271  • 
stops  Franklin's  advance,  272;  failure 
to  pursue  Lee  after  Antietam,  279- 
ordered  to  advance,  2SO ;  letter  to  Pres 
ident  about  Gen.  Scott,  488;  advises  a 
draft  in  1861,  490. 

Missouri,  condition  of  the  State  at  out 
break  of  the  rebellion,  392  ;  emancipa 
tion  in,  397;  appointment  of  Gen.  Cur 
tis,  K98;  President's  dispatch  about, 
398 ;  Gen.  Schofield's  appointment,  399 ; 
President's  instructions  to,  407  ;  his 
removal.  408;  President's  interview 
•with  radicals  of,  401 ;  abolition  of  slave 
ry  in,  401 ;  mass  convention,  402  ;  Pres 
ident's  letter  to  Mo.  committee,  403; 
President's  letter  on  church  contests, 
404;  President's  letter  to  Gen.  Hunter, 
394. 


National  Milttin-w-passage  of  the  con 
scription  bill,  331;  its  provisions,  368; 
President's  proclamation  concerning, 
369 ;  draft  and  riots  in  N.  Y.,  371 ;  Gov. 
Seymour's  correspondence  with  the 
President,  372:  President's  dispatches 
to  Chicago,  375. 


Ohio — nomination  of  Vallandigham  for 
Governor,  362;  his  defeat,  414. 

Peace  Conference,  its  action,  71 ;  action 
of  Congress  on  it,  76. 

Presidential  Election,  popular  and  elec 
toral  vote,  55. 


Mosruder.  the  robel   general's  report  of 
rebel  strength  at  Yorktown.  233. 

Maryland,  passage  of  troops  through  Bal 
timore,    125 ;  'President's  correspond 
ence  with  Gov.  Hicks,  125;  President's  • 
interview  with  authorities.  127 ;  arrest 
of  members  of  the  Legislature,  344. 

Maynard,  Hon    Horace,  reply  to  Presi 
dent's  address  on  emancipation,  194. 


Eeconstruction,  President's  movements 
towards  and  message  on,  416;  letter 
to  N.  A.  Keview,  449 ;  proclamation 
for,451 ;  movements  towards,  in  Louisi 
ana,  452  ;  movements  in  Arkansas,  457. 

Riots  in  N.  Y.,  371. 


Scott,  retirement  of  General,  156 ;  letter  to 


496 


INDEX. 


Secretary  of  War  about  McGlellan 
(Ann.),  487 ;  second  letter  on  same  sub 
ject,  489. 

Schoftold,  appointment  to  Western  De 
partment,  399  ;  President's  instructions 
to,  407 ;  removal  from  command,  408. 

Secession  conspiracy  at  Washington,  58; 
Mr.  Stephens's  speech  against  it,  60. 

Secession  of  South  Carolina,  57. 

Secession  of  Virginia,  132. 

Sevvard,  instructions  to  our  minister  in 
England,  133;  reply  to  French  offer  of 
mediation.  298 ;  diplomacy  of  1863,441 ; 
letter  to  Mr.  Adams  on  danger  of  war 
with  England,  442  ;  letter  on  the  Mex 
ican  question,  445. 

Seymour,  Gov.  of  N.  Y.,  correspondence 
with  President  on  the  draft.  -372. 

Sherman,  General,  expedition  from 
Vicksburg,  459. 

Slavery  and  Slaves — relations  of  slavery 
to  the  rebellion,  151  ;  employment  of 
slaves,  bill  in  regard  to,  153 ;  President's 
views  regarding  fugitive  slaves,  158; 
abolition  in  Territories,  183 ;  abolition 
in  District  of  Columbia,  183 ;  resolution 
approving  President's  policy  of  aiding 
emancipation  in  States,  186;  adoption 
in  both  Houses,  187;  negroes  author 
ized  to  be  employed  in  army,  204;  ac 
tion  of  military  commanders  concern 
ing,  291  ;  Halleck's  letter  about  slaves, 
29-2. 

States,  relation  of  rebel  States  to  the 
general  government,  329. 

Slate  Prisoners,  executive  order  relative 


to,  845;  order  releasing,  850;  appoint 
ment  of  a  commission  on,  847;  case  of 
Vallandigham,  351. 

Stephens,  A.  H.,  speech  against  seces 
sion,  60;  statement  of  objects  of  the 
Confederacy,  62. 

Sumter,   bombardment  of  Fort,  122. 


Taussig,  James,  his  account  of  an  inter 
view  with  the  President,  401. 


Vallandigham,  his  arrest,  trial,  and  sen 
tence,  351 ;  President's  letter  to  Alba 
ny  meeting  concerning,  354;  Presi 
dent's  letter  to  Ohio  meeting  concern 
ing,  362 ;  nominated  for  Governor  of 
Ohio,  362  ;  is  defeated,  414. 

Vicksburg — siege  and  surrender,  882. 

Virginia,  secession  of,  132;  Lincoln's 
reply  to  commissioners,  181 ;  admis 
sion  of  Western  Virginia,  834. 


War — Crittendcn  resolution  declaring  its 

objects,  152. 
War   Department — order  for  protection 

of  Washington,  228;  order  for  seizure 

of  rebel  property,  294. 


Yorktown— McClellan'a  report  of  rebel 
strength,  230 ;  Magruder's  report,  233 ; 


evacuation  o 


1  ,       >'«'Vii 

f,  234 


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24  1946 


NUV 


1  94 


NOV  29  194S 


JAiT~9~l947 


REC  D  LD 


JUL8    1963 


LD  21-100m-8,'34 


tOAN  DEPT. 


LD  62A-50m-2  '64 
(E3494slO)94l2A 


.  General  Library 

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